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Chapter 10: The Mormon Defense of Far West

By Alexander L. Baugh
book cover
A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri
Page 135

The activities conducted by the Mormons against the citizens of Daviess County during October and the Crooked River Battle in northern Ray County created a general panic in Missouri’s northwestern counties. Non-Mormon settlers, particularly those living in Ray and eastern Clinton counties, believed they would be the next target of Mormon aggression and flocked to Richmond for safety. Meanwhile, the Mormons, expecting reprisals and possible counterattacks from their antagonists, immediately began moving into Far West. This mobilization set the stage for the final showdown at Far West.

Following nearly three months of civil unrest, when Governor Boggs finally declared all-out war on the Mormons, the general feeling among state and military officials was that the offensive might last for some time. The fact that troops from seven divisions were called out was not only meant as a show of strength and force, but also an indication that a full-scale conflict was anticipated.1 Certainly, no one would have guessed that the Mormons would give up so easily and the conflict would be over less than a week after the governor issued his edict. In the end, twenty-[299]five hundred state troops moved against the Mormons in order to bring about their submission, and another sixteen hundred arrived after the capitulation to assist in carrying out the terms of the surrender. Another estimated three to four thousand men were en route to Far West when peace was established, but because the conflict had come to an end, these were discharged and did not see any action.

 

Vigilantes and Missouri Troops Mobilize

By the end of October, there was only one active vigilante force operating against the Mormons in western Caldwell County. It was comprised of a band of approximately two hundred men from Clinton and Platte counties led by an itinerant preacher, Cornelius Gilliam, the former Clay County sheriff, who at the time was a state senator. During October, Gilliam and his men had established a camp at a location known as Hunter’s Mill on Grindstone Creek west of Caldwell County. From this position they conducted a number of raids against isolated Mormon settlers living in western Daviess County. However, after the Mormon “cleansing” of Daviess, most Mormon families moved into Diahman, so Gilliam and his forces shifted their attacks against Mormons living in western Caldwell County.2 The Clinton and Platte rabble distinguished themselves from other vigilante groups and militia companies by painting their faces with red and black paint to look like Indians, with Gilliam calling himself the Delaware Chief.3 [300]

During the last days of October, Gilliam’s zest to drive the Latter-day Saints from the region was fueled by the report that the Mormons had burned out some of his relatives during their raids in Daviess County. It did not matter to him that he had been engaged in house-burnings against the Mormons before they had conducted theirs. His daughter Nee Martha Elizabeth Gilliam wrote, “He wasn’t very strong on turning the other cheek. If a man hit him on one cheek he would think he was struck by an earthquake or a cyclone before he got time to hit father on the other cheek.” She also said that her father believed it was his religious duty to drive the Mormons from the state. “Father believed the Bible, particularly where it said smite the Philistines, and he figured the Philistines was a misprint for the Mormons and he believed it was his religious duty to smite them. He believed they should be exterminated root and branch. He was a great hand to practice what he preached so he helped exterminate quite a considerable few of them.”4

In addition to Gilliam’s movements and activities, the Mormons received word that a large body of men were gathering in Ray County. At the time, the Latter-day Saints were unaware that this force was actually the regional militia assembling under the command of David R. Atchison. Therefore, to protect themselves, Caldwell County’s Mormon judge, Elias Higbee, authorized Colonel George M. Hinkle to call out the Caldwell militia in order to operate against Gilliam’s [301] marauders and guard the county against a possible invasion from what was believed to be a hostile enemy force in Ray.5

To check what he perceived as wholesale civil unrest among the citizens in Missouri’s northwestern counties, Atchison, the senior military officer in the region, employed a force of eighteen hundred men and proceeded to Richmond to curb any further possible disturbances. More than likely, Circuit Court Judge Austin A. King authorized the call-out.6 He was assisted by Samuel D. Lucas, also a major general in command of the forces from Jackson and Lafayette districts, but under Atchison; Brigadier Generals Alexander Doniphan from Clay, and Hiram G. Parks from Ray. In a letter written by Atchison and Doniphan on August 28 to Colonel R. B. Mason, commander of the U.S. Dragoons at Ft. Leavenworth, the two state officers described the state of affairs:

We regret that the State of the country in upper Missouri is such as to make it necessary for each man to become a soldier; and each town to be guarded to protect them from arson and plunder. The citizens of Daviess, Carroll, and some other northern counties have raised mob after mob for the last two months for the purpose of driving a community of . . . Mormons from those counties and from the state. Those things have at length goaded the Mormons into a state of desperation. . . . This places the citizens of this whole community in the unpleasant attitude that the civil and decent part of the community have now to engage in war to arrest a torrent that has been let loose by a cowardly mob, and from which they have dastardly fled on the first show of danger. . . . [302] Under this state of the case the Militia has been ordered out from each Regiment in the Division.7

Unfortunately for Atchison, he would not be able to direct the peace-keeping operation since Boggs had other plans. On October 30, he received word that the governor had relieved him of his command.

 

Atchison’s Dismissal

The events culminating in Atchison’s dismissal began on October 22. On this date, Atchison wrote the governor concerning the reports he had received about the recent disturbances taking place in Daviess County. In the letter he said he believed that nothing would satisfy the parties opposed to the Mormons except driving them from that county. However, he further explained that he did not feel the militia should have any part in such an action because it would be illegal. “If the Mormons are to be driven from their homes, let it be done without any color of law,” he wrote, “let it be done by volunteers [i.e. vigilante forces] acting upon their own responsibilities.”8 Boggs felt otherwise. By the last week in October, the governor had apparently had enough of the Mormon problem, and on October 26, despite Atchison’s recommendations, decided to take aggressive action, calling for three thousand five hundred men to be raised to [303] march against the Mormons in Daviess County and restore order. Recognizing Atchison’s neutral position, Boggs relieved him of his command, choosing Major-General John B. Clark from Howard County to take charge of the operation.9 As discussed previously, on October 27 (the day after Clark’s appointment), reports of the Crooked River engagement reached Jefferson City. The events surrounding the battle led Boggs to come down even harder against the Latter-day Saints by changing the previous order—that of regaining control in Daviess County—to that of extermination or removal.10

There are at least two explanations why the governor replaced Atchison with Clark. Boggs later said he put Clark in command because Atchison was a member of the legislature and it was necessary that he attend to those duties.11 However, this explanation was merely a smoke screen to justify the change. The governor was fully aware of Atchison’s previous connections and association with the Latter-day Saints and believed the general’s sentiments towards the Mormons, in addition to his sense of fairness and impartiality, might get in the way of his overall objective—that of wholesale expulsion.12 Philo Dibble wrote, “The governor, thinking Atchison was too [304] friendly towards the Saints, took his command from him and placed General Clark in command of the militia.”13 Boggs would never admit this outright, but later hinted that this was one reason for the dismissal. In writing General Clark about the reason for the change, the state’s chief executive informed the commander a change was expedient because “there was much dissatisfaction manifested towards him [i.e. Atchison] by the people opposed to the Mormons.”14 No one opposed the Mormons more than Boggs himself, and by the end of October, Boggs’ own dissatisfaction with Atchison’s military policies towards the Mormons justified his dismissal.

Clark later felt that the decision to give him command was political. He believed that Boggs was actually trying to cover his political bases, just in case things did not turn out as he expected. “I was a Whig,” he wrote, “and of course opposed to Boggs [who was a Democrat]. If the campaign turned out wrong, Boggs wanted to lay the blame on the Whig party.”15 The [305] governor’s plan was simple. He wanted the military to do the dirty work and remove the Mormons. If the expulsion proved successful, he could take the credit. If the plan backfired, he could lay responsibility on the shoulders of his new general and the Whigs. However, Clark seemed to have been aware of the governor’s political manuverings. Therefore, to ensure that the governor would not be able to attach sole responsibility of the campaign’s possible failure upon the Whigs, Clark selected his staff and field officers from among those in the Democratic ranks.16

On October 30, while camped on Log Creek, seven miles south of Far West, Atchison and Lucas received word of the governor’s October 26 and 27 directives, both of which clearly indicated Clark was being put in charge.17 Significantly, in the October 26 order to march on Daviess County, Atchison’s 3rd Division was purposely passed over. In the extermination order issued on October 27, the governor reactivated Brigadier Generals Parks and Doniphan from Atchison’s Division, but not Atchison himself. Recognizing that Clark was then in command of [306] any further operations, which also included authority over his two brigade officers, the Clay County commander retired and returned to his home in Liberty.18

With Atchison gone, Lucas took it upon himself to take over command of the regional militia until Clark arrived.19 The partisan Jackson County anti-Mormon general naturally assumed he was in charge for at least two reasons. First, he considered himself the highest-ranking officer then in the field, holding the rank of major-general (the same as Atchison), as well as being a [307] division commander (although not in Atchison’s district). Second, the governor’s October 26 order activated his 4th Division, directing Lucas and his men to the scene of the difficulty. Thus, with Clark not present, Atchison dismissed, and his own division ordered out, Lucas felt it was not only his duty to take over temporary command of the Mormon operation, but also to move ahead with the campaign, rather than to wait for Clark’s arrival.

Significantly, Boggs later reprimanded Lucas for taking over command of the campaign and negotiating the terms of surrender. In writing General Clark, the governor stated, “I regret very much to hear that Gen. Lucas has been guilty of disobedience of orders. . . . Gen. Lucas was not ordered out at all, except . . . [that] he was directed to cause four hundred men of his Division to be raised, and place them under the command of a Brig. General, with the privilege, if he thought proper, to waive his rank as Major General, and take [a] Brig. General’s command.”20 In other words, Lucas was not authorized to exercise command as a major general from within Atchison’s district, but could have only held the rank of brigadier general.21 [308]

 

Lucas Marches on Far West

Following Atchison’s departure on October 30, Lucas went into action and pushed towards Far West. “With an army of this magnitude, I could not think of lying idle and inactive,” he later wrote.22 At the time, the Latter-day Saints were still unaware exactly who was gathering against them in the southern part of the county—vigilantes or state militia. In order to observe their movements and determine their intentions, a mounted scouting party commanded by Colonel George M. Hinkle had been sent out from Far West the day previously, comprised of one hundred and fifty to two hundred men.23 Sometime during the day of October 30, about five miles south of Far West, both forces discovered each other. “Truly we were in a terrifying condition,” Edward Stevenson wrote, with “an army of . . . well armed men between us an our city. . . . After due deliberation our conclusion was that the best possible chance for us was to retreat [back to Far West].”24 When Lucas was appraised that a Mormon force was in the vicinity, he immediately dispatched two companies under General Moses Wilson to try to cut off their retreat [309] while the rest of the Missouri militia continued their march northward. However, Hinkle completely fooled both Wilson and Lucas. Rather than making a direct retreat, the Mormon colonel and his men made “a circuitous route, to Far West, passing [around] the rear of the enemy.”25

While Colonel Hinkle’s company had been out on patrol, those men who remained in the Mormon capital looked to Joseph Smith for military leadership.26 During the day, the Mormon Prophet delivered a stirring address at the public square, encouraging the men to defend their families, homes, and property. At the conclusion of his remarks, companies were formed and the men marched to the south end of town where they took up their positions. “[We] formed in line of battle, in single column,” Ebenezer Robinson remembered,” [and] stretched out as far as we could.” He further remarked that by stationing the men several feet apart, “to an observer at a distance, we made a very formidable appearance.”27

As Lucas and the main company of Missouri militia advanced toward Far West, patrol companies captured a number of Mormons who had not moved into Far West. “An advance guard and reconnoitering parties [were sent out] . . . with orders to bring in all the stragglers they found that couldn’t give a good account of themselves,” wrote Joseph Thorp, a member of the state [310] militia. “Our reconnoitering parties picked up a good many of them and brought them into our lines, . . . some were killed—how many I presume no one knows. . . . One thing we all knew, there was a great deal of shooting done with our advance guard.”28

John Tanner and his twelve-year-old son Myron had been grinding corn at a grist mill situated several miles from their home when they were accosted by one of the patrols. As the guard approached, Tanner sensed trouble and instructed Myron to run for safety. The boy dodged into the brush and watched as his father was confronted by the company. The militia captain, Myer Odel, actually shot at Tanner but his gun failed to discharge. This so enraged the officer that he struck him on the head with the butt of his gun, inflicting a wound several inches long, leaving his skull bare, and covering him in blood. The force of the blow could have easily produced his death; however, at the time, he was wearing a heavy felt hat which partially suppressed the impact. He was next taken prisoner and detained overnight when he was then allowed to return home.29 Tanner would have likely remained in custody longer had it not been for the fact that he was released in order to transport a wounded Mormon, William Carey, back to Far West. Like John Tanner, Carey was also accosted by the advance guard and treated in much the same fashion, also [311] receiving a blow to the head. However, the injury broke his skull and proved fatal. He died shortly after Tanner brought him back to Far West.30

While the advance guard was on patrol, the main force of the Missouri militia reached Goose Creek, one mile south of the Mormon community. Here Lucas set up camp and established his field headquarters.31 At this juncture they received word that the Mormon scouting force had successfully eluded Wilson and was approaching Far West from the east. Doniphan asked for permission to allow his brigade to try intercept them, and his request was granted. “[They] started off at nearly full speed to accomplish the order,” Lucas wrote, “but the Mormons succeeded in reaching [Far West].”32 Amasa Lyman reported, “We entered Far West from the east near night, [312] and joined our brethren, already formed in line of defence on the south of the city.”33 Edward Stevenson wrote that their return caused considerable excitement. “Our company coming into Far West on the gallop, created quite a sensation, as we were mistaken for the enemy,” he wrote. “We, however, soon proved ourselves to be friends, and were just in time to extend the line already formed in defense of the city.”34

After failing to block the retreat of the Mormon scouting company, Doniphan advanced within two hundred yards of the Mormon defenses on the southern end of Far West. “The Mormons beat us [back to Far West], and had formed their line between us and town,” wrote Joseph Thorp, a member of Doniphan’s company. “We climbed the hill, formed our line right in front and not more than a [few] hundred yards from them, awaiting orders, and expecting every moment to see the smoke and hear the report of their guns.”35 However, the general’s pursuit of Hinkle and his company was not intended to be hostile. Ever the peace-keeper, and believing he had the confidence of the Mormon officers and leaders, Doniphan had hoped to catch up to Hinkle, after which he planned to inform them of the reasons for the presence of the army, and then negotiate a solution. However, when the Mormons hoisted a white flag from behind their lines, the Clay County commander withdrew his men and returned to the main encampment on [313] Goose Creek.36

When Hinkle and his cavalry returned to Far West, he once again took charge of the Latter-day Saint forces. Fearful that any show of defense might result in a collision between the two sides, Hinkle ordered the men on the front line to pull back. This caused the Mormon Prophet to question the colonel’s actions. “Joseph Smith rode up and upbraded me for such an order,” Hinkle later recalled, “and told me it should not be done . . . [and] then ordered the men to stand.” In defiance, Hinkle left the troops altogether and returned to his home in Far West, leaving Joseph Smith in charge once again.37

The Missouri militia soon dispatched a small envoy to the Mormon line requesting that Adam Lightner, John Cleminson, and their families be allowed to leave Far West. Both men were non-Mormons, as well as Cleminson’s wife, but Lightner’s spouse, Mary Elizabeth Rollins, was [314] a Latter-day Saint. The two couples subsequently met with the militia officers, who explained to them that they anticipated attacking the city, but because they were non-Mormons, they were being given the opportunity to leave for their own safety. Both families chose to remain with the Saints in Far West.38

A few hours into the stand-off, with Hinkle having retired from the scene, Charles C. Rich was dispatched to try to hold a meeting with Doniphan, but he was almost killed in the attempt. While riding to the militia encampment, bearing a white flag of truce, he was shot at close range by the Ray County captain, Samuel Bogart. Although uninjured, his first reaction was to take aim and fire back. “I drew my pistol to shoot him but the voice of the spirit plainly manifested to my mind, that if I did . . . it would be the means of exasperating our enemies, and of causing them to take revenge by killing my brethren.”39 Rather than retaliate, he continued on and made his way to Doniphan’s encampment where he was permitted to hold a brief meeting with the Clay County General. Doniphan informed him about Atchison’s dismissal and assured him that he had no plans [315] of attacking the community. However, he also told Rich that he could not make any promises concerning any actions Cornelius Gilliam and his company might take against them.40

Later that evening, Reed Peck, Hinkle’s adjutant and a commissioned lieutenant in the state militia, went to Joseph Smith and offered to go to Doniphan’s militia encampment to see if some peaceful arrangement could be reached between the two parties. The Prophet agreed to Peck’s proposal and gave him instructions to tell Doniphan that the Mormons desired a compromise. Riding a horse and bearing a white flag, Peck rode directly into the encampment and requested an interview with the Clay commander. During the course of their conversation, the general agreed to meet with several Mormon officers the following morning at eight a.m. at a point between Far West and the army position “to see what could be done.”41 To insure the legality of his course, and distrustful of what Lucas might possibly do, Doniphan sent word to Richmond requesting that Circuit Court Judge Austin King come to the scene of the difficulties.42

Still fearful of a possible attack by the militia, the Mormon men spent most of the night erecting a defense wall on the southern edge of the community. “We set to work with all our might and threw up a breast work of such material as we could get,” wrote William Draper, “house logs, plies, wagons, boards slabs, and wagon boxes and other materials such as we could gather through the night, and when morning came we had about a half or three quarters of a mile of beautiful breast work, considering our circumstances.”43 Throughout the night, the hustle and [316] bustle of activity by the Caldwell militia caused the Missouri troops on the front line to believe the Mormons were attacking, and several times state troops were called to arms, but each time the warning proved to be a false alarm.44

On the morning of October 31, at the appointed hour, a small Missouri militia guard bearing a white flag emerged from the woods. During the night, Hinkle and Joseph Smith successfully resolved their differences, with the colonel agreeing to once again take charge of the Mormon troops and head up the negotiations. Hinkle, along with Reed Peck and John Corrill rode out carrying their own white flag and soon met up with Doniphan and several other militia [317] officers.45 “They met in our sight, wrote William Draper, “but we could not hear what passed between the parties; but they all went to the enemies camp together.”46 Discussion centered around the governor’s extermination order. However, Doniphan did not have a copy of the order in hand, but knew Lucas had one and expected it would be conveyed or communicated to the Mormons. The Clay County general also informed them that Atchison had been relieved of command, and that General Lucas of Jackson County had taken charge of the operation until General Clark arrived.47 Before withdrawing, Hinkle asked for a meeting with Lucas, which request Doniphan later conveyed to the general at the main encampment of the militia on Goose Creek. Hinkle, Peck, and Corrill then returned to the Mormon line where they related to Joseph Smith what Doniphan had reported and waited for a response from Lucas.

Meanwhile, approximately seven hundred additional men arrived on the scene so that by midday the militia numbered in the vicinity of twenty-five hundred men.48 Part of the reinforcements consisted of Neil Gilliam’s vigilante outfit from Clinton and Platte counties, who [318] joined ranks with the state troops.49 Lucas later stated that he was “so much engaged in receiving and encamping fresh troops, who were hourly coming in,” that he could not break away to negotiate. However, the general finally sent word to the Mormon camp that he would meet with the Mormon delegation at two p.m. on the “eminence” just south of Far West.50

While waiting for the arrival of Lucas, a messenger from the Haun’s Mill settlement arrived in Far West bearing information about the massacre that had taken place the previous afternoon.51 News of the tragedy rocked the entire Mormon community, and further demonstrated to the Latter-day Saints the extent to which the anti-Mormon element would go to in order to bring about the Mormon removal. The slaughter also brought the Mormon leaders to the shocking realization that they were in a “no win” situation. With the state now aligned against them, the chances of a Mormon victory were virtually non-existent. True, they could choose to defend themselves and possibly hold out for a short period of time, but this would only result in the additional loss of Mormon life and resources.

Recognizing the gravity of the situation and that the Missouri troops held a distinct advantage over them, Church leaders concluded that a settlement or treaty must be reached. To assist in the peace talks, two additional men were added to the Mormon negotiation party, W. W. Phelps and Arthur Morrison, bringing the total number in the Mormon commission to five.52 [319] Significantly, four of the five men were commissioned officers in the Missouri militia. John Corrill was the only one not attached to the military, but he was a state official, serving as Caldwell’s elected representative in the Missouri legislature. Thus, it is clear that Church leaders wanted the entire affair to be conducted and negotiated by the proper military and civil authorities.53 Upon meeting with Church leaders, the Mormon delegation was given only general guidelines concerning how to proceed. Hinkle stated they were to seek peace “on any terms short of battle.”54 John Corrill remembered Joseph Smith telling him to “beg like a dog for peace, and afterwards said he would rather go to States-prison for twenty years, or would rather die himself than have the people exterminated.”55

Shortly before two p.m., Lucas arrived at Doniphan’s camp on the front line, accompanied by his staff and Brigadier Generals Wilson and Graham. At the appointed time both sides rode out to meet each other, each bearing a white flag. Upon meeting the five-man Mormon delegation, Lucas read the governor’s October 27 directive and supplied them with a copy.56 Even though [320] earlier that morning Doniphan had informed Hinkle, Corrill, and Peck what the order contained, when it was read to them, they were shocked by its severity. “This order greatly agitated my mind. I expected we should be exterminated without fail,” Corrill wrote. “There lay three thousand men, highly excited and full of vengeance, and it was as much as the officers could do to keep them off from us anyhow; and they now had authority from the executive to exterminate, with orders to cut off our retreat, and the word Mormons, I thought, included innocent as well as guilty; so of course there was no escape for any. These were my first reflections on hearing the order.”57 Corrill had interpreted the order to mean that the state militia had authorization to destroy every Latter-day Saint man, woman, and child, hence his dismay. When the governor’s October 27 order was received by the generals in the field, they interpreted it to mean that if the Mormons refused to leave the state, annihilation would be the consequence.58

The Mormon-haters among the troops were only too eager to view the order in this light and comply. Doniphan, however, considered the entire order illegal. “I paid no attention to it,” he later said, and “in my report to Gov. Boggs I stated to him that I had disregarded that part of his order, as the age of extermination was over, and if I attempted to move them to another state it would only cause additional trouble.”59 Before meeting with the Mormon delegation, Doniphan obviously conferred with Lucas and explained his views and the illegalities of the governor’s mandate. Furthermore, it is apparent that he was ultimately successful in persuading Lucas to disregard at least one part of the order; namely, the extermination clause. However, the Jackson [321] County general did not back down on the other major clause—that the Mormons must leave the state. On this, he sided with the governor rather than Doniphan.

Lucas came prepared with another document, written under his direction, containing a four-part proposition detailing the terms with which the Mormons would be expected to comply in order to avoid a full-scale attack. In reference to the extermination order he told the Mormon officers, “they would be more mild than the order required.”60 However, the Jackson general demanded the following:

1st. To give up their leaders to be tried and punished.

2d. To make an appropriation of their property, all who had taken up arms, to the payment of their debts, and indemnity for damage done by them.

3d. That the balance should leave the State, and be protected out by the militia, but to be permitted to remain under protection until further orders were received from the Commander-in-Chief.

4th. To give up the arms of every description to be receipted for.61

Hinkle, the main spokesman on behalf of the Mormons, protested three of the four terms laid down by Lucas. The Caldwell commander indicated that they would be willing to work with the authorities in bringing to justice those Mormons who had violated the law, and even went so far as to acknowledge that they were “willing and even anxious that such should be punished to the extent of justice, or the magnitude of the crime.”62 However, he adamantly opposed the three other provisions, particularly the demands calling for the Mormons to surrender their arms and remove from the state, both of which he believed to be clear violations of basic constitutional [322] principles.63 Hinkle was in less of a position to protest against the general’s demand that Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon, George W. Robinson, Lyman Wight, and Parley P. Pratt be turned over to him as hostages to ensure compliance. “I . . . told [Hinkle] that I would require [the prisoners], as hostages for his faithful compliance with the terms,” Lucas later wrote, “and would pledge myself . . . that in case he [Hinkle], after reflecting and consulting upon the proposition during the night, declined acceding to them, that the hostages should be returned to him in the morning . . . but it was understood, in case they did comply, they were to be held for trial.”64 Once again, the Mormon commander objected, whereupon Lucas became enraged and indicated that the leaders must be given up and if the hostages were not produced they would commence an attack on the town.65 Recognizing that the Mormons were in no position to bargain, the militia general announced that they had one hour to turn over their leaders.66

“We immediately went into town and collected Joseph Smith, Jr., Sidney Rigden [sic], Lyman Wight, Parley P. Pratt, and George W. Robertson [Robinson] together, and told them what the Governor’s order and General Lucas required,” John Corrill remembered.67 Upon learning that the Mormons would be expected to leave the state, Joseph Smith replied “that he did not care,” [323] and that he would be glad to get out of the “damnable state” anyway.68 He then decided that he and the four others requested by Lucas should give themselves up, believing, “that it would not do to resist the Militia of the state acting under the order of the Governor.”69 Smith’s decision to submit was also partially based on Lucas’ promise to Hinkle that the Mormon leaders would be released the next morning and be allowed to return to Far West if the Mormons did not agree with the terms laid out, and instead chose to defend themselves.70 Thus, believing their detainment would only be temporary, Joseph Smith and his companions made hasty preparations for their departure.71

The five men went unarmed, accompanied by Hinkle and the rest of the Mormon peace delegation. As they approached the Missouri line, Lucas and Doniphan rode out to meet them, followed by fifty artillery men.72 Lyman Wight recalled that Lucas approached them with a “vile, base, and treacherous look in his countenance.” A few words were said and the two parties shook [324] hands whereupon Hinkle remarked, “Here general are the prisoners I agreed to deliver to you.”73 The apprehension of the Mormon president and his associates incited the troops to celebration and revelry. According to Parley P. Pratt, they “set up a constant yell, like so many bloodhounds let loose on their prey, as if they had achieved one of the most miraculous victories which ever dignified the annals of the world.”74 Their shouting and cries were so loud and incessant that they were easily heard by the Saints in Far West. “The mob commenced a yell that far exceeded any human noise that ever I heard, both for loudness and terror,” wrote Zadok Judd. “It was plainly heard all over the town of Far West and was continued loud and long, ferocious, for nearly one half hour.”75 The clamor generated by the troops had its effect upon the Mormon captives. One [325] member of the Missouri militia remembered, “They were about as badly scared set as I ever saw, except old Wright [Lyman Wight], who stood like a lion . . . without a sign of fear about him.”76 The prisoners were then marched to the main militia encampment on Goose Creek nearly a mile away, while Hinkle and the rest of the Mormon peace delegation returned to Far West.77

At the military camp, the hostages were placed under a strong guard comprised of thirty men.78 Their captors were anything but hospitable. “The guards during the whole night kept up a constant tirade of mockery, and the most obscene blackguardism and abuse,” wrote Parley P. Pratt.79 Efforts were made to petition Lucas but their requests were denied. As if to add to their distress, they were forced to spend the night lying on the ground in the midst of a freezing rain.80

 

Escape of the Crooked River Participants

With the state militia closing in, LDS officials believed those who had taken part could face criminal charges for their involvement. In order to prevent this, Mormon leaders encouraged those who had been in Patten’s company to get out of Far West and leave the state immediately. [326] Lorenzo D. Young wrote it was believed “that if they succeeded in taking the brethren who were in the Crooked River battle, they would be tried by a court martial and shot. . . . [so] after counseling over the matter, it was decided that I, and others in the same situation, should start that night into the wilderness north, for the Des Moines River, in Iowa Territory.”81

This flight from Far West of several dozen Mormon men who had participated in the Crooked River battle was essentially the last episode of the Mormon War prior to the Mormon surrender. Two groups were known to have successfully escaped. The largest one, consisting of approximately twenty-seven men, left around midnight on October 31, the evening before the fall of Far West.82 They made a swift departure and were ill-prepared for their cold November journey. Lorenzo Young recalled, “I had on a very thin pair of pants. My wife took a sheet from the bed, and, with the assistance of some of the neighbors, hastily made me a pair of drawers. These I afterwards gave to my brother Phineas, as he seemed to suffer more with the cold than I did. Our bedding was as scanty as our clothing.”83

The escapees arrived at Adam-ondi-Ahman early the next morning where they procured a few scanty provisions consisting of fifty pounds of chopped corn. They did not remain long due [327] to that fact that they learned sixty troops from the state militia had been sent to overtake the them. For some, like Charles Hales, the escape ended here. “Before we arrived at Diahman my horse gave out,” he wrote, “so the brethren counseled me to stay in Diahman as I was not known by any of the mob in that county.”84 Fortunately for the escapees, their pursuers’ trail also came to a speedy end. Soon after they made their escape, a heavy snowstorm fell, making it difficult for the Missouri militia to track them, thus forcing them to give up and return to Caldwell County. Leaving Daviess County, the escapees proceeded north into Iowa Territory. They then turned east, and traversed through southern Iowa, crossing the Des Moines River, and later the Mississippi. Once in Illinois, the Mormon escapees found refuge downstream at Quincy, the largest town on the river north of St. Louis.85

A second party of Mormon men, led by Dimick B. Huntington, left Far West on November 1, only minutes before the surrender. It was considerably smaller than the first group, consisting of six or seven men. In making their exit from the state, this group followed much the same course as the larger force. They too were ultimately successful in fleeing from the military authorities and also took up temporary residence in Quincy in Adams County.86 Besides the two [328] groups who made their escape, some individuals like William Bosley and John Pack escaped on their own.87 Later, some of the escapees from both groups returned to Far West to assist their families in the evacuation; however, the majority remained in Illinois where they prepared for their families to join them.

Although the flight of the Crooked River militia had no bearing on the final outcome of the war, at least two important aspects resulted. Their escape not only initiated the Mormon exodus from the state, but more significant was the fact that upon their arrival in the Quincy area, the residents were sympathetic to their plight and offered to let them remain until a more permanent situation could be worked out. In a short time, Adams County became the principle point of gathering for the Mormon exiles. Thus, during the winter months of 1838–39, Quincy and its surrounding countryside became the new home for several thousand Latter-day Saints seeking refuge from Missouri’s unfriendly and intolerant inhabitants. [329]

Notes

1. Following the conflict, Boggs issued a brief report to the state House of Representatives explaining why such a large number of troops were called out. He explained: “As formidable as the insurgents were represented, and as they are now known to have been, still, the number of troops ordered in this service may appear large. In detaching so many the Executive was influence[d] solely by a desire to prevent the effusion of blood. It appeared to me every way best to send such a force as would awe them into submission—a small number could undoubtedly have conquered and subdued the disaffected in combat but many valuable lives would have been lost; and I did not consider that I should truly reflect the wishes and opinions of the people, had I stopped to weigh the expenditure of a few thousands, against the best blood of the land.” (Lilburn W. Boggs to the House of Representatives of the State of Missouri, 5 December 1838, in Document, 14; also in Missouri Republican, 10 December 1838.)

2. See Hyrum Smith and Sidney Rigdon petitions in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 621–22, 625–26, 669–70; also in HC 3:406–07, 410–11, 454; and Greene, Facts Relating to the Expulsion of the Mormons, 12; also in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 17. Local reports also made mention of Gilliam’s patrol. (See Missouri Republican, 2 November 1838.)

3. Numerous Latter-day Saints left descriptions of Gilliam’s men and their appearance. See Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 39; Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 34; and Helen Mar Whitney, “Early Reminiscences,” Woman’s Exponent 9 (1 June 1880): 5. See also Calvin Beebe, Levi Richards, Elisha Smith, Daniel Cathcart, Daniel C. Davis, Brigham Young, and “Scroll Petition,” in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 135–36, 329, 343, 427, 439, 567, 649 (also in HC 3:434).

4. Fred Lockley, “Reminiscences of Mrs. Frank Collins, Nee Martha Elizabeth Gilliam,” Oregon Historical Quarterly 17 (December 1916): 359–60. David Osborn was one of a number of Latter-day Saints who was subjected to Gilliam’s harassment during the final days of October. Earlier in the month, Osborn left his home in Daviess County in order to find work at Ft. Leavenworth where he was employed for three weeks. Upon returning home, he was accosted at Plattsburg in Clinton County by Gillium and his men and made a prisoner for several days. He was liberated at the time of the Mormon surrender. (David Osborn, Sr., “Reminiscence,” in Littlefield, Reminiscences of Latter-day Saints, 55–57.)

5. Corrill, A Brief History, 42; Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 39; and Stevenson, “Life and History,” 101.

6. See Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72. John Corrill wrote, “General Atchinson [Atchison] seeing the tumult and uproar, called out the militia . . . . [His] object was to investigate the affair, and bring the guilty to punishment, and rescue the innocent. (Corrill, A Brief History, 39. Joseph Thorp, a non-Mormon, stated that the outcry made by the local citizens led Boggs to issue an order calling out the militia from Atchison’s district. (See Thorp, Early Days in the West Along the Missouri One Hundred Years Ago, 86.) However, no such order appears in the Document.

7. David R. Atchison and Alexander W. Doniphan to R. B. Mason, 27 October 1838, manuscript, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1. The purpose of the letter was to request two hundred arms from the federal arsenal for the regional militia. (Ibid, 1–2.) Mason turned down their request as explained in his reply. “Were I to loan the public arms at this place to either party of the citizens in your neighborhood now opposed to each other, I should be taking a step which I know not how to justify to the Government. Your community is divided and arayed [sic] in arms against each other, indeed blood has been spilt, in this state of things you will at once perceive how improper it would be for an officer of the army to interfere in the matter by aiding either party with the public arms under his control. With every disposition to do what is right, I do not feel that I should be authorized to loan public arms to one party of my fellow-citizens for the purpose of using them against the other.” (R. B. Mason, to David R. Atchison and Alexander W. Doniphan, 28 October 1838, manuscript, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1.)

8. David R. Atchison to Lilburn W. Boggs, 22 October 1838, in Document, 46–47.

9. Lilburn W. Boggs to John B. Clark, 26 October 1838, in Ibid, 62–63. Years later, Clark made a brief statement about his appointment and the extermination order. He remarked, “Governor Boggs ordered out the militia and he appointed me to take command. The instructions he gave me were peculiar. They were to ‘expel the Mormons from the state or exterminate them.’ Those were the words he used.” (John B. Clark, “Interview,” in Stevens, Centennial History of Missouri, 119.) Initially, the order called for four hundred men to be raised from each of the 1st, 4th, 5th, 6th, and 12th Divisions, and five hundred from the 11th Division. However, another corresponding order was issued shortly thereafter calling for an additional one thousand men to be raised from the 3rd Division under the command of Brigadier Generals Hiram G. Parks and Alexander Doniphan. The corresponding order was not included in the Document. (See Document, 63.)

10. Lilburn W. Boggs to John B. Clark, 27 October 1838, in Document, 61.

11. Lilburn W. Boggs to John B. Clark, 6 November 1838, in Document, 69.

12. On three occasions Atchison was hired to defend the Church members. In 1833–34, he was a member of the firm hired to assist the Saints in connection with their expulsion from Jackson County. Joseph Smith used him as his legal counsel during the 7 September 1838 hearing before Judge King concerning the Adam Black incident. And finally, Daviess Mormons acquired his services during another hearing before King on September 18–19.

13. Dibble, “Narrative,” 89.

14. Lilburn W. Boggs to John B. Clark, 6 November 1838, in Document, 69. In reality, a large portion of the general public approved of the actions Atchison took in regards to the Mormons. Note the following announcement which first appeared in the Western Star (date unknown), and then later in the Missouri Republican: “There will be a dinner given to General Atchison on Monday next at the Liberty Hotel, as a tribute of the high regard and esteem entertained for his personal character, and his meritorious and prudent course in the late difficulties with the Mormons. The surrounding counties are respectfully invited. . . . The course of Gov. Boggs, in superseding Gen. Atchison, we hear much complaint about. Why the Gov. did this we are at a lost to know. So far as we have heard an expression of opinion, the people appear to be satisfied with Mr. A. as a General.” (Missouri Republican, 17 November 1838.) Philo Dibble reported an incident that took place at the honorary dinner for Atchison, “General Atchison . . . went to Liberty and gave a public dinner, and delivered a speech, in which he said, ‘If the governor does not restore my commission to me, I will kill him, so help me God!’ On hearing this the audience became so enthusiastic that they took him upon their shoulders and carried him around the public square.” (Dibble, “Narrative,” 89.)

15. Clark, “Interview,” 119. Clark’s viewpoint is supported in at least one other source. One reporter wrote: “From what I have heard, I suppose that the Mormons war is rather a troublesome matter to the Governor and some of his political friends. Several [Democratic] officers think their claims were overlooked, or their rights neglected, by his Excellency, in giving the command to General Clark, of Howard county, who, by the way, is a Whig. This and other things connected with this matter will give to it, as it progresses, great interest.” (A. B. [probably A. B. Chambers], “Letter to the Editor,” 21 November 1838, in Missouri Republican, 26 November 1838.)

16. Clark, “Interview,” 119.

17. LeSueur concluded that “the governor’s extermination proclamation was sent only to General Clark, who then forwarded it to the other generals,” thus, what Atchison, Lucas, and Doniphan received on October 30 contained only general instructions concerning what Boggs had directed. (See LeSueur, The 1838 Mormon War In Missouri, 162.) However, this was not the case. In two separate letters which he wrote to the governor, Lucas clearly stated that on October 30 he had received copies of both the October 26 and the October 27 orders, as well as a letter from the governor. (See Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72; and Lucas to Boggs, 5 November 1838, in Ibid, 71. See also Hyrum Smith petition in Johnson, Missouri Redress Petitions, 627; also in HC 3:412.)

18. An early report published in the Missouri Republican indicated that Atchison retired from the field because he objected to the governor’s orders concerning the Mormons. (See Missouri Republican, 9 November 1838.) However, sources closer to Atchison indicate he clearly considered himself dismissed. In a letter written by an aide to General Hiram G. Parks and later published in the Missouri Republican, the soldier stated that after receiving the governor’s orders, “Gen. Atchison returned home, considering himself dismissed by the Governor in appointing Gen. Clark to the command.” (Unnamed individual to A. B. Chambers, 13 November 1838, in Ibid, 20 November 1838.) The Far West, a paper published in Liberty by Peter H. Burnett, stated, “General Atchison and his staff returned home, having considered himself virtually ordered from the field by Gov. Boggs who assigned the command to Gen. Clarke of Howard county.” (as cited in the Missouri Republican, 17 November 1838.) Clark later made a statement that he also ordered Atchison from the field. (See Clark, “Interview,” in Stevens, Centennial History of Missouri, 119.) For another discussion of Atchison’s dismissal, see Anderson, “Atchison’s Letters and the Causes of Mormon Expulsion from Missouri,” 31–35.

Following the Mormon War, Atchison went on to have a distinguished career. In 1841 he was appointed to the bench of the Twelfth Judicial Circuit Court (comprising five counties). In 1843 Governor Thomas Reynolds appointed him to fill a vacancy in the U.S. Senate created by the unexpected death of Lewis F. Linn. He served until 1855, and was elected president pro-tempore from 1846–50, and again in 1852–54. While in the Senate he was a proponent of John C. Calhoun’s states’ rights doctrine. He also was an expansionist and was influential in the introduction of measures to annex Texas and Oregon. During the Civil War he was a close friend of Jefferson Davis, was loyal to the Confederacy, and acted as an advisor in the Confederate government of Missouri. Following the war he lived for a short time in Texas but returned to Missouri where he spent his last two decades. For detailed discussions on Atchison’s life and career, see William E. Parrish, David Rice Atchison of Missouri: Border Politician (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1961); Warren E. Parrish, “David Rice Atchison, Frontier Politician,” Missouri Historical Review 50 (July 1956): 339–354; and David B. Miller, “David Rice Atchison: Pro-Slave Missourian,” in F. Mark McKiernan and Roger D. Launius, eds., Missouri Folk Heroes of the 19th Century (Independence: Herald Publishing House, 1989), 85–112.

19. Following Atchison’s dismissal, Lucas wrote, “Maj. Gen. Atchison left me for Liberty, when I was left in sole command.” (Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72.)

20. Lilburn W. Boggs to John B. Clark, 6 November 1838, in Document, 69.

21. Ibid.

22. Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 5 November 1838, in Ibid, 71; see also Lucas to Boggs, 7 November 1838, in Ibid, 68.

23. Amasa Lyman wrote, “On this morning [October 29] a company of men, under the command of Colonel Hinkle, of which I was one, started out into the country, hearing that there was a large force in the vicinity of Crooked River. When some five or six miles on the way, we learned that there was an army making their way to Far West.” (Lyman, “History,” 520; see also Corrill, A Brief History, 40; Peck, “Manuscript,” 24; Reddick N. Allred, “The Diary of Reddick N. Allred,” in Kate B. Carter, comp., Treasures of Pioneer History, [Salt Lake City: Daughters of the Utah Pioneers], 5 [1956]: 300; Knight, “Newel Knight’s Journal,” in Scraps of Biography, 98; and Edward Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, and the Coming Forth of the Book of Mormon [Salt Lake City: Published by the author, 1893], 36.) In writing his reminiscence, Stevenson combined elements of Lucas’s assault on Far West with that of Gilliam’s vigilante activities, when in fact at first they were not connected. His intermixing of the events is understandable considering that he was writing over fifty years after the incidents transpired.

24. Stevenson, “Life and History,” 102. Stevenson estimated the size of Lucas’ army to be in the vicinity of three thousand. However, as noted previously, on the date of October 30, the Missouri militia numbered eighteen hundred. (See Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72.)

25. Lyman, “History,” 520–21. Edward Stevenson wrote that because the Mormon force circled around the Missouri troops, “We retreated fifteen miles (instead of five miles, from where we were), to Far West.” (Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 36; see also Stevenson, “Life and History,” 101–102; and Tanner, “Reminiscences,” 388.)

26. A constant focus throughout LeSueur’s narrative of the Mormon conflict was that Joseph Smith directed the military operations of the Saints, and he would argue that this instance would support such a conclusion. However, Joseph Smith’s taking the reins of the Caldwell militia at this time was an exception rather than the rule. Hinkle was out on patrol and was probably accompanied by the other Mormon military leaders. In Hinkle’s absence, and with an unknown force approaching, the defense of the community was of paramount importance in the Prophet’s mind, and he merely stepped in to rally the forces in Far West until the colonel returned.

27. Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 206.

28. Thorp, Early Days in the West Along the Missouri One Hundred Years Ago, 87–88.

29. The incident surrounding John Tanner’s capture is well documented by the Tanner family members. See the following entries in Tanner, John Tanner and His Family: Myron Tanner, “Biography of Myron Tanner,” 6; Elizabeth Bestwick Tanner, “Reminiscences,” 376; Nathan Tanner, “Reminiscences,” and “Journal,” 389, 395; also John Tanner, “Sketch of an Elder’s Life,” in Scraps of Biography, 15–16. Tanner’s son Nathan stated that William E. McLellin, the Mormon apostate, was a member of the Missouri militia and helped to dress his father’s wound. Nathan further remarked that when his father returned to Far West, he was so covered in dried blood that he did not recognize him. (Tanner, “Reminiscences,” 389.) For additional references to the incident involving Tanner, see Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons, 14; and Lyman, “History,” 521.

30. Concerning Carey’s death, Joseph Thorp, a member of the Missouri militia stated; “One poor fellow was knocked in the head with the butt of a gun after he had surrendered, by a man who said he was the fellow that had burned his house, and before he had time to think, the man dealt the blow that sent him to his long home; he died during the night.” (Thorp, Early Days in the West Along the Missouri One Hundred Years Ago, 88.) Whereas Thorp’s statement indicates Carey died while in custody, most Mormon sources state he died soon after being brought back to Far West. John P. Greene wrote; “[A] man by the name of Carey was also taken prisoner by them, and without any provocation had his brains dashed out with a gun. He was laid in a wagon, and there permitted to remain, for the space of 24 hours, during which time no one was permitted to administer to his comfort or consolation, and after he was removed from that situation he lived but a few hours.” (Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons, 14.) William Draper indicated Carey was killed by William Dunnihoo. (Draper, “Autobiography,” 13–14.) Additional Mormon references to Carey’s death include; HC 3:182; 190; 222; Knight, “Journal,” 100; Lyman, “History,” 521; Osborn, “Reminiscence,” 57; Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 41; Stevenson, “Life and History,” 104; Tanner, “Journal,” and Reminiscences, 395, 389; Hyrum Smith petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 626; also HC 3:411; Parley P. Pratt petition, in Johnson Mormon Redress Petitions, 643; also in HC 3:428; and Times and Seasons 1:129; 4:247. A report of Carey’s death also appeared in the Missouri Republican, 24 December 1838.

31. Knight, “Journal,” 98; Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 37; Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72; HC 3:187; and Missouri Republican, 2 November 1838.

32. Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72. A brief account of Hinkle’s company eluding the militia and their return to Far West was reported in the press. (See the letter of an unknown writer to A. B. Chambers, 13 November 1838, in Missouri Republican, 20 November 1838.)

33. Lyman, “History,” 520–21.

34. Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 36–37. The Mormon company came into Far West in two different parties. (See Ibid, 36; and Knight, “Journal,” 98.)

35. Thorp, Early Days in the West Along the Missouri One Hundred Years Ago, 88.

36. Ibid; Samuel B. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 72–73; and Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 206. As Doniphan approached, the Mormon troops almost opened fire on them. Nathan Tanner wrote: “By this time the mob [i.e. Doniphan’s brigade] had come into the lower part of the city, and were marching up and forming in line just below us. When Brother Joseph had us straightened out, and our arms all ready for use, we were ordered to present arms, and every man to pick his man and hold site on him. But not should we fire until he gave the order, [sic] We were about twenty rods off, and with arms at a pre-sent and our men picked, we were ordered, ‘Forward, march.’ I thought we were pretty close then, and so did the mob, for they drew off at a double quick step and in not very good order.” (Tanner, “Reminiscences,” 388.)

Several Mormons later reported that a miracle transpired causing Doniphan and his men to back off. Christopher Merkley wrote: “That afternoon we saw the army coming upon us from Goose Creek Mountain. . . . A portion of them rode up to within a few hundred yards from us, halted, mixed up like a flock of sheep, and then went back. . . . Some time after I was thrown in company with one of the members of that army. I asked him what stopped them from coming into Far West. He said there were too many of us. I asked him how many there were. He said they saw ten thousand. (Merkley, Biography of Christopher Merkley, 8.) Oliver B. Huntington gave a similar account: “The army came on, near the spot designated and on a sudden, they all turned and ran pel mell back to their camp, in great fright, declaring they saw too many thousands of soldiers to think of attacking the city. Joseph told Brother James Bird, ‘that he saw between them and the mob one of the Three Nephites, with a drawn sword, before he made the remark about opening fire upon them, and when the mob had returned he saw the Three Nephites near the same place armed for battle.’ The hosts that the 3 had with them, were undoubtedly exposed, by the power of God, to the view of the mob, being the hosts of soldiers they saw and fled from.” (Oliver B. Huntington, “History of the Life of Oliver B. Huntington, Written by Himself,” typescript, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 5–6.) For additional accounts of the reported miracle see William Draper, “Autobiography,” 9; Levi Graybill, “Testimony of Levi Graybill,” Journal of History 4 [January 1911]: 107; “Elder John Brush—By Two Friends,” Autumn Leaves 4 [April 1891]: 173; and Reddick N. Allred, “Diary,” 300–301.

37. Hinkle testimony in Document, 127.

38. See Mary Lightner, “Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner,” The Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine 17 (July 1926): 199–200; also in Carter, ed., Our Pioneer Heritage 5 (1962): 310–11. Lightner incorrectly stated the conversation occurred with General Clark. However, Clark did not arrive until after the surrender, therefore she probably meant Lucas. Other accounts of the incident include: Greene, Facts Relative to the Expulsion of the Mormons, 24; James Henry Rollins, “A Short Sketch of the Life of James Henry Rollins,” typescript, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah, 7–8; Emily Dow Partridge Smith Young, “Autobiography of Emily D. P. Young,” Woman’s Exponent 14 (1 July 1885): 17; Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 38–39; and Sidney Rigdon and Hyrum Smith petitions in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 625, 674; also in HC 3:409–410, 458–59.

39. Charles C. Rich, “Items from Charles C. Rich,” Charles C. Rich Collection, box #3, fld. #1 (manuscript), LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah, 1. Rich’s wife Sarah also made reference to his being shot at by Bogart in her autobiographical writings. (See Rich, “Autobiography,” in Godfrey, et. al., Women’s Voices, 100; also “Sarah De Armon Pea Rich,” in Carter, An Enduring Legacy 5 [1982]: 203.)

40. Hyrum Smith petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 625; also in HC 3:410.

41. Peck, “Manuscript,” 24; and Corrill, A Brief History, 40. Whereas Lucas and the rest of the Missouri troops were camped at Goose Creek, about a mile south of Far West, Doniphan and his brigade had stationed themselves considerably closer to the Mormon line.

42. See Alexander W. Doniphan, “Recollections,” in Kansas City Daily Journal, 12 June 1881, 1.

43. Draper, “Autobiography,” 10. Draper mentions the construction of the breastwork as having taken place on the night of October 31–November 1, whereas most other Mormon sources have it occurring on the evening of October 30–31. Parley P. Pratt stated the breastwork also went along portions of the east and west sides of the community and extended a distance of one and one-half miles in. (Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 39; also in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 82.) For additional accounts concerning the Mormon breastwork, see “Elder John Brush,” 173; Graybill, “Testimony,” 107; HC 3:188; Lyman, “History,” 521; Robinson, “Items of Personal History, 206; Shurtliff, “Biographical Sketch,” 35; Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 37; Stevenson, “Life and History,” 104; and Young, “Autobiography,” 17. John Corrill’s impression of the Mormon defense wall was considerably less than that of Draper’s. He wrote: “That night, the Mormons built a sort of breast-work of rails, house-logs, boards, etc., on that side of town next to the army, but it was about as good a defence as a common fence would be. Much has been said abroad about the Mormons building forts, entrenchments, etc., but this breast-work spoken of above is all that they ever had.” (Corrill, A Brief History, 40; see also Burnett, An Old California Pioneer, 37.)

44. Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 206–207. Robinson stated that the Missourians were called to arms five times during the night. According to John Butler, the man who caused most of the confusion in the Missourians camp was a Latter-day Saint by the name of Dannets who kept firing off his pistol. Butler wrote: “Brother Dannets was so mad that he got an old horse pistol and loaded it pretty heavy and then crawled out in the brush and fired it off and the confusion there was in their camp was laughable for their officers gave their command to their men, ‘fall into rank and prepare your arms for the Mormons are upon us,’ and they surely thought it was so. They heard no Mormons coming and all was quiet again; they went back to their fires and some went to bed. After a while, whang went the old pistol again and they did not know what to do. They mustered together again and got ready to kill every damn Mormon that came in sight, but none came in sight, so they went to bed again and so he kept it up until morning.” (Butler, “Autobiography,” in Hartley, My Best for the Kingdom, 393.)

45. Corrill, A Brief History, 40–41. Corrill incorrectly stated General Lucas was part of the delegation that met with the Mormon representatives on this occasion when in fact only Doniphan was present. (See Ibid, 40.) Reed Peck indicated the negotiations were conducted exclusively with Doniphan. (See Peck, “Manuscript,” 25.) Furthermore, Doniphan later stated that he acted by himself during the first meeting with the Mormons, stating, “I opened negotiations with the Mormons by going up to their lines in person.” (See Doniphan, “Recollections,” 1.)

46. Draper, “Autobiography,” 9.

47. Corrill, A Brief History, 40–41; see also HC 3:187–88.

48. Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 5 November 1838, in Document, 71. Joseph Smith’s official history states that the number of reinforcements to the state militia on the date of October 31 was between one thousand and fifteen hundred. (HC 3:188.) However, as noted, this figure was too high. The total number of Missouri troops employed against the Mormons during the siege of Far West has been overestimated in many Mormon sources. At no one time was it ever larger than the twenty-five hundred commanded by Lucas.

49. See Burnett, An Old California Pioneer, 37; Hyrum Smith petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 625–26; also in HC 3:410–1; Levi Richards petition in Ibid, 329; and Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 34.

50. Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 73.

51. Hyrum Smith petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 627; also HC 3:412.

52. Corrill, A Brief History, 41; Arthur Morrison petitions in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 293, 501; and Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 209. In a letter written by Hinkle in 1845, he mentioned the delegation included himself, Corrill, and Morrison, but for some reason no mention is made of Peck. (George M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 August 1844, in S. J. Hinkle, “A Biographical Sketch of G. M. Hinkle,” Journal of History 13 [October 1920]: 449. The entire letter appears on 448–453 and was originally published in Messenger and Advocate [Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania], 1 August 1845.) Reed Peck stated that besides himself, Hinkle, Corrill, and Phelps, but then also includes John Cleminson and Seymour Brunson as also being part of the Mormon delegation. The discrepancy may have been due to the fact that Peck was simply not able to accurately recall who made up the Mormon delegation. As evidence of this, a close examination of his narrative demonstrates that he failed to clearly recall and distinguish what transpired in the morning meeting with that which took place during the afternoon interview. (See Peck, “Manuscript,” 25.) Corrill wrote that the negotiation meeting was held around three p.m., whereas Lucas in his November 2 report to the governor stated the meeting was called for two p.m. (See Corrill, A Brief History, 41; and Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 73.)

53. See Appendix A for the sources indicating their commissions. Arthur Morrison was also a Caldwell County judge. (See Morrison petition in Johnson Missouri Redress Petitions, 293.)

54. George M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 August 1844, in Journal of History 13:449.

55. Corrill, A Brief History, 41.

56. Ibid; and George M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 August 1844, in Journal of History 13:450.

57. Corrill, A Brief History, 42.

58. This conclusion is based upon a statement made by Doniphan when he said, “in an order to me and other officers Gov. Boggs used the expression ‘that the Mormons must leave the state or be exterminated.’” (Doniphan, “Recollections,” 1.)

59. Ibid.

60. Samuel B. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 73. Reed Peck stated that after Lucas delivered them the copy of the extermination order, he “spoke in favor of a treaty not deeming it expedient to act with the rigor prescribed by his excellency the Governor.” (Peck, “Manuscript,” 26.)

61. Samuel B. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 73; and Corrill, A Brief History, 42. Lucas reiterated the four provisions in a second letter to Boggs written three days later. (See Lucas to Boggs, 5 November 1838, in Document, 70.)

62. George M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 August 1844, in Journal of History 13:450–51.

63. Ibid, 451.

64. Samuel B. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 73.

65. Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Ibid, 73–74; also George M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 August 1844, in Journal of History 13:451; and Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 209.

66. John Corrill later wrote, “We knew that General Lucas had no authority, and his requirements were illegal; for he was out of the bounds of his division, and the Governor’s order was to General Clark, and not to him; but there was no other way for the Mormons but to submit.” (Corrill, A Brief History, 42.)

67. Ibid. Corrill also reported that prior to the meeting with Lucas, Joseph Smith instructed the delegation not to agree to any of the Missourian’s proposals until they could be discussed with him. (Ibid, 41.)

68. Peck, “Manuscript,” 27.

69. Ibid; see also Draper, “Autobiography,” 10.

70. George M. Hinkle to W. W. Phelps, 14 August 1844, in Journal of History 13:451; and Corrill, A Brief History, 42. Joseph Smith probably also concluded that after meeting with Hinkle and the other Mormon militia officers, Lucas next wanted to meet and discuss the matter over personally with authorities from the Church.

71. An entry from Albert Perry Rockwood’s journal under the date of October 31 supports the notion that the Church leaders fully expected they would only be held overnight and then released the next morning. Rockwood wrote: “Our Enemies feard the distruction that was nigh at hand & sent a flag of truce to this effect. That they would delay the City for the Night. if we would surrender Joseph Smith Jr. Sidney Rigdon, P. P. Pratt, & George W. Robinson as hostages untill to morrow morning at 8 O clock. when they are all to be returned.” (Rockwood, “Journal,” 26.)

72. Wight petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 660; also in HC 3:445. See also Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 40; also in Johnson Mormon Redress Petitions, 82; Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 209; and Corrill, A Brief History, 42.

73. Wight petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 660; also in HC 3:445. Joseph Holbrook wrote that upon delivering the prisoners, Hinkle remarked, “Gentlemen I now deliver to you Joseph Smith Jr. the Mormon Prophet. He is now in your hands as your prisoner.” (Holbrook, “The Life of Joseph Holbrook,” 44.) Reed Peck stated that Joseph Smith pled with Lucas for permission to return to Far West so that he could remain overnight with his family, promising he would comply with any terms he should name. The Prophet’s request was denied. (Peck, “Manuscript,” 27.)

74. Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 40; also in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 83. See also Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 209. David Osborn was one of several Mormons who had been taken prisoner and was at the militia encampment at the time Hinkle rode out with Joseph Smith and the other Church leaders to turn them over to the Lucas. He wrote: “Finally we saw them returning [Hinkle and the rest of the Mormon peace commission] and when they got near, we saw Joseph and Sidney, Parley and others of our brethren, marching in front, and about the time they crossed the creek the soldiers commenced shouting and screaming as if the woods were filled with panthers.” (Osborn, “Reminiscence,” 57.)

75. Judd, “Autobiography,” 11. Lucas later played down the fact that his troops were raucous or frenzied at the time Joseph Smith and his companions surrendered. He wrote: “When the hostages were received, the troops, with some slight exceptions, marched back in profound silence.” (Samuel D. Lucas to Lilburn W. Boggs, 2 November 1838, in Document, 74.) However, there is abundant testimony from Latter-day Saints giving evidence to the contrary. For additional references concerning the behavior of the Missouri militia at the time of Joseph Smith’s capture, see HC 3:190; Butler, “Autobiography,” 393; Draper, “Autobiography,” 10; Holbrook, “The Life of Joseph Holbrook,” 44; Knight, “Journal,” 99; Lee, Mormonism Unveiled, 82; Lyman, “History,” 521; Peck, “Manuscript,” 27; Pettegrew, “Autobiography,” 204; Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 40; Shurtliff, “Biographical Sketch,” 35; Stevenson, Reminiscences of Joseph, the Prophet, 37; Young, “Autobiography,” 18; and Wight petition, in Johnson Mormon Redress Petitions, 660; also in HC 3:445.

76. Thorp, Early Days in the West, 89.

77. Pratt, History of the Late Persecution, 40; also in Johnson Mormon Redress Petitions, 82; and Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 209.

78. HC 3:189–90; also Osborn, “Reminiscence,” 57. A total of ninety men were posted to safeguard the Mormon prisoners. The guard rotated every two hours—thirty were on duty for two hours, then off four. (See Wight petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 661; also in HC 3:445.)

79. Pratt, Autobiography, 160. Lyman Wight wrote that Rigdon, “who was of a delicate constitution, received a slight shock of apoplectic fits, which excited great laughter and much ridicule in the guard and mob militia. Thus the prisoners spent a doleful night in the midst of a prejudiced and diabolical community.” (Wight petition in Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions, 661; also in HC 3:445.)

80. Pratt, Autobiography, 160; and HC 3:189–90.

81. Young, “Narrative,” 52. Ebenezer Robinson wrote: “That night [October 31], about sixty of those who had been engaged in the Crooked River battle . . . . were advised to leave, being looked upon as men who had periled their lives in defense of their brethren, and their friends wished them to escape the wrath of their persecutors.” (Robinson, “Items of Personal History,” 210; see also Lee, Mormonism Unveiled, 82.)

82. Stout, “Autobiography,” 339–40. Hosea’s brother, Joseph Allen Stout, estimated the group to have consisted of approximately forty men. (See also Joseph Allen Stout, “Journal,” 40.) Lorenzo D. Young was a member of this company. In 1894, over fifty years after the event took place, Young wrote a statement which is on file in the LDS Church Archives wherein he recalled the names of twenty-one of the twenty-seven individuals. (See Lorenzo D. Young, “Statement,” August 1894, manuscript, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah.) Reports of the early departure of the Crooked River participants also appeared in the press. (See Missouri Republican, 20 November 1838.)

83. Young, “Narrative,” 52–53.

84. Hales, “Autobiography,” 36. Hales was at Diahman at the time the of the Mormon surrender in that community. However, to avoid the possibility of being apprehended, he went to Ft. Leavenworth where he worked until he could relocate with the rest of the Saints. (Ibid.)

85. Lorenzo Young detailed the account of the pursuit and their journey in Young, “Narrative,” 52–54. A slightly different version appears in Little, “Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young,” 57–59.

86. See Dimick B. Huntington, “Reminiscences and Journal,” 16–17. Oliver Huntington, Dimick’s brother, wrote that this smaller group made their way out of Far West, only fifteen minutes before the city was completely surrounded by militia. (See Huntington, “History of Oliver Boardman Huntington,” 32.) For additional sources which briefly detail the activities of Dimick Huntington’s party see, “Oliver B. Huntington, “Recollections of ‘Diahman,” Juvenile Instructor 31 (1 February 1896): 84; William Huntington, “Journal of William Huntington,” typescript, Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah, 9; and Solomon Wixom, “The Journal and Day Book of Solomon Wixom,” typescript, fld. #5, LDS Church Archives, Salt Lake City, Utah, 12.

87. See Julia Ives Pack, “Autobiography of Julia Ives Pack,” in Kate B. Carter, comp., Our Pioneer Heritage 9 (1966): 449.