Chapter 6: The Mormon Defense of De Witt

The first sustained confrontation against the Mormons in the 1838 conflict occurred at the isolated town of De Witt, situated in the lower southeastern section of Carroll County, just above the Missouri River, a few miles west of the conflux of the Grand, and approximately seventy miles from Far West. Beginning in August, and lasting until nearly mid-October (with only a short reprieve in September), Mormon settlers succeeded in defending their community from county regulators intent on their expulsion. However, in the end, nearly seventy Latter-day Saint families were forced to abandon their homes and property.^{1 [143]}

The Mormon Acquisition of De Witt

On April 1, just two weeks after Joseph Smith’s arrival at Far West in March 1838, he was visited by Henry Root, a merchant and landowner from Carroll County. Root presented the Church president with a letter of introduction from David Thomas, who also possessed extensive land holdings in Carroll. Both men were cognizant of the fact that the Mormons had been emigrating to Missouri for a number of years and saw them as potential buyers and settlers. In the letter, Thomas indicated that he owned 1,600 acres which he proposed selling to the Church for $4,000 and extolled the virtues of the location and the benefits it would afford the Latter-day Saints. Root also proposed his own land sale. However, with more pressing matters facing the Church, particularly from the dissension being generated by the Whitmers, Cowderys and others, it appears Church leaders considered the prospects of a future settlement in Carrollton County, but took no action.²

On April 2, the day following his interview with the Mormon leader at Far West, Root also had a chance meeting with the Prophet’s first counselor. Sidney Rigdon, who was moving from Ohio to Missouri, was on the final leg of his journey and had stopped over for the night at a house ^[144] in Carroll County. Rigdon later remembered the informal discussion he had with the landowner. “He had been to Far West to get some of those who were coming into that place to form a settlement at De Witt,” wrote Sidney. “Speaking highly of the advantage of the [location] and soliciting my interference in his behalf to obtain a number of families to commence at that place, as he was a large proprietor [of] the town plat, he offered a liberal share in all the profits which might arise from the sale of property there to thos[e] who would aid him in getting the place settled.”³

Several weeks after his first visit to Far West, Root approached the Mormon leadership again, this time in company with Thomas. On this occasion, a deal was struck, apparently with Root for his De Witt property, but no agreement was made to acquire Thomas’ holdings.⁴ On June 23, George M. Hinkle and John Murdock, two members of the Missouri high council, traveled to the community to make payment to the seller. Under this date Murdock wrote, “George M. Hinkle and myself, being sent by the High Council, by direction of Brother Joseph the Prophet, bought the undivided half of the town plot of Dewitt, Car[r]oll County, Missouri, for five hundred dollars, giving our note for the same, Bishop Partri[d]ge being our endorser.”⁵ Transferal of the property took place around the first of July and consisted of 134 of the town’s 304 lots.^6 [145]

Why did LDS leaders agree to the De Witt purchase? The answer may lie in the fact that the establishment of a Mormon colony in the region offered at least two strategic advantages to the Latter-day Saints. First, Church members emigrating to Missouri frequently traveled by water up the Missouri or by various overland routes that generally ran near the river proper. Mormon leaders perceived that De Witt could serve as a port of entry for emigrating Saints before proceeding on to the main Mormon settlements to the north. In addition, agricultural products and goods could be transported to and from the Mormon settlements in Caldwell and Daviess by way of De Witt and the Grand River.⁷ These plans appear to have been known among the local inhabitants. A. C. Blackwell, a long-time resident of the county and later an active vigilante participant remembered, “De Witt being a good landing on the river, [was] the most convenient point from which to forward goods and emigrants to Far West, a Mormon settlement already established in Caldwell County, and then the head centre of Mormonism.”⁸

The Mormons viewed Root’s offer and sale as an open invitation for immigration and settlement in the region and during the first part of July Mormon families immediately began ^[146] relocating there. John Murdock was one of the first to move.⁹ George M. Hinkle, a commissioned colonel in the state militia, moved sometime before July 6 and was appointed president of the branch.¹⁰ Although the Mormons were generally optimistic about the future of their new colony, the local population was generally opposed to the Mormon arrival and opposition against them was swift and immediate, resulting in the first military operation in the history of the county.¹¹ In less than four months, civil strife and armed conflict generated by their presence would force the Mormons to abandon De Witt altogether.

Opposition to the Mormon Settlement at De Witt

Antagonism against the Mormons and their new settlement was especially concentrated in Carrollton, the county seat, located fifteen miles west of De Witt. Word that the Latter-day Saints had bought property and were moving into the county spread quickly. Handbills were circulated calling for a public meeting to be held in Carrollton to discuss the Mormon situation. The meeting convened on Monday, July 30.¹² During the hearing a decision was made to organize a committee, ^[147] comprised of Abbot Hancock, Samuel H. Williams, and John Smart. The committee was instructed to discuss with Henry Root and David Thomas the actions taken by them in inviting the Mormons to settle in De Witt. Furthermore, they were assigned to inform the Saints that the citizens had requested that they leave the county.¹³ Although not cited in the published report, Blackwell indicated that an additional proposition was made. Election day was scheduled for Monday, August 6, and to be “democratic,” a decision was made to let voters decide whether or not the Mormons should be permitted to settle in the county. Joseph Dickson, the county clerk was then instructed to include “two additional columns on the poll book, . . . one ‘for’ and the other ‘against’ the Mormons, so that an expression of the people of the County might be arrived at.”¹⁴

According to John Murdock, around the last of July the Carrollton committee went to De Witt and ordered them to leave the county by August 7. Murdock gave no other indications concerning what else was discussed, but the Mormons made it clear that they were not about to accede to the request.¹⁵ The Carrollton men also met with Henry Root, who defended the right of the Saints to settle De Witt. Root also warned the committee that if the citizens attempted to ^[148] drive the Mormons out of the county, they would call upon Church members living in Far West to come their assistance.¹⁶

On August 7, a second public meeting was held. Great excitement prevailed, and the meeting was well attended. The committee reported that they had met with the Mormon leaders at De Witt who informed them that they were determined to remain in Carroll County. With the election being concluded the day previous, the results of the poll were also given. After it was found that the poll books showed only six or eight votes had been cast in favor of allowing the Latter-day Saints to remain in the county, it was decided to take more decisive action to bring about their removal.¹⁷

Through the influence of William W. Austin, who organized the second meeting and who emerged as the leading spokesman for the Carrollton County regulators (Austin would shortly be pressed to go to Daviess County to direct the multi-county anti-Mormon forces), a five-man “committee of safety” was appointed to draft several resolutions concerning what action would be taken. The committee, consisting of Austin (who was appointed chairman), Edmund J. Rea, William Freeman, Hiram Wilcoxson, and Abbot Hancock, with A. C. Blackwell appointed as secretary, charged that the Mormons were guilty of violating the agreement to confine themselves to Caldwell County. Believing they had no right to settle in Carroll, the committee justified full-scale expulsion. The Presbyterian minister Sashel Woods was assigned the responsibility of informing Hinkle and the Mormons that they would be given a short amount of time to relocate peaceably, after which they would be forcibly removed. The committee also realized that the De Witt Saints would likely be reinforced with Mormon troops from Caldwell and Daviess, so they ^[149] requested permission to correspond with the citizens in nearby Howard, Saline, Chariton, Ray, and Clay counties to seek assistance in carrying out the expulsion operation.¹⁸

The expulsionist attitude that prevailed in Carroll County is reflected in two letters written by Carrollton residents. A few days following the August 7 town meeting, one local citizen wrote, “We are getting into trouble with the Mormons our neighbors. They now occupy mostly two counties adjoining us & are coming into the country in droves, & attempting to settle in the adjoining counties much to the dissatisfaction of the inhabitants & they [the local citizens] are calling meetings & appointing committees inviting them to leave & saying if they refuse to do so peaceably other measures will be resorted to.”¹⁹ Arthur Bradford, also a Carrollton citizen, ^[150] expressed the view that the Mormons had violated the agreement not to settle outside Caldwell. “There is a considerable stir in this and the adjoining counties at this time in regard to a sect who call themselves Mormons,” he wrote. “There are several families of them who have[,] contrary to the expressed wish of the citizens of this county settled in it.”²⁰

Outbreak of Hostilities

Within two weeks following Carrollton’s expulsion meeting, the local civilians organized and began implementing their plans to bring about Mormon removal. Smith Humphrey, a Latter-day Saint who lived some distance from the Mormon settlement, wrote “on the morning of the 19th of August 1838 I being in Dewitt I was returning home & was met by an armed force of men I supposed nearly one hundred Commanded by Colonel [William Claude] Jones [and Sashel Woods] & by force took & kept me a prisoner about two hours during which time they made many threats against the people called Mormons Such as that they were determined to drive them from that Co[unty].”²¹ On the same day Humphrey was accosted, Pierce Hawley, another Latter-day Saint, experienced similar treatment at the hands of the same group of Carroll ruffians. John Murdock reported that on August 20 a very much frightened Hawley came wandering into De Witt. “He had been a prisoner all night by a mob of 60 or 70, who were within 4 miles of town,” he wrote. Hawley believed the belligerents would soon enter the town and he feared for the safety of the community. Robert Seely, apparently a non-Mormon but also a friend to the Saints, rode out to investigate. He found the militant band had in their company the county sheriff with a warrant, filed by Sashel Woods, for the arrest of Colonel Hinkle. Seely was able to reach an agreement ^[151] with Jones and Woods for the sheriff go to De Witt by himself so as not to alarm or frighten the women and children. Seely accompanied the sheriff into the town, the officer made the arrest, then took Hinkle to appear before a justice five miles away.²²

Hawley’s prediction that the armed rabble would come into De Witt and threaten the settlement was realized. In fact, it appears that Woods may have even concocted the scheme to get Hinkle out of the community so he could intimidate and harass the Mormon citizens. “I[m]mediately when the Sherif[f] & prisoner [Hinkle] left town Colonel Jones at the head of I suppose near a hundred armed men entered town accompanied by Seciel [Sashel] Wood,” Murdock recalled.²³ Since Hawley had given them some forewarning, when the Carroll company rode into the settlement, between forty and fifty men had formed a line and were prepared to meet them.²⁴ Knowing that the Mormon troops were not only outnumbered but leaderless, with Hinkle absent, the Carroll contingent “in a verry [sic] hostile manner Paraded through the town at least two or three hours threat[e]ning men women & children with destruction of person & property if they were not out of the County in ten days.”²⁵ Meanwhile, Hinkle went to appear before a Carroll ^[152] County justice, but since Woods did not appear to give testimony, the Mormon colonel was acquitted and returned to De Witt.²⁶

When Hinkle returned, he was surprised to find the community overrun by raiders. Sashel Woods informed the Mormon leader that he had been sent by the local citizen’s committee to inform him that his people would be given ten days to leave the county. Following that time, Murdock reported, “if we were not away in that time they would exterminate us without regard to age or sex and throw our property into the river.”²⁷ Upon learning of their options, Hinkle “drew his sword and flourished it in the air with threats of extermination toward those who should attempt to disturb his peace.” Recognizing that he held a distinct numerical advantage, Woods coolly replied, “Colonel, put up your sword, I am an old pioneer, have heard the Indians yell, wolves howl, the owls hoot, and I am not alarmed at such demonstrations.”²⁸ With their message delivered, and confident in their intimidation, the Missourians left town discharging their guns, hooting and howling like wild savages.²⁹

John Taylor, a future apostle of the Church from Canada, was in De Witt at the time the Carroll County vigilantes went to issue their August ultimatum. He was astounded when he discovered who was directing the opposition. “This was the first mob I had ever seen,” he remembered, “and the whole affair was new to me, especially when I considered the kind of officers [the mob] had.” Referring to Sashel Woods and Abbot Hancock, both Protestant preachers, Taylor remarked, “I had heretofore looked upon gospel ministers as messengers of ^[153] peace; here they came not only in a war-like capacity, but as the leaders of an armed mob—a gang of marauders and free-booters, with the avowed object of driving peaceful citizens—men, women, and children, from their homes.” Taylor, a Canadian citizen en route from Ohio to Far West, assumed that in coming to Missouri he needed no arms since he was in what he presumed was a “civilized Christian land.” Despite being opposed to violence and nursing an injured arm, he later confessed that he, “threw off the sling and bandages from my lame arm, suppressed my repugnance to fighting, borrowed a gun, bought a brace of pistols, and prepared myself at least for defensive measures.”³⁰

Being forewarned by the Carrollton delegation, the Mormon community braced themselves for the assault they anticipated would begin in late August or early September. However, in the meantime, Carroll’s citizens received reports indicating that Mormon troops were about to overrun Daviess County. Requests by the local Daviess residents for additional manpower prompted Carrollton leaders to temporarily postpone the siege of De Witt in order to go to the aid of their fellow Missourians. W. W. Austin personally directed the contingent of men who went from Carroll, and upon their arrival in Daviess, was designated as the overall commander of the multi-county vigilante forces. ^[154]

Austin and his detachment, most of whom were Carrollton citizens, were absent from the county from about September 1 until September 19. It was at that time that General Atchison disbanded and disbursed the Daviess vigilantes as well as the Mormon forces and ordered both groups to return to their respective homes and counties. However, in spite of the commander’s orders, Austin and his multi-county community forces did not completely breakup. The Carrollton corps, along with a company from neighboring Saline County under the leadership of Captain Singleton Vaughn, returned to the Carroll county where they set up camp on property owned by a Mr. Cross, about a mile west of De Witt, and prepared for an assault on the Saints’ settlement if the Mormons continued to refuse to evacuate.³¹

On September 20, Austin and his band of community forces consisting of approximately 100–150 men, rode into De Witt where he met with Hinkle and informed him once again that he had ten days in order to make up his mind to leave peaceably or suffer the consequences.³² The Mormon commander’s response to his perpetrators was that he would “be at his post and prepared to extend a hearty reception.”^{33 [155]}

Significantly, non-Mormons living in or near De Witt who were perceived to be Mormon sympathizers were also advised at this time to discontinue their association with the Latter-day Saints. For example, in September, Elizabeth Smith, a non-Mormon widow living in De Witt, received a letter from the citizens of the county warning her to leave the community without delay, promising she and her family would not be harmed if she complied. The letter reads:

Dear Madam: You are advised by the citizens of Carroll County to leave De Witt forthwith and all the citizens of that place who are determined not to take part with the Mormons, as a state of things will exist there in a few days that if any of the friends of the people of Carroll should be injured, [it] would be extremely painful to them. You will, therefore, with all our people who do not take sides with the Mormons, immediately, on the reception of this communication, leave that place, and you shall be protected by us at the risk of our lives and fortunes. Show this to all the people of your town as soon as it comes to hand, that they may have an opportunity to leave the place before things come to extremities, which is at hand. We are determined that not one Mormon shall live in this county, be the issue what it may, and when we come to De Witt, we want our friends out of it.

We are, Madam, very respectfully, your friends,

The Citizens of Carroll

In spite of the warning, Elizabeth Smith chose to remain in the Mormon community.³⁴

Emos McNell and Thomas Hollinshead, two non-Mormons who had purchased farmland adjacent to the Mormon community, experienced harsh treatment at the hands of the local regulators because of their association with the Saints. At the time McNell lived in De Witt, he ^[156] did not profess any religion but was nonetheless notified he had to leave along with them. Shortly thereafter, he went to Carrollton to purchase some provisions for his family when he was seized and committed to prison for seven days. “I was taken sick in Jail,” he stated, “and suffer[e]d a great deal and they would not let me out, till I agreed to leave the Sta[te], they then gave me a pass to be out of the Co. in 24 hours or be shot which I did at the loss of my property.”³⁵ Thomas Hollinshead experienced similar treatment. He was forced from his home by a group of men from Carroll county and also put in the county prison. Following a week of confinement, he was given strict orders he had only one day to leave the county or suffer further repercussions.³⁶

Between September 20 and October 1, the Mormons dug in and made defensive preparations. Men were put to work fortifying the log homes, temporary breastworks were constructed (some out of their wagons), sentinels were posted in order to observe enemy movements and advances, and tactical defense locations were established in the heavy timber located south of the town.³⁷ Hinkle also organized the men along military lines and appointed ^[157] officers and sub-commanders.³⁸ With their leader being a commissioned colonel in the state militia, the Mormons clearly viewed their actions and defensive measures as being lawful and warranted.

The besieged Mormons also sought to inform Governor Boggs of their situation and condition and wrote a written request asking that he intervene. On September 22, a petition was written and signed by fifty members of the De Witt community. The letter informed the chief executive that their antagonists threatened them to leave the county by October 1, and requested he importune and “take such steps, as shall put a stop to all lawless proceedings.” Included on the petition were the signatures of the Henry Root and David Thomas.³⁹

Sometime during the last week of September, Mormon numbers in De Witt were augmented by the arrival of a group of Canadian Mormons consisting of some thirty families under the leadership of John E. Page.⁴⁰ Upon their arrival, Hinkle requested they remain to assist them in the defense of the town. One member of the company, Charles Henry Hales, clearly had ^[158] intentions of going on to Far West, until, as he wrote, “on coming to DeWitt I was requested to stay by George M. Hinkle, who was president of the Branch. I was asked to assist them in defending the place as they were threatened with the mob.”⁴¹ Zadok Judd, who was only ten years old when his family arrived in Missouri, had vivid memories of scenes and incidents upon their arrival at De Witt. He remembered being impressed by the beauty and abundant resources of the entire area. “The location seemed to please our company,” but that was not the main reason his father chose to remain. “I think all concluded to stop and our presence and help was much needed to strengthen and build up the place.”⁴²

The Merkley’s, another Canadian family who were part of Page’s company, had been detained in Illinois because of illness and arrived a few days after the main group. Shortly after their arrival, Elder Page informed Christopher Merkley concerning the unsettled state of affairs and the preparations being made to defend the community. He also instructed him to make at least fifty balls for his rifle. Being pacifist by nature, he initially refused to do as he was directed. However, by week’s end, he was shouldering his weapon along with the rest.⁴³ The arrival of the ^[159] Canadians during the last week of September brought the number of Mormon families living in De Witt to between seventy and eighty.⁴⁴

On September 30, the day before the planned assault on the town, George A. Smith, his cousin Don Carlos (younger brother to the Mormon Prophet), Lorenzo Barnes, and Harrison Sagers made a brief unexpected visit to the Mormon community. The four men had recently been called to serve short- term missions in the east to raise money to buy out the non-Mormons in Daviess County and were headed to St. Louis on board the Kansas. After boarding at the Richmond landing earlier in the day, the steamer made a brief stop at De Witt. During their layover, the missionaries held a brief meeting with Colonel Hinkle. “We found about seventy Saints [families] surrounded by a mob of 200 men, who threatened their extermination the next day,” wrote George A. Smith.⁴⁵ “We would have stopped, and assisted them what we could,” Don Carlos Smith stated, “but we were unarmed, and, upon consulting together, it was thought advisable for us to fulfil our mission, so we returned to the boat, and proceeded on our journey.”^{46 [160]}

Even more significant than the visit of the four Mormon elders was the fact that also on board were a number of troops and several leading officers in the regional militia, including, Samuel Lucas and Moses Wilson (both generals) from Jackson County, a Colonel Thompson from Platt, and Major General David R. Atchison, who, less than two weeks previous had secured the temporary peace between the Mormons and non-Mormons in Daviess County. George A. Smith indicated that these officers were en route to Columbia for the court martial of a Major General Powell who was being charged with drunkenness while on parade.⁴⁷ Hinkle took the opportunity to meet with some of these men in order to inform them of the current circumstances surrounding the plight of the Latter-day Saint community. During the course of their conversation, the Mormon colonel “bristled up courage to make a speech to the military officers, in which he declared his intention in a trembling tone to defend DeWitt to the last.”⁴⁸ Lucas later issued a report to the governor concerning what they had observed and learned while at De Witt. “As we passed down the Missouri River, . . . we saw a large force of Mormons at De Witt in Carroll county, under arms. Their commander, Col. Hinkle, . . . informed me that there were two hundred, and that they were hourly expecting an attack form the citizens of Carroll. . . . Hinkle said they had determined to fight.” Lucas also expressed his concern that if any of Carroll’s citizens should be killed by the Mormons, several thousand volunteers would immediately respond ^[161] against them and “nothing but their blood will satisfy them.” The general could not, however, suggest any course of action the chief-of-state might pursue.⁴⁹

Meanwhile, the anti-Mormon regulators made final preparations and positioned themselves for the October 1 offensive. Following the arrival of the Canadian Saints in late September, a primary objective was to impede and turn away any incoming Mormon immigrants, as well as to prevent supplies and reinforcements from arriving from Caldwell and Daviess counties.⁵⁰ While the main encampment of the local anti-Mormon troops was situated west of the town, another contingent was organized and placed to the east, on the opposite side of the Grand River, to prevent any crossing by the Mormons into neighboring Saline County.⁵¹ Word was also dispatched to neighboring counties requesting reinforcements and volunteers. In addition, Hiram Wilcoxson, a Carrollton resident and a member of the five-man committee of safety, was sent to Jackson County to procure a small cannon to be used to batter Mormon log homes. “Affairs began to wear a serious aspect and work was begun in earnest,” wrote A. C. Blackwell, “Timber was hewn, cartridges prepared, and in anticipation of the coming artillery, log chains were cut up, together with rod iron, to serve as projectiles.”⁵²

By month’s end, with the October 1 deadline approaching, a full-scale contest appeared to be inevitable and both sides braced for the worst. Mounting tensions and fears, especially among the local public, generated rumors, false reports, and to some degree, panic. Writing from ^[162] Carrollton during the last week of September Edward Lampkin indicated “some of the citizens of Carroll have become so much alarmed as to sell their farms at less than half that they could have got for them one year ago, and a great many others intend leaving the county.”⁵³

The Siege, October 1–10

With the arrival of the October 1 deadline and no sign that the Mormons were willing to evacuate, the county vigilantes set about to enforce removal. “About the first of Oct we began to be harassed by day & by night by Scouting parties of the mob in & about Dewitt,” wrote John Murdock.⁵⁴ The first targets were those Latter-day Saints living outside the main Mormon settlement. “The attack was made on De Witt by taking Elder [Smith] Humphrey[’]s family and burning his house,” wrote Albert Rockwood, “he lived about 1½ miles from the landing.”⁵⁵ Early on the morning of October 1, when Humphrey went out to his stables, he found the structures had been torched during the night. Shortly thereafter he was confronted by twelve men, commanded by Captain Hiram Standley. The band took him back to his home where he was ordered to remove his belongings from the house after which “in the presence of my self & family Set fire to & burned my two blocks of houses my wife being sick with the ague . . . I was then compelled with my family to move into the town of Dewitt.”⁵⁶ About this same time a body of ^[163] armed men went to the home of Mary Brown and ordered her family to leave by the next morning. Perhaps because her husband was ill, no other actions were perpetrated against them, but the Brown family left the following day. Rather than move into De Witt, somehow they were able to make their way into Saline County, where her husband died shortly thereafter.⁵⁷

Removal of the entire De Witt community proved to be considerably more difficult. With the Latter-day Saints essentially hemmed in, the first operation of the Carroll volunteers involved approximately 150 men from the main encampment west of De Witt and focused on testing the strength of Mormon resistance.⁵⁸ Around ten a.m. on the morning of Tuesday, October 2, the Missouri company proceeded into town on the main road. On the outskirts of the community they were fired upon by Mormon pickets who were secluded in the brush and a nearby ravine. Advancing further, the vigilante forces approached the main Mormon breastwork, established their position, and began returning fire.⁵⁹ John Murdock wrote that on this occasion the Mormon troops numbered only about thirty men. “We exchanged shots with them about ½ hour,” he ^[164] recalled, “but a deep ravine and a good many tree tops lay between us and them, . . . they were some 30–40 rods from us in the woods.”⁶⁰

From where they were situated, the Carroll and Saline forces were able to observe the Mormon commander (more than likely, Hinkle), “passing to and fro, . . . encouraging the men to stand firm, and giving directions to shoot low,” A. C. Blackwell remembered. “A call was made for several sharp-shooters to step forward and silence the Mormon officer . . . who could plainly be heard encouraging his men to stand their ground.” Four men volunteered and moved up to a position forty feet closer, where a better view could be had, from which they sent a volley into the Mormon works. “The officer who had been displaying so much activity was seen to leap from his position and press his hand to his side; and soon afterward the whole body of Mormons evacuated their works, and fled to some log houses in which they found themselves comparatively safe from attack.” In spite of their apparent success, the resistance generated by the Mormon troops led those in charge of the county forces to conclude additional men would be necessary in order to subdue the Mormons. A decision was therefore made to return to camp to await reinforcements from the surrounding counties.⁶¹ There were no serious casualties reported on either side, but a man named Williams, a member of the vigilante forces from Saline County, had a close scrape. “He was an inveterate tobacco chewer, and was in the habit of constantly keeping a quid between his under lip and teeth,” a comrade recalled. “He had just fired his gun, and had stepped aside to reload . . . . [when] a small ball from the enemy entered the right side of his lip, ^[165] and coming out on the left, carried with it the unfortunate chew of tobacco, without [even] breaking the skin in front of the mouth.”⁶²

With the attack on the settlement underway, the Mormons took steps to secure assistance from the civil and state authorities. Immediately following the initial assault, Henry Root was dispatched to Richmond to deliver messages and to ask for aid in behalf of the Mormons. In leaving the besieged community, the De Witt developer successfully avoided detection and arrived in the Ray County seat on the evening of October 2, or the following day.⁶³ In Richmond, Root sought out circuit court Judge Austin A. King. Upon being informed about the situation, the magistrate authorized the militia to intervene.⁶⁴ Word about the situation at De Witt was immediately sent to Brigadier General Hiram G. Parks, still stationed with his Ray County peace-keeping force in Daviess County. Because of the seriousness of the situation, Parks immediately left the Grand River region, taking with him two companies of Ray militia under the command of ^[166] Captain Samuel Bogart and a Captain Houston, and proceeded to Carroll County, leaving a Colonel Thomas in charge in Daviess. He also sent an express to General Atchison explaining his actions. Word reached Atchison on October 5, whereupon he informed Governor Boggs of Park’s movements.⁶⁵

About the same time Root went to petition Judge Austin King, a man named Caldwell, an old settler in the De Witt region who owned a ferry on the lower Grand River, volunteered to go to Jefferson City to seek assistance from the governor in behalf of the Mormons.⁶⁶ De Witt’s leaders were obviously perplexed as to why Boggs had not responded to their September 22 entreaty. However, it was not known at that time that the chief executive was in St. Louis and could not respond.⁶⁷

During the ten-day standoff, the Mormons never knew when they would be attacked and were on constant alert. “I was continually employed, day and night, guarding,” wrote John Murdock. Even when he wasn’t on duty, he went from one sentinel to another “to keep them to ^[167] their duty.”⁶⁸ Smith Humphrey stated that the vigilantes “continuealy [sic] harras[s]ed us by night & by day firing at our men where ever they had a chance.”⁶⁹ During one nighttime operation, a local volunteer was injured by friendly fire. Joseph Ewing, a citizen of Ray County, was selected to lead a small squadron to capture a Mormon sentry whose position had been discovered. Some over-anxious citizens however, upon learning of the operation, desired to participate and went on their own to the appointed location where the strike would occur, arriving at the position ahead of Ewing’s party. When Ewing and his men approached, they mistook the local citizens for Mormons and fired upon the group, wounding one of their number, a man named Gentry. The confusion alerted the Mormon picket and he escaped back to the Mormon camp.⁷⁰

Within three days after the attack on the community began, a multi-county volunteer force consisting of approximately three hundred men had assembled in the main vigilante encampment west of De Witt. Dr. William W. Austin, who had commanded the Carroll County regulators in August as well as the multi-county forces during the Daviess County operation in September, was desirous that someone else take command, therefore, in order to give more “legal” sanction to their activities an election was held. Congreave Jackson of Howard County was chosen brigadier, Ebenezer Price of Clay County, colonel; Singleton Vaughn of Saline, lieutenant colonel; and Sashel Woods of Carroll, major.⁷¹ With the arrival of reinforcements, the vigilante force made plans for a second strike on the community on October 4. On this date, anti-Mormon forces made ^[168] a sustained attacked on the community. Shots were fired on both sides, but the regulators were repulsed by the Mormon defenders. One Missourian from Saline was reported to have been wounded in the hip.⁷²

The regulators received support from many of the local citizens. Mr. Cross, the landowner who had volunteered his property for the vigilante encampment, turned over thirty acres of corn and provided beef to the camp each day. Roland Adkins, another citizen who owned the only horse mill east of Carrollton, supplied the camp with meal and flour.⁷³ The De Witt Saints were not as fortunate. The majority of their farm and stock property was located outside the main town, which they were eventually forced to abandon in order to find safety and security within the community’s defenses. Since the Mormons were also pinned in De Witt and surrounded by anti-Mormon forces, they had few other options than to sustain themselves using their own supplies and foodstuffs. Eventually, however, the shortage of essentials created a constant need of food and provisions. The mob kept them “shut up in the town, not allowing them to go out to get provisions,” Sidney Rigdon reported, “driving off their cattle, and preventing the owners from going in search of them. In this way the citizens were driven to the greatest extremities, actually suffering for food and every comfort of life.”⁷⁴ Fortunately for the Latter-day Saints, stray cattle ^[169] and hogs would occasionally wander into the Mormon quarters. These animals would immediately be killed and butchered and provided a limited supply of food and sustenance for the beleaguered community.⁷⁵

General Parks, accompanied by the two companies of Ray militia, arrived in Carroll County on October 6 and camped five miles from De Witt. The following day, the commander addressed a letter to Atchison wherein he reported the current state of affairs. In assessing the situation, Parks perceived that the Mormons had acted on the defensive and were determined to hold out. On the other hand, he expected the vigilante force would not only increase in size, but they would not leave the Mormons alone until they were out of the county. Thus he believed the standoff was bound to continue unless more necessary measures were taken.⁷⁶

Recognizing the need for additional men, the Ray County general gave orders to William Claude Jones, commander of Carroll’s militia (and a leading vigilante member), to raise three companies of county militia and to hold themselves in readiness if the situation escalated. However, Parks soon realized it would be virtually impossible to organize the three units from among the county’s volunteers since the majority of Carroll’s men were members of the anti-Mormon forces. In order to obtain the necessary manpower, he sent instructions to Doniphan, requesting that he engage five companies from Clay, Platte, and Clinton. Until the necessary troops arrived, he believed that his only course was to negotiate in behalf of the two parties. He also issued a request to General Atchison that he use his influence to persuade the governor to go ^[170] to De Witt. “It would relieve me much if you would request the governor to make his appearance here among the Carroll boys; he need not order out any forces, those already ordered by me I deem sufficient. You know a word from his Excellency would have more power to quell this affair than a regiment.”⁷⁷ The letter to the governor was first forwarded to Atchison (in Boonville), who attached his own message also requesting the governor proceed to the scene of the difficulty. “I have no doubt but your Excellency, if you should deem it your duty to proceed to Carroll county, [you] could restore peace,” he wrote.⁷⁸ The division general also offered to accompany the state’s chief executive to De Witt. But the requests made by the two officers fell on deaf ears.

Meanwhile, both sides continued to implement additional military measures. By October 6, the county regulators had obtained a cannon from some citizens of Jackson County. The gun, reported to be a “six-pounder,” cost Carrollton residents ten dollars per day.⁷⁹ Hiram Wilcoxson, who had been sent to procure the cannon, also secured the services of an old Scotchman living in Ray County who had several years of artillery experience in the British army. “The arrival of the cannon was hailed with great satisfaction,” wrote A. C. Blackwell, “as it was thought to be destined to play an important part in the settlement of the difficulties.”⁸⁰ At the anti-Mormon encampment, the weapon was mounted on the back of a carriage and a few men were selected to ^[171] be trained in its use. The siege ended before the gun was put to use, but it continued to play a part in the Mormon-Missouri contest. After the problems in De Witt were resolved, when the conflict shifted once again back to Daviess County, the possession of the cannon by mob forces generated additional Mormon military activity in an attempt to secure it.

In late September, Joseph Smith learned about the escalating conflict and the oppressive conditions Church members were laboring under in De Witt and took steps to provide relief and reinforcements to the beleaguered community.⁸¹ Two companies were subsequently organized—one headed by the Mormon Prophet himself, and the other by Seymour Brunson. Brunson’s company, consisting of forty-two mounted men, left Far West on the morning of Friday, October 5. The Prophet’s company, which numbered in the vicinity of twenty, left later that afternoon and arrived the following day.⁸² Even though the roads leading to the community were patrolled and well-^[172]guarded, both groups were able to pass without major incident.⁸³ With the arrival of the Caldwell troops, the total number of Mormon defenders was approximately 130.⁸⁴

Significantly, during the entire De Witt conflict, the county regulators either perceived that they were outnumbered by the Latter-day Saints, or they purposely and intentionally exaggerated the figures in order to induce additional recruits to join their ranks. For example, following the arrival of Mormon reinforcements from Far West, Adam C. Woods, a citizen of Howard County wrote, “I was informed, and believe the information to be true, that the Mormons at De Witt are between five and six hundred, well armed.” He stated that he was so fearful the Mormons were superior in terms of numbers, that he was sure to be injured if fighting broke out, so he chose not to fight but remained at the main encampment.⁸⁵ In addition to Woods, several other volunteers from Howard County addressed a letter to their fellow citizens in their own and adjoining counties requesting immediate assistance and more men. “The infatuated Mormons have assembled in large numbers in De Witt,” the letter reads, “and are continually pouring in from all quarters. . . . Come by fives and tens, if you cannot come by companies; bring all you can.”^86 [173]

Negotiations and Surrender

During the siege, six representatives from Chariton and Howard Counties—John W. Price, William K. Logan, Judge James Earickson, William F. Dunnica, William D. Sweeney, and a Major Flory—went to investigate the difficulties, offering their services to act as mediators between the two parties.⁸⁷ Significantly, it was through the influence of these men, particularly Earickson, and not the civil or military officials, that eventually an agreement was reached between the two warring factions. On October 4, Price and Logan, Chariton’s representatives, were the first to meet with leaders from both camps. Upon conversing with the vigilante commanders at the Pleasant Park encampment, they reported that a hostile temperament prevailed. The leaders informed the two representatives that they were “waging a war of extermination, or to remove [the Mormons] from the . . . county.” Upon meeting with officials in the Mormon community Price and 
Logan stated that a very different attitude was exhibited. “We found them in the act of defence, begging for peace,” they wrote, “and wishing for civil authorities to repair there as early as possible, to settle the difficulties.”⁸⁸

On October 6, the Howard delegation, led by Judge Earickson and Dunnica, met with leaders from both sides. After considerable discussion, anti-Mormon leaders agreed to allow the Howard representatives to make the following proposal to the LDS leaders. First, if the Mormons would leave the county and not return again, they would be reimbursed the cost of their property ^[174] plus ten percent, as well as the expense they incurred to move both in and out of the county; second, the Latter-day Saints must pay for the animals they killed; and third, they must leave by ten a.m. the following day. Negotiations came to a standstill when the Mormons rejected the proposal, stating they were determined to defend themselves and would be driven no more.⁸⁹

Refusal by the Mormons to surrender to the demands made by vigilante leaders centered in their hope that Parks and his two militia companies would put down the community regulators, just as Atchison’s troops had done in Daviess County in September. However, the Ray general informed the Mormons that the greater part of his men, including one of his senior officers, Captain Samuel Bogart, had “mutinied and were mobocratic.” Furthermore, because his troops could not be depended upon to enforce the law or defend the Mormons, he proposed withdrawing his two companies for fear they would join the mob.⁹⁰ This fact was well known, even among the county’s local citizens. Edward Lampkin, a Carrollton resident and non-Mormon wrote, “the militia have been called out to suppress the mob, but I believe they intend helping to kill them, they have [even] taken a few shots.”⁹¹ There is evidence indicating that Parks himself was at best indifferent to the Mormon cause and in fact disliked them. Edward Stevenson noted, “although a General in government service, [Parks] was a mobber in spirit and did not protect the Mormons.”^{92 [175]}

On October 9, A. L. Caldwell returned to De Witt to report to LDS leaders concerning his meeting with the governor in Jefferson City. His news was not encouraging. Boggs was unsympathetic to the Mormon cause and refused to intervene. Caldwell returned with the message that “‘the quarrel was between the Mormons and the mob’ and that ‘we might fight it out.’”⁹³ The governor was not necessarily sanctioning warfare. He simply knew that the vast majority of Missourians in Carroll County and the surrounding region were so against Mormon occupation that it would only be a matter of time before the Latter-day Saints would be forced to concede to the demands of the populace and abandon their community.

Following nine days of skirmishes, surprise strikes, at least two major assaults, and two attempts at negotiation, vigilante leaders determined that the Mormons had been given ample opportunity to capitulate and began making plans for an all-out attack on the community. The strategy called for Singleton Vaughn to converge from the east, Colonel Price from the west, and Congreave Jackson, with the cannon, would charge the center. Fortunately for the Latter-day Saints, Judge Earickson informed them of the planned incursion just before the forces were ready to advance. Recognizing the seriousness of the situation, the Mormons agreed to back down and sent Earickson to inform vigilante leaders they would agree to terms.^94 [176]

Upon receiving word of the Mormon surrender on October 10, a peace commission consisting of six representatives was chosen—William W. Austin, Abott Hancock, and A. C. Blackwell representing Carrollton; and Singleton Vaughn, David Walker, and Benjamin Cooper in behalf of Saline. James Earickson, William Dunnica, and William Sweeney, three members of the delegation who had come from Howard to investigate the disturbances, were selected to represent the Mormons. When the commissioners entered the town, Colonel Hinkle “received his visitors in a friendly manner.” The leaders observed that the families were already in the process of packing and loading their belongings in preparation for the expected evacuation. They also noted the people were in distressful circumstances. In fact, it was reported that when Austin and Hancock, two of the most hostile vigilante leaders, saw the deplorable conditions of the women and children, they were brought to tears.⁹⁵ A brief meeting was held among the leaders of the two sides. The Mormons were told they had twelve hours to evacuate the town.⁹⁶ Hinkle also delivered up his sword as a symbolic demonstration acknowledging their surrender.⁹⁷ The Mormon colonel then proposed that a final settlement meeting be held in the community of Glasgow at a later date after both sides had determined their costs and losses.^98 [177]

The De Witt Saints were forced to capitulate for several reasons. First, they were outnumbered. As the conflict progressed, it became increasingly difficult for the Mormons to defend De Witt. Whereas the vigilantes received a steady number of volunteers from the surrounding counties, who were all willing to take up arms against the Latter-day Saints, the only additional support the De Witt Saints could obtain were the sixty reinforcements from Caldwell and Daviess—a number far from sufficient. It is no wonder Joseph Smith wrote, “We had . . . no hopes whatever, of successfully resisting the mob, who kept constantly increasing.”⁹⁹

Second, the community’s food supplies were entirely exhausted. “There was neither bread nor flour to be had in the place,” wrote Sidney Rigdon. He further surmised that the situation was so acute that the Saints had no other alternative but to either vacate the community or starve.¹⁰⁰ Many of the Saints were also sick due to the adverse conditions, lack of shelter (many were living in wagons), and no medical aid. Silent death was literally staring them in the face.¹⁰¹

A third factor was the governor’s unwillingness to help the Saints. “[When] we recievd [sic] word . . . that the Gov. would do nothing for us & as we could get no protection from the authorities of the State we were forced to surrender,” wrote John Murdock.¹⁰² Boggs simply ^[178] refused to take any action—even after the Mormons made two attempts to secure his assistance, in addition to Parks’ and Atchison’s requests that he go to Carroll to help mediate and reconcile the situation. Instead, he was content to let the military officers in the district handle the problem.¹⁰³

Fourth, the militia failed to resolve the conflict. Unfortunately for the De Witt Saints, Atchison, the highest ranking officer, was called away on military business and could not oversee the operation, leaving brigadier generals Doniphan and Parks ultimately in charge. When Judge King called out the militia, he chose Parks. Parks went to the scene but did not quell the vigilantes or negotiate a settlement. Doniphan was also subsequently summoned, but the Mormons capitulated before he could get Carroll. Had either Atchison or Doniphan overseen the operation, the outcome may have been more favorable for the Mormons. Perhaps they would have even been allowed to remain on their lands, just like in Daviess County, but it is likely more fighting would have ensued later.

Exodus

On October 11 the Saints evacuated the city.¹⁰⁴ A. C. Blackwell observed the event: “The Mormons . . . filed out of town, men, women and children casting a sorrowful look behind them as they left forever the spot on which they had hoped to build a prosperous and thriving city.”^{105 [179]} The company of men who had come from Far West rode at the head and rear of the procession as a guard.¹⁰⁶ However, even as they were en route out of the county shots were fired at them.¹⁰⁷ Some of the leading perpetrators were men who had made up part of Parks militia who had declared they would not let the Mormons pass to Far West.¹⁰⁸

The seventy mile journey to Caldwell County was not an easy one. Zadok Judd, although just a boy, remembered the trip. The company traveled twelve miles the first day and camped in a grove of trees. During the night an elderly woman by the name of Downey died. “She had travelled with us all the way from Canada,” he wrote. “She was old and feeble and so much rough usage was more than she could endure. She was buried [the next day] without much ceremony—without any coffin—wrapped in a quilt and put in the grave.”¹⁰⁹ Zadok was also given the responsibility of herding three cows, but being barefoot, the weather being cold, and the ground hard from the frost, this proved to be quite an ordeal. While en route, several men came ^[180] from Far West to assist the travelers. One of the men told Zadok he would drive the cows and he could ride with him on his horse. “To this day my heart swells with gratitude for his kindness. I never knew his name and perhaps never shall. I believe that was the most uncomfortable [journey] I remember,” he wrote.¹¹⁰ Most of the company arrived in Far West on October 14.¹¹¹

The status of Mormonism in northern Missouri changed dramatically following the De Witt episode, and for the first time since the 1836 Clay County removal, the movement was on the retreat. In fact, it took several steps backwards. The conflict and subsequent removal clearly manifested that expansion would not be tolerated, but even more significantly, Church members who were living outside the confines of Caldwell faced the threat of expulsion. In addition, the events associated with the confrontation confirmed in the minds of the Mormons that the elected officials, particularly Governor Boggs, were biased against them and would not assist them. Furthermore, the actions of the militia and its officers demonstrated that in spite of their responsibility to maintain civil order, they could also oppose the Latter-day Saint cause, even to the point of uniting with the anti-Mormon element. Although there were those individuals who were sympathetic and fair-minded in their attitudes, they were a small minority and generated only a minimal degree of influence or restraint. After De Witt, the Mormons essentially stood alone, which meant in their minds that if their rights and peace were to be secured, it would have to be done by themselves. ^[181]