Chapter 9: The Massacre at Haun’s Mill

While the regional state militia was assembling in Richmond, the most lamentable and tragic episode of the Mormon-Missouri War took place at an isolated settlement in eastern Caldwell County at a site known as Haun’s Mill. Here, on the afternoon of October 30, 1838, seventeen Latter-day Saint civilians were killed and another fourteen wounded by an extralegal force, comprised of over two hundred revengeful men acting without official orders. The circumstances relating to the events, and the tragic loss of life inflicted by these county regulators upon a non-threatening and almost entirely defenseless community, serve to illustrate the extremes to which the public majority would go in order to bring about the removal of an unwanted religious minority from their society.^{1 [253]}

The Mormon “cleansing” of Daviess County during the last half of October, coupled with the erroneous reports that Bogart’s forces had been routed and then annihilated at Crooked River on October 24–25, sent a signal to vigilante groups in northern Missouri that more extreme measures would have to be undertaken in order to restore local control and bring about complete Mormon submission. Anti-Mormon forces, principally from Livingston County, assisted by a number of Daviess refugees, as well as a handful of community regulators from other locales, were the first to respond to the Mormon strikes and did so in a retaliatory fashion. In writing about the Missourians who carried out the tragedy at Haun’s Mill, nineteenth century Missouri historian Return I. Holcombe wrote:

Nearly all of the men were citizens of Livingston County. Perhaps twenty were from Daviess, from whence they had been driven by the Mormons during the troubles in that county a few weeks previously. The Daviess County men were very bitter against the Mormons, and vowed the direst vengeance on the entire sect. It did not matter whether or not the Mormons at the mill had taken any part in the disturbance which had occurred [in Daviess]; it was enough that they were Mormons. The Livingston men became thoroughly imbued with the same spirit, and all were eager for the raid . . . feel[ing] an extraordinary sympathy for the outrages suffered by their neighbors.²

Furthermore, the historical sources demonstrate that the actions of the Livingston militia were not connected in any way to the governor’s order of Mormon extermination as some historians have concluded. Rather, their objective was to make the Mormons “pay” for their most recent activities in Daviess and at Crooked River—which payment would be in the price of human blood. ^[254]

The Haun’s Mill Settlement

Haun’s Mill was one of the first Latter-day Saint settlements founded in Caldwell County and took its name from the community’s founder, Jacob Haun. Following his conversion to Mormonism, Haun emigrated from his home in Green Bay, Wisconsin, to western Missouri. Two years later he moved to a remote site on Shoal Creek in the eastern part of what was still then Ray County, and contracted with Jacob Myers, Sr., to build a water-powered mill on the north side of the tributary.³ Haun was joined by other enterprising Mormon millers. In 1834, Robert White established a mill a short distance from Haun’s on the same creek.⁴ Still later, Jacob Myers, his son Jacob, Jr., and Ellis Eamut formed a partnership and built a rudimentary combination grist and saw mill adjacent to Haun’s site. Since there were three milling operations in the immediate area (two at the actual site of Haun’s Mill), Caldwell Mormons often referred to the general locality as simply “the mills.”⁵ Following the creation of Caldwell, Haun’s community was included as part of the new Mormon county and was situated approximately sixteen miles east of Far West in section 17 of Fairview Township and only four miles due west of the Livingston County border. ^[255] A branch of the Church was also subsequently established with David Evans called as president to preside over the members.⁶

Haun’s hamlet never included more than a few families and less than a dozen cabins. However, another seventy to seventy-five Latter-day Saint families lived in the immediate area, mostly in Fairview Township along Shoal Creek.⁷ These Saints and a number of local gentile settlers in the region came for several miles around to get their milling done by the enterprising mill owners. Furthermore, in addition to operating as an important agricultural production center for the eastern portion of the county, the outpost also served as a stopping place for Mormons coming from the east en route to Far West.

Prelude to the Attack

The Mormons living at the mill and along Shoal Creek were on relatively friendly terms with their non-Mormon neighbors until the problems erupted in Daviess County in mid-October. “All things continued to move on well; the inhabitants behaved themselves very friendly and purchased goods from [us] and used [our] mill[s] for grinding and sawing,” wrote Ellis Eamut. “This continued until the disturbances broke out up in Daviess county, when I observed from the conversation that they did not like the proceedings of our brethren.”⁸ Fearful they might expect treatment similar to that received by their neighbors to the north, gentile settlers living in eastern Caldwell sought help from Livingston’s vigilante forces, whose numbers were now strengthened with embittered Daviess refugees recently displaced from their homes. Two anti-Mormons, Sardis ^[256] Smith and George Miller, both of whom lived in the vicinity of Haun’s Mill in Fairview Township, were not only afraid of possible Mormon harassment, but feared they might also be mistaken as Latter-day Saints and thus mobbed by vigilante forces. To avoid any maltreatment altogether, Smith and Miller abandoned most of their property in the latter part of October, moved to Livingston County, and then hired a band of locals to go into Caldwell and bring back their belongings.⁹

The antagonism against the Haun’s Mill community was also fueled by Latter-day Saint dissidents who left the religious society and then spread false and misleading reports concerning Mormon intentions. One such individual may have been Robert White. As noted, White was one of the first members of the Church to settle in the area of Shoal Creek in 1834. However, by late October 1838, he became disillusioned with the sect, abandoned his mill, and moved to Livingston County.¹⁰ Following the Mormon War, Daniel Ashby, a Livingston citizen and a Haun’s Mill participant, testified before the House of Representatives for the state of Missouri that the reports given by Mormon dissenters who had moved into his county was the primary reason the decision was made to attack the mill. “They [the dissenters] reported that the Mormons intended attacking the people on our line, and that they intended burning a town,” he wrote. “The name [of the town] I did not catch.” Ashby went on to say that out of fear the Mormons would attack, “we thought it best to attack them first. . . . What we did was in our own defence [sic], and as we had the right ^[257] to do.”¹¹ Significantly, several Mormon sources report White as being a member of the Livingston militia that attacked the mill.¹²

Livingston’s community regulators were quick to respond to the rumors. “The people liveing [sic] on Grand River about 6 or 8 miles north of the mill began to come over to Shoal Creek settlements where the Mormons lived and drove of[f] our cattle and made some thre[a]ts that they intended to come and burn down the mill[s],” wrote David Lewis.¹³ Since the mills were the economic and temporal lifeblood of the entire Mormon population in the region, the decision was made to post a continual guard to prevent any attempts to burn the structures.¹⁴

However, the threats soon escalated even further. Around October 25, a band of approximately twenty men headed up by Nehemiah Comstock of Livingston County rode into Haun’s Mill, demanding the Mormons turn over their guns and weapons. Fearing negative repercussions if the ruffians’ directives were not met, most of the men reluctantly complied. Hiram Abbot, however, refused, knowing the men had no authority to issue such orders. Fearing immediate retribution at the hands of the company members, Abbot ran, making his way across the mill dam and up the hill on the other side. Comstock and two other vigilante members, Elijah Trosper and Joshua Whitney, quickly dismounted and went in pursuit. While Abbot was in the act of climbing the hill on the opposite bank, Comstock took aim, making several attempts to shoot, ^[258] but the cartridge misfired each time. Seeing his attacker’s dilemma, Abbot turned his gun on Comstock who immediately sought cover behind a hen house. This gave Abbot the break he needed in order to make his escape and he darted away. Realizing a chase would prove useless, Comstock called Whitney and Trosper off, and the company left, satisfied that they were able to confiscate nearly all the weapons in the community. No sooner had the anti-Mormon band made their departure than messengers were immediately dispatched to send word to Mormon families living along Shoal Creek that hostile bands were active in the area and to be on guard.¹⁵

Anti-Mormon raiders also accosted Mormon companies traveling through the area en route to Far West. Abraham Palmer stated that while passing through Livingston County, his company was surrounded by a mob consisting of thirty-eight men who abused them and then took the only three rifles they had before allowing them to pass on.¹⁶ William H. Walker’s wagon company was stopped in the same area. Every wagon was searched and robbed of all its firearms and ammunitions. Then, as if the attack on the Haun’s Mill had already been planned, they were warned that if they proceeded on any further, they would all be killed. Two Mormon men were also taken prisoners.¹⁷ Captain William Mann and his group of Livingston guards were the likely culprits in these two detainments.¹⁸ Another Mormon company led by Joseph Young, brother of ^[259] Brigham Young, received even harsher treatment. Young’s party, comprised of some ten families, had almost reached Caldwell County when they were confronted by a Livingston band headed by Thomas R. Bryan (the county clerk), his brother Jefferson, William Ewell, and James Austin. “We were taken prisoners by an armed mob that . . . demanded every bit of ammunition and every weapon we had,” wrote Amanda Smith. “We surrendered all. They knew it, for they searched our wagons.”¹⁹ The raiders then took them back a distance of five miles to a location known as Whitney’s Mills, where they placed them under guard and detained them for three days. After finally being released, they proceeded on to Haun’s Mill where they arrived two days before the attack.^20 [260]

After confiscating what weapons they could from both Mormon settlers and emigrants, vigilante leaders next sent messengers to the Mormon community, proposing that the two sides meet together to bring about terms of reconciliation. “The mob . . . sent word to us that they wished to meet a committee of our people and have an understanding of each other’s movements and expressed their wish to live in peace and friendly terms with us,” wrote Ellis Eamut.²¹ The Mormons were more than willing to oblige, recognizing they were at a distinct military disadvantage—having only a limited number of weapons, as well as being outnumbered due to the addition of the vigilantes from Livingston, Daviess, and other surrounding counties. Accordingly, David Evans, Jacob Myers, Sr., and Anthony Blackburn were selected to represent the Mormons in the discussions. Sources indicate that the mill’s leaders negotiated with leaders of several vigilante groups on different occasions. One meeting was held at the Myers settlement situated a few miles east of Haun’s Mill. Here the three Mormon delegates arbitrated with Samuel E. Todd, Zachariah Lee, Isaac McCroskie, Thomas R. Bryan, and William F. Ewell, all from Livingston County.²² About this same time, by means of a messenger, President Evans deliberated a truce with Nehemiah Comstock at which time both parties agreed to abandon their military organization.²³ Finally, at least two meetings were held at the home of Oliver Walker with local citizens representing the non-Mormon settlers living among the Mormons in Fairview township in Caldwell County, and a third meeting was probably held with members of this same group on ^[261] the day of the attack.²⁴ In each of these exchanges, both sides also agreed to leave the other alone and live peaceably.

Historical evidence, however, suggests that the attempts made by the vigilantes to confiscate the Mormon’s weapons, followed by the peace negotiations, were actually part of the overall plan of the Missouri regulators to ensure the eradication of the Mormon community. By disarming the Latter-day Saints, both those living in the area as well as those traveling through the region, the Mormons would be left virtually defenseless, making it possible for the attack on the community to take place with minimal resistance while at the same time reducing the risk of casualties. The pretended truce was conducted so that the Mormons would be led to believe they had nothing to fear and that an attack was not likely to occur.²⁵ The Mormons, however, were neither totally naive nor unsuspecting of their enemies’ possible intentions. At the conclusion of these negotiations Ellis Eamut wrote, “We felt more satisfied, having, as we thought, a perfect understanding of their intentions, but at the same time we thought it best to keep up a watch at the mills for fear any individuals might come privately and burn them.”²⁶ A few Mormon families living in the surrounding area moved to the mills and boarded with other Mormon families. “We ^[262] gathered to Ha[u]ns Mill for the Double purpose of our better Security,” David Fullmer remembered, “and Saving the mill from being burned.”²⁷

Recognizing the volatility of the situation, the citizens of the mill community appointed Jacob Haun to travel to Far West to seek counsel concerning whether or not they should continue to maintain the mill site and remain in the area.²⁸ While at Far West, Haun first approached John Killian, an officer in the Caldwell militia. Recognizing the isolated nature of the settlement and its proximity to the hostile Livingston and Carroll county forces, Killian counseled Haun to move the families into Far West at once.²⁹ The mill owner also asked Joseph Smith for his counsel concerning the situation, whereupon he was told to abandon the mill so as to not risk the lives of the citizens. “But . . . Brother Joseph,” Haun replied, “we think we are strong enough to defend the mill and keep it in our own hands.” With that, he returned to the community and reported that Brother Joseph’s instructions were for them to stay and protect and hold the mill.³⁰ David Lewis, a Haun’s Mill resident, believed Haun purposefully misrepresented the Prophet’s position and deliberately deceived the community members. He wrote that Haun “returned and said if we thought we could maintain the mill it was Joseph’s council for us to do so . . . and not to come to ^[263] Farewest and we thought from the way the thing was represented it would be like cowards to leave and not try to maintain it . . . [and] we thought to guether [sic] up all our affects and leave our houses would be useless, for we did not know that it was Joseph’s decided council for us to do so.”³¹ Later, the Prophet was reported to have said, “None had ever been killed who abode by my counsel. At Haun’s Mill the brethren went contrary to my counsel; if they had not, their lives would have been spared.”³² Ultimately however, the Haun’s Mill Saints themselves should not bear the blame for rejecting Joseph Smith’s counsel. Had Haun reported truthfully, presumably most of the community members would have followed the Prophet’s recommendation and moved into Far West. Thus, if responsibility is to be affixed to anyone, that individual must be Jacob Haun, and not the members of the community at large.³³

Around noon on Sunday, October 28, Joseph Young’s emigrant company arrived at the Haun’s Mill “where we found a number of our friends, collected together who were holding a council; and deliberating on the best course for them to pursue,” Young wrote.³⁴ By this time, Jacob Haun had returned from his meeting with Joseph Smith in Far West, and the community was ^[264] likely meeting in order to hear his report and discuss their situation. At the same time, community leaders were also aware William Mann and his men had been harassing Mormon emigrants. With the recent arrival of Young and his group, and learning from them that they had been detained for three days by Bryan and his Livingston men, it became even more clear that their antagonists had no intentions of keeping their agreements. The community was faced with only two options. They could abandon their homes and move into Far West, or they could remain and try to protect themselves and their property. Jacob Myers, Sr., favored leaving, reminding the group how few they were in comparison with the number on the side of the “Gentiles.”³⁵ However, Haun’s “twisted” report tended to encourage them to remain, and “the decision of council,” wrote Joseph Young, “was that our friends there should place themselves in an attitude of self defence . . . [and be] in constant readiness for an attack of any small body of men that might come upon them.”³⁶ Young’s company was also compelled to remain at the mills for another reason. For a number of days they had been short on rations. After arriving at the Mormon settlement they purchased what grain they needed and then concluded to remain until it could be ground.³⁷ The families ^[265] camped in tents in the center of the community near the blacksmith shop owned by James Houston.³⁸ With the addition of Young’s group (approximately ten families), the total number of Mormon families living at or near the mills came to about thirty. Thirty-five to forty adult men were on hand to defend the community.³⁹

The Saints prepared a hasty defense. Although many of their firearms had already been seized as a result of the raids conducted by Comstock’s raiders, they set to work collecting what weapons could be found, including squirrel rifles and shotguns, while the women offered to mold bullets and prepare powder patches.⁴⁰ Community leaders also made guard assignments and established night watches. Finally, the blacksmith shop was set up to be a garrison or block-house should an assault on the community take place.⁴¹

The Assault

On Monday, October 29, vigilante leaders met at the Woolsey property, situated about eight miles northeast of Haun’s Mill near present-day Breckinridge in Caldwell County. Here they made final plans to attack the Mormon settlement.⁴² By noon the next day, most of the men had assembled near what is today the community of Mooresville, in Livingston County, approximately ten miles east of the mill.⁴³ The commander of the entire operation was Thomas Jennings, an old-^[266]time militia officer.⁴⁴ The regiment consisted of between two and three hundred men—the majority coming from Livingston—with Daviess, Caldwell, and Carrollton counties also being represented. (See Appendix I for the names of the men documented to have been part of the Livingston Militia).⁴⁵ The men were divided into three companies, headed by Captains William O. Jennings (Thomas’ son, and Livingston County’s sheriff), Nehemiah Comstock, and William Gee.⁴⁶ The entire regiment was on horses. Their approach to Haun’s Mill was in an open prairie along a line ^[267] between Mooresville and what is today Breckinridge in Caldwell County.⁴⁷ About two miles from the mill community, they turned south. Here Colonel Jennings left James Trosper in command of a small number of men to guard a supply wagon and the two Mormon prisoners captured a few days previously.⁴⁸

On the day of the attack, community life at the Mormon mill was going on in the usual fashion. For the most part, there was no sense of unusual foreboding or fear. In the early afternoon, David Evans, the Mormon captain, along with Jacob Myers, Sr., returned from a meeting with gentile leaders. This council could not have been held with the leaders of the Livingston force, since at the time they were in the process of traveling to the Mormon mill site. Therefore, it is probable that Evans and Myers had held the meeting with the local non-Mormon settlers living in close proximity to the community.⁴⁹ Upon his return, Evans led those who could ^[268] be assembled in community prayer.⁵⁰ Just prior to the attack, children were playing along the banks of the stream, the women were busily engaged in domestic chores and making the evening meal preparations, while most of the men were employed in their usual occupations—chopping and gathering wood, working in the nearby fields, or operating the mills. Hiram Abbot and Rial Ames were cutting each others’ hair.⁵¹

Sometime between three and four p.m. the vigilante force arrived in the area, stopping just north of the mill in the heavily timbered area running about a mile and a half in width and lying a few hundred yards north of the community.⁵² They were secluded by the undergrowth and were not detected until they began the actual assault. Upon emerging from the wooded area, the militia-mob advanced from three sides; Jennings aligned his men in the center, (i.e. the north), while Comstock and Gee’s companies took positions on the east and west.⁵³ The Mormons at the mill who could see the approach of the Livingston militia at first thought they were some of their brethren from Far West. However, their blackened faces, red bandannas, and overall hostile appearance soon gave them away and a white flag was hoisted. Upon seeing the flag, the Missourians knew they were discovered and hastened the attack.⁵⁴ The first line, comprised of ^[269] sixty to seventy men, came in full gallop towards the settlement, until they got within about one hundred yards of the mill, when they immediately halted and dismounted.⁵⁵ Seeing the superiority of their numbers, David Evans, the Mormon captain, swung his hat, cried for peace, and called for quarters. His entreaty was not heeded. Comstock fired his gun, signaling his men to open fire. With the assault underway, Evans ordered the men to run to the blacksmith shop.⁵⁶

The surprise attack threw the Mormons into an extreme state of confusion, especially the women and children who cried and screamed in excitement and terror. Thinking first of the safety of their spouses and children, a few men directed them across a plank running along the top of the mill dam to the south bank of Shoal Creek, then encouraged them to retreat further into the ^[270] woods.⁵⁷ During the flight, the Missourians purposely fired on the innocent women and their youngsters. While running with one six-year old daughter at her side, and another year-old baby girl in her arms, Amanda B. Smith fled across the dam and up a wooded slope on the other side. “The bullets whistled by me like hailstones,” she later recalled, “and cut down the bushes on all sides of me.”⁵⁸ Not knowing if the Missouri ruffians would pursue them, Margaret Foutz and several other women wandered a considerable distance before they believed they were out of danger. “We ran about three miles into the woods, and there huddled together,” she wrote, “spreading what few blankets or shawls we chanced to have on the ground for the children; here we remained until two o’clock the next morning.”⁵⁹ Not all of the women found refuge in the woods. Olive Ames found a cubbyhole under a bluff alongside the stream large enough to conceal herself and several children.⁶⁰ A number of other women fled to nearby cabins hoping they would not be pursued or discovered. Fortunately, nearly all of the fifty women and children living in the settlement made it to safety.

Only one woman, Mary Stedwell, was wounded in the initial assault. As the marauders made their first advance, she raised her hands pleading for peace. In doing so, she was shot in the hand. After being injured, she saw no other recourse than to run for cover with the other women and children. She did not get far. After reaching the opposite side of the creek and being ^[271] overcome by shock and fatigue, Mary fell down behind a log where she hoped to rest for a few moments while at the same time secluding herself from the militia. However, unknown to her, a portion of her clothing hung over the log, thus exposing her whereabouts to her attackers who were still in range and continued to shoot at her for some considerable time. Although she received no further wounds, her hiding place was examined after the attack and over twenty bullets were found lodged in the toppled trunk.⁶¹

While the women and children scattered into the woods and nearby homes, the majority of the men darted into the blacksmith shop where they had stockpiled what weapons they had.⁶² The shop was approximately eighteen feet square—not very large for the thirty-two men and three boys known to have entered the structure. The shop was built of large logs, spaced some distance apart. As they were neither chinked nor daubed, there were wide cracks between each log. On the north side, one log was cut out entirely to enable the Mormon defenders to shoot their guns from a position inside the building. There were also two windows. The door was located on the south facing Shoal Creek.⁶³ While the Mormons believed the construction of the building would serve as an appropriate fortification, it soon proved to be more of “a slaughter-house rather than ^[272] a shelter.”⁶⁴ “The shop was very open,” David Lewis wrote, and “each bullet that passed threw these many openings was bound to prove fatal to some of us within.”⁶⁵

The Mormons held off their attackers for several minutes. However, because Colonel Jennings had organized his forces into at least two lines, after the first column positioned and fired, the second line took its place, thus allowing the first group time to reload. In this fashion, the militia was able to maintain a constant and continual conflagration upon the Mormons.⁶⁶ It did not take long for the Mormons to perceive that they were not only outnumbered, but that they could not successfully defend themselves from their position inside the shop. Recognizing they could resist for only so long and that complete capitulation was inevitable, Evans, who by this time had made his way into the blacksmith shop, made a second attempt to call for a cease-fire. He ran out of the building, exposing himself to the enemy’s barrage, “[calling] for peace and solicit[ing] them to desist.” Nathan Knight also went out, joining Evans in supplicating for a truce, “but all to no effect.”⁶⁷ During all this time, the Missourians continued their fire. In the process, Knight was ^[273] shot in the right hand, losing one finger and the use of another. Rather than go back into the shop, both Knight and Evans made an attempt to escape into the woods across the creek. While Knight was making his break across the mill dam he was shot in the leg. A third bullet hit him in the back with the ball passing through his body and lodging in the pit of his stomach. Although severely wounded, he continued his escape, making his way over the hill on the other side of the stream across from the mill and running about three-quarters of a mile into the woods where he remained until after the militia left.⁶⁸ Evans escaped unharmed.⁶⁹

The militia slowly closed in, forming a half circle on the north end of the shop and extending around the east and west sides.⁷⁰ As they did so, their fire became more deadly. Several Missourians succeeded in taking sniper positions behind logs and trees within close range and were able to discern the movements of many of the Mormon men inside. About this time the Mormons inside the blacksmith shop experienced their first injuries and casualties. For example, David Lewis took a position by the west window, but in order to shoot out, he had to step on a block. On one occasion as he raised himself to the opening, he spied a Missourian who had his gun sighted directly on him, so he ducked back down, and dismounted from the block. No sooner had he ^[274] backed down than one of his comrades stepped up to the window to shoot and was immediately gunned down and killed.⁷¹

The vigilante force eventually succeeded in completely overwhelming the Mormons, thus enabling a few of their men to slip under the Mormons’ fire and secure positions directly outside the walls of the shop. Daniel Ashby, one of the Missourians who was ordered to move in and secure the building, observed that the man directly ahead of him made it safely all the way to the outside wall by squatting low to the ground. He then crawled over to one of the openings where the Mormons were shooting from and sat still. Within a short time, a Mormon defender put his gun through the gap, not knowing a militiaman was pitched directly beneath his muzzle, and then discharged his gun. No sooner had he drawn back his weapon, than the Missourian shoved his through the hole and fired.⁷² Within a short time “our men got possession of all the port house, cracks, &c.,” wrote Ashby, “and kept up such a constant fire that the Mormons could not get their guns out to shoot.”⁷³

“Seeing no prospect before us but death, the mob manifesting all malice possible and would not listen to our cries and seemed determined to murder us all, we thought it advisable for us to make our escape,” wrote Ellis Eamut.⁷⁴ The door, situated on the south side of the shop facing the creek, was the only feasible exit, and fortunately for the Mormons, it was on the only side not directly exposed to enemy fire. However, since the Missourians were also positioned on the east and west, anyone trying to make a break would still be mostly unprotected. It was clear ^[275] to the trapped men that anyone leaving would be shot at, but flight appeared to be their only hope for survival. Hiram Abbot, Tarlton Lewis, and two others were the first to make for the woods. Abbot was hit as soon as he left the door and received a fatal wound. Tarlton Lewis, who was right on his heels, was shot through the shoulder but not seriously wounded.⁷⁵

When George Myers was about to break outside he observed a Missourian situated behind a tree leveling his gun at him, forcing him to drop back inside the shop. Recognizing that the sniper was waiting for him to make his move, Myers employed a small diversionary tactic. Using the rifle of one of his fallen associates, he put his hat on the end, and then raised the gun so the Missourian could clearly see it. Upon seeing the hat, the attacker moved from behind the tree and fired. This gave Myers a chance to aim and fire back. In doing so he wounded the man, but gave himself the opportunity he needed to make his break. After leaving the shop, Myers was hit a little below the right shoulder blade. He made his way across the dam and up the hill to safety. He walked as far as he could, but because of the loss of blood, he was soon forced to crawl. He crawled on his hands and knees the rest of the way to his house, which was located over a mile from the mill.⁷⁶

While defending the shop, John Walker was hit with a ball in the right arm. Finding it impossible to reload, and knowing he would now be of little or no help, he and another Mormon defender made a dash for safety. The two men ran a short distance down the bank of the creek, bullets whizzing around them the entire time. As the two men were starting to ascend the hill on the opposite bank, Walker’s companion, who was just ahead of him, was shot down. Walker immediately sought some sort of protection and rushed under some lumber leaning against the ^[276] bank. “You are safest here,” a voice calmly said to him, and although the boards afforded little protection, he remained there until the militia left and received no other injuries.⁷⁷

Sixty-two year old Thomas McBride was also wounded as he made his escape. However, in spite of his injuries he was able to make his way back to a deserted cabin where he secluded himself in the cellar. Here, he was subsequently found by eleven year-old Willard Smith. When the fighting broke out, Willard had made an attempt to go into the blacksmith shop along with his father Warren and two younger brothers Sardius and Alma, but was prevented from doing so. Seeking protection, the young boy crawled under a pile of timber where he was shielded temporarily, but was soon discovered by the militia, who immediately began shooting at him. “I crawled out and ran into an empty house on the slope near the pond. Here, I found . . . Father McBride, who had been wounded and had crawled into a potato cellar under the floor of the house,” he wrote. “He begged for a drink of water and to be helped out of the cellar,” Willard continued. In spite of the danger, the lad ran to the millpond where he was deliberately fired upon. “The bullets spatter[ed] in the water like hail,” however, he succeeded in getting the water and returned to the cabin “without a scratch.” Willard warned McBride he was sure to be discovered by the mob if he remained in the house, but the old gentleman chose to stay. Willard made him as comfortable as possible, then made his own way to safety.⁷⁸ McBride was subsequently ^[277] discovered by Jacob Rogers of Daviess County. Rogers demanded the Mormon step outside and surrender himself and his gun. McBride did so, expecting to be taken prisoner, but instead Rogers shot him in the chest with his own weapon.⁷⁹ This did not finish the old gentleman off however, whereupon Rogers, using a corn cutter, brutally slashed and mutilated McBride on his head, face, shoulders, and hands—nearly cutting off several fingers as well as an ear. He was then left lying in the creek.⁸⁰

Jacob Foutz, Jr. came close to experiencing a fate similar to that of McBride. In making his run for safety he received a flesh wound to his thigh, while another ball hit him between his ankle and his knee, breaking his leg and causing him to fall. This gave several ruffians time to ^[278] catch up to him, one of whom was apparently Rogers, who had just finished off McBride and intended to do the same to young Foutz. However, just as he was about to kill Foutz, one of his confederates called out to Rogers, telling him if he killed the injured Mormon, he would shoot him. Then running up to the two men, the unknown man said that Foutz “was a damned fine man for he had ground many a grist for him.” With that, Rogers left Jacob alone. Strangely enough, two members of the Livingston militia later carried Foutz to his home where they “threw him on the bed, and hurried out the doors, as though they expected to be shot the next moment.”⁸¹

The last five to leave the shop were David Lewis, Isaac Leany, Jacob Potts, William Yokum, and Benjamin Lewis. David Lewis made his break alone. At first he thought he would surrender since sometime prior to the attack he had been sick. He was in a weakened condition and knew he would not be able to make a quick escape. However, after exiting, he found himself directly in the line of fire, so he immediately changed his mind, went down an embankment, crossed the stream, ascended a steep bank on the opposite side near Haun’s house, then headed south and went to his own home situated a quarter of a mile from the main community. During his retreat, due to his physical condition, he was unable to run. Although he was exposed to enemy fire for two hundred yards, and five shots went through his clothes, he was uninjured.⁸²

Isaac Leany made a harrowing and miraculous escape. When he and his companions left the shop they were fired upon at a range of only four to five rods. Upon making his break, he was pelted with bullets and was hit several times. In spite of his injuries, he was able to make his way to the mill where he climbed down one of the mill’s timbers to the creek, then he waded through ^[279] the frosty water until he came to Jacob Haun’s home where several Mormon women had gathered. The ladies quickly ushered him into the cabin and attended briefly to his wounds. However, fearing the mob might storm the house and discover Leany, they removed a floor board, laid Leany down in the cavity, and re-secured the board. Here he remained until the vigilantes left, all the while suffering extreme discomfort as a result of his extensive wounds.⁸³ Four balls had passed entirely through his body, leaving eight holes. He was also grazed by two more bullets, resulting in flesh wounds to each arm. During his flight his buck horn charger was shot away, as was the entire breech of his rifle. Following the ordeal, twenty-seven bullet holes were counted in his shirt and another seven in his pants.⁸⁴

Jacob Potts, William Yokum, and Benjamin Lewis were each eventually hit by a barrage of enemy fire. After exiting the blacksmith shop, Potts was hit twice in his right leg. In spite of his injuries, he eventually made his way to David Lewis’ cabin where he borrowed a ^[280] horse and then rode to his home.⁸⁵ William Yokum fell just after he had crossed the mill dam. He was hit in two places—once in his leg, probably causing his fall, and a second striking him in the face and passing through his entire head. He miraculously recovered from his head wound, but his leg was later amputated.⁸⁶ Benjamin Lewis was mortally wounded shortly after making his break. He made his way to a fence where a man by the name of Rockholt, using a long-range rifle, shot him in the back, near the shoulder blade. Although severely injured, he continued on a short distance before his strength finally gave out. After the Missourians left the area, he was discovered three hundred yards from the shop.⁸⁷

After the last group of Mormon defenders broke out of the shop, some of Jennings’ men yelled for quarters, and the Missourians finally ceased firing. Upon hearing the gunfire had stopped, a few of the Mormon defenders who had made their way to the bank opposite the shop shot a few final rounds before turning and running on.⁸⁸ The Mormon men who escaped from the blacksmith shop did not fare well. Of the nineteen men who fled from the building, thirteen were wounded in their escape (three later died as a result of the their injuries), Thomas McBride was wounded and then killed, and John Walker, although wounded before he made his exit, succeeded in reaching safety. Only four Mormons, Rial Ames, Ellis Eamut, David Evans, and David Lewis, escaped uninjured.

With the fighting over, several members of the Livingston regulators cautiously approached the structure to investigate and determine the extent of the Mormon losses. Inside, ^[281] eight Mormons lay dead.⁸⁹ In addition, four men were wounded, and another man and three boys were uninjured and had concealed themselves as best they could, hoping they would not be discovered. Once inside, the Missourians continued their hostilities, abusing the wounded who appeared to be close to death, and killing others. Three of the most severely injured were Simon Cox, Austin Hammer, and Warren Smith. Cox, the first Mormon to be wounded in the attack, received several balls in his mid-section.⁹⁰ Hammer was hit in seven places, two shots having broken both of his thighs.⁹¹ Warren Smith, who was the worst off of the three, was almost dead. Recognizing all three men would not likely live long due to the extent of their injuries, the vigilantes began stripping them of their clothing and boots. William Mann, of Mooresville Township in Livingston County, was particularly brutal with Warren Smith. While pulling off one of his boots, Mann dragged the injured man across the shop, whereupon, Smith exclaimed, “Oh, you hurt me!” He then took hold of the other boot, dragging him once again until it came off. The strain was too much for the injured Mormon and Smith soon expired.⁹² Cox and Hammer were taken outside into the yard so the raiders could have more room to remove their boots and ^[282] clothing. Here, the two men were left to die, although both lived for several hours afterwards.⁹³ The dead were also stripped of their salvageable clothing and footwear.⁹⁴

While the Missourians were conducting their search of the shop, the most senseless shootings took place. At the time of the attack, three young boys had followed their fathers into the shop— Sardius (age ten) and Alma Smith (age seven), two sons of Warren Smith; and Charles Merrick (age nine), son of Levi N. Merrick. During the siege, the boys shielded themselves from the heavy gunfire by hiding beneath the furnace bellows. However, following the fight, one of the Livingston soldiers outside the shop could see where they were sequestered and, putting his gun through a large crack, fired a shot, wounding Alma in the hip.⁹⁵ Upon further investigation from inside the building, the Missourians found all three boys. The Merrick boy tried to escape, making a break through the open door. As he ran outside, he was fired upon, receiving a load of buckshot and at least one ball, resulting in three wounds. He never recovered from his injuries and died four weeks later.⁹⁶ A cowering and trembling Sardius pled for his life. However, a heartless and inhumane ruffian put the muzzle of his gun to the boy’s ear, discharging his weapon at point blank ^[283] range, literally blowing a portion of his head off.⁹⁷ The third boy, Alma, though wounded, feigned he was dead, laying perfectly still until the men were gone.⁹⁸

When the Missourians stormed the building, two Mormon men were still alive and initially eluded detection. Jacob Foutz, himself wounded in the thigh, could not make his escape with the others, so when the ruffians came in the shop, he laid face down on the ground pretending to be dead. His pockets were robbed and one man put his arm under him, hoping he had a pistol he could steal. He also overheard Sardius Smith’s pleadings, followed by the guns cracking which took his life.⁹⁹ William Champlin was not only alive, but was in fact completely unharmed. Earlier, when the decision was made to abandon the blacksmith shop, he chose to remain inside rather than face what was sure to be a barrage of bullets. To protect himself from detection, he drew several of the dead bodies on top of him to make it appear as if he was one of those killed.¹⁰⁰ Eventually, however, Champlin was discovered but he was not harmed. A Livingston militiaman later ^[284] reported that following the fight they “found one man in the house [i.e. the blacksmith shop] not hurt, who had fallen down in the early part of the action, and was covered with the slain.” Champlin was taken prisoner and held for three days before being released.¹⁰¹

The entire assault on the mill lasted between thirty and sixty minutes.¹⁰² Joseph Young estimated that the Missourians shot some sixteen hundred rounds at the Mormon defenders during the attack.¹⁰³ The amount of Mormon firepower would have been considerably less, as evidenced by the fact that only three Missourians were injured in the encounter. John Hart, a Livingston resident, was wounded in the arm. John Renfrow had his thumb shot off. Allen England, a citizen of Daviess, was the most injured, being severely wounded in the thigh.¹⁰⁴

Aftermath

Following the attack, with the exception of a few women and children, most of whom were hiding in the woods or an isolated cabin, the community was nearly completely deserted. The militia-mob spent about an hour plundering most of the abandoned Mormon homes, taking furniture, bedding, household articles, clothing, tools, guns, farm animals, wagons, horses, and any money they could find.¹⁰⁵ Olive Ames observed the mobs’ activities from her hiding place. ^[285] “I could see them go into the houses and tents, carrying out clothing and bedding.” When they came to her house she saw them take some of her family’s belongings, putting all that they could on her husband’s horse. She believed what they wanted most was money. “What little money [I] had was hid away in my old clock,” she wrote. “I supposed that too would be taken, with all my bedding.”¹⁰⁶ The amount taken by the Livingston men was considerable. A disabled Nathan Knight observed after returning to the settlement later that evening that Jennings’ men had taken nearly everything. “All of our property of every description [was gone],” he wrote, “both belonging to our camp and the settlement. . . . Brother Haun’s house escaped their ravages, but his horses were taken from the stable. I had nothing left but a small trunk; the contents were gone except a bottle of consecrated oil, which they had left on the ground.”¹⁰⁷ After gathering the bounty, the Livingston marauders saddled up. As they were mounting to leave, Jacob Foutz recalled that one of their leaders yelled out, “hurraw boys lets git out of this plase.”¹⁰⁸ That evening they rode back to the Woolsey property where they made their encampment for the night.¹⁰⁹

The Mormons had no way of knowing what the intentions of Jennings and his men might be and expected they would possibly return and kill or capture the remaining Mormon men who had escaped. Believing the lives of Mormon settlers living along Shoal Creek, as well as those in other isolated areas of eastern Caldwell County were also in jeopardy, messengers were immediately sent from house to house spreading the news concerning the massacre and warning ^[286] the Latter-day Saints to be on the alert.¹¹⁰ Word of the massacre reached Church leaders in Far West later the next day (October 31).¹¹¹

Despite the dangers of returning to the mill, many of the women and children who had fled during the attack returned, hoping to learn the fate or fortune of their husbands and fathers and loved ones. Amanda Barnes Smith was one of the first on the scene. She knew her husband had gone into the blacksmith shop along with the other Mormon men, but she did not know the whereabouts of her three young sons. As she approached the shop her greatest fears were confirmed. She was met by her oldest son Willard who had already been into the shop and was carrying the wounded Alma on his back. “They have killed my little Alma,” she screamed. “No,” replied Willard, “but Father and Sardi[u]s are dead.” He then begged her not to enter the shop, but to immediately attend to Alma.¹¹² The wounded boy was taken by his brother back to the tent which had served as a temporary shelter for the emigrant family. “Our tent had been looted, even the ticking cut and straw strewn about,” Willard remembered, “[but] Mother leveled the straw and covered it with some clothing and on this awful bed we placed Alma, cutting off his pants to determine the extent of his injury.”¹¹³ Amanda discovered that her son’s entire hip—flesh, bone, and socket joint—had been completely shot away, and throughout the evening and into the morning hours, she performed a crude but effective operation using what articles were available to her. ^[287] After washing the wound using a pungent lye solution, she made a thick poultice from the roots of a slippery elm tree, then filled the contusion with the dressing and covered the entire wound with a linen bandage. The next day, Amanda and her four children were invited to move into the home of another LDS family. Here, for the next five weeks, Alma recuperated while lying flat on his stomach. The boy subsequently experienced a full and miraculous recovery.¹¹⁴

Because of darkness, the dead could not be buried and were left unattended. Many of the injured were brought to Jacob Haun’s home to be cared for.¹¹⁵ Nathan Knight, himself wounded in the hand, leg, and back, remembered the misery and suffering experienced by the wounded. “Their groans and shrieks made the night hideous and horrible beyond description,” he wrote. “The women were the only ones to administer comfort during that night of desolation and suffering.”¹¹⁶ In reality, there was not much that could be done, other than to make the injured comfortable. Many prayers were said and some of the men were administered to. By late evening, Isaac Leany was nearly lifeless and not expected to live, having received eight critical wounds. With little hope he would ever recuperate, “the elders [prayed] for his recovery, according to the order of the Holy Priesthood,” wrote John D. Lee. In spite of his condition, he was promised through prayer and faith in God a speedy convalescence. Significantly, Leany bore testimony that upon being ^[288] blessed, he had no pain whatsoever and within four weeks was completely healed.¹¹⁷ Others of the wounded were not as fortunate. Benjamin Lewis was discovered by some of the women several hundred yards from the mill. Unable to move him, they secured the help of Ben’s brother David. He was yet alive and in his proper senses, David recalled, but he was “gra[s]peing & groaning in his blood.” He rigged a slide up to a horse and moved him to his house, where he expired a few hours later.¹¹⁸ Later that same evening Austin Hammer also died.¹¹⁹ Simon Cox and John York died the next day (October 31), bringing the death toll to fifteen.¹²⁰ Sixteen others were known to be wounded, two of whom—Hiram Abbot and nine year-old Charles Merrick—both died a few weeks later. The remaining fourteen eventually recovered although two men—William Yokum and Jacob Myers, Jr.—each had a leg amputated and were both life-long cripples. (See Appendix J for a list of the Mormons killed and wounded in the attack).

On the morning of October 31, the community members undertook the gruesome responsibility of seeing to the dead. However, the task of fashioning coffins or digging graves for each of the slain appeared nearly impossible under the circumstances. October’s temperatures had been unseasonably cold, resulting in the ground being nearly completely frozen.¹²¹ Furthermore, with so many of their numbers either dead or wounded and with only a few able-bodied men even ^[289] left in the community able to work, it appeared the task might take several days to complete. But the Mormons felt they did not have much time. “Every moment we expected to be fired upon by the fiends who we supposed were lying in ambush waiting the first opportunity to dispatch the remaining few who had escaped the slaughter of the preceding day,” wrote Amanda Smith.¹²² Believing Jennings and his mob-militia were subject to return at any moment, the decision was made to inter the bodies in the most expedient way possible.

Near the mill, an unfinished dry well, measuring some twelve feet deep, had been dug.¹²³ It was in this hole that fourteen of the fifteen who died either during the attack or shortly after were buried. Joseph Young directed the operation, assisted by a few of the women, along with several men, many of whom lived in the vicinity but were not in the attack. Most of the dead were put on a plank, one at a time, then carried to the well, where the bodies were slid into the community grave.¹²⁴ For nine year-old Artemisia Myers, the display was horrifying. “Every time they brought one, and slid him in I screamed and cried, it was such an awful sight to see them piled in the bottom in all shapes.”¹²⁵ David Lewis recalled that this was “the most heart rending seen [sic] that my eyes ever witnessed.”^{126 [290]}

The body of ten year-old Sardius Smith was the last corpse to be put in the common sepulchre. Joseph Young was one of the men who carried the boy’s body to the well, but he could not find it within himself to put the youngster in with the others, so he laid him on the ground beside the open grave. During their trek from Ohio to Missouri, the Smith family had been members of the emigrant company headed by Young, and while on their overland journey, he had taken an interest in the boy and the two developed a close friendship. Thus, when it came time to dispose of the body, the tender-hearted man could not perform the last rite. Upon learning her son remained unburied, Amanda Smith cried, “Oh, they have left my Sardius unburied in the sun,” then ran and covered her little boy’s remains with a sheet. There he remained until the next day until Amanda, along with her oldest son Willard, returned to dispose of the body. “I threw him into this rude vault [along] with the others,” she wrote, “and then covered [the grave] as well as we could with straw and earth.”¹²⁷

On November 1, shortly after the community grave had finally been covered, James McBride, twenty-one year-old son of the slain Thomas McBride, came to Haun’s Mill. The McBrides lived some distance from the community, and on the day of the siege, James was to have been on guard. However, at the time, he was ill, so his father volunteered to take his place, and it was while he was on duty that the attack occurred. When word of the massacre reached the McBride home, James fled into the woods, believing the marauders would likely extend their hostilities against any remaining Mormon men living in the immediate area. He remained in seclusion for nearly two days, then decided to go to the mill to investigate the scene. He left a poignant recollection of his experience: ^[291]

About the first day of November, being tired of lying out in the woods, I concluded to venture a trip to the mill. I was anxious to see the grounds on which the slaughter took place; and learn if possible, the general situation of affairs.

Accordingly, with feelings that I can not here describe, I slowly wended my way to the spot.

I walked over the grounds, noticing here and there the blood stained earth—and seriously reflecting on our then sorrowful situation.

On the outside, the logs of the shop were defaced with bullet marks, and on the inside of the shop, the ground was scarcely visible for blood.

I traced the blood from the dead bodies of those who were carried and buried in the well. I went to the place and stood at the edge of the silent tomb of my beloved father. A silent prayer I offered to God, and turned away.¹²⁸

The precise location of the well-site and grave of the fourteen Mormons is no longer known.^129 [292]

Benjamin Lewis, the only other casualty who died immediately following the massacre, was not buried along with the others. He was buried the day after the massacre by his brother David who said he “dug a hole in the ground rapt him in a sheet and with out a coffin burayed him.”¹³⁰ The burial took place on David’s property situated on the south side of the stream. ^[293] Sometime later, Lewis’ remains were exhumed and moved to a local cemetery.¹³¹ Hiram Abbot and nine year-old Charles Merrick, both of whom died several weeks later as a result of their injuries, were also buried separately. The whereabouts of their graves is not known.

After seeing to the dead, and fearing the possible return of the Livingston guard, many of the remaining men living in and around the community went back into temporary seclusion.¹³² Later in the day of October 31, a large contingent commanded by Nehemiah Comstock did in fact return. One Mormon remembered the triumphant marauders entered the Mormon village and “fyered there guns & blowed there bugle & frightened the neighbourhood, but did not kill anymore.”¹³³ Comstock informed the residents that he and his men had come to bury the dead; however, upon finding the duty had already been attended to, they “expressed considerable satisfaction at having been relieved of the job.”¹³⁴ Apparently on this same date, word of Boggs’ exterminating order had reached the camp of the Livingston militia, so the captain also notified the remaining Mormons of the edict, threatening them that they must either leave the state forthwith or they too would be killed.¹³⁵ Throughout the day, Comstock’s men canvassed eastern Caldwell County, informing other Mormon settlers and emigrant companies of the governor’s mandate. ^[294]

Twelve year-old Lucy Walker remembered when her party was visited by one of Comstock’s men. At the time, the company her family belonged to was camped a few miles from the mill. On the day of the massacre, her father had gone to the settlement just prior to the assault and was wounded in the attack. While waiting to hear word of his condition, she said a fine-looking young Missouri officer rode into camp. Lucy was surprised by his behavior. Surprisingly, he did not threaten the group, but told them he came as a friend in order to save them from experiencing a fate similar to those at the mill. “He referred to the dreadful scene with words of sympathy and regret,” she wrote, and told them “he was forced to join the military to save his own life, but had done and would do all in his power to save the oppressed.” The young man led the group to a friendlier neighborhood where they not only met up with her wounded father, but also found temporary shelter from the inclement conditions.¹³⁶

Life at the mill during the remaining months the Mormons occupied the site never returned to normal. Following the Mormon surrender, a contingent of Livingston militia occupied the site for nearly three weeks during which time the innocent Mormon families were often treated as if they were a conquered enemy. Even after the militia disbanded, the more vile Missourians continued their harassment until the last Mormon left the premises. But there were even greater hardships, and virtually every person suffered. Women who lost their husbands, as well as those wives whose husbands were wounded, suffered the most, since they not only had to care for their households, but provide for them as well. With many of their personal and household possessions taken from them and provisions and food being scarce, life during the winter of 1838–39 became essentially that of day-to-day survival. Most of the families banded together until they could make ^[295] arrangements to move along with the rest of the Saints to the more welcome hospices of Illinois. By the end of February 1839, all of the Mormons had gone.

The Attack Not Connected to the Exterminating Order

Most Mormon historians have concluded that the attack made by the Livingston militia on the Haun’s Mill community was associated with the October 27 extermination order of Governor Boggs—that Jennings, upon learning of the injunction, believed it gave him authorization for such an assault.¹³⁷ Such a conclusion is simply based on the premise that since the exterminating order was issued on October 27, and the attack at the mill occurred on October 30, the massacre was apparently connected to the governor’s injunction. However, an examination of the sources indicates that there was no connection with the governor’s directive whatsoever. Rather, the attack by the county regulators upon the LDS community was actually a response or a retaliatory strike directed against the Mormons because of the raids they conducted against local vigilante leaders ^[296] and settlers living in Daviess County during the latter half of October, in addition to what was reported to have been the almost complete annihilation of Bogart’s Ray militia in the Crooked River engagement. Two major factors support this conclusion.

First, as noted, the attempts by Livingston and Daviess vigilantes to disarm Mormon settlers living in eastern Caldwell County and Mormon emigrant companies passing through the region, as well as the supposed peace agreements made with LDS community leaders, were part of the overall operation to annihilate the entire community, and were conducted even prior to Boggs issuing his October 27 directive. By confiscating the Mormons’ weapons, the vigilantes believed they could then carry out the attack with a minimal amount of armed resistance. Furthermore, by reaching a peace agreement with the LDS community, county regulators may have hoped the Mormons would then believe they had no fear of being attacked, thus catching them unaware and unprepared at the time of their assault.

Second, as noted, vigilante leaders made their final plans to attack the community on Monday, October 29. Although this was after Boggs issued his executive order on October 27, it would have been impossible for copies of the governor’s mandate to have been conveyed from Jefferson City to the two commanding major generals in the field (Atchison and Lucas), and then those same orders conveyed to sub-commanders such as Colonel Thomas Jennings in Livingston County in less than two days. Significantly, Lucas wrote that he and Atchison did not receive word of the extermination/removal order until sometime during the day of October 30, the very day of the massacre.¹³⁸ Furthermore, it is highly unlikely that either of the two commanding generals, Atchison, who was somewhat sympathetic to the Mormons, or even Lucas, who was ^[297] bitterly anti-Mormon, would have used the exterminating order to authorize Jennings to move ahead and annihilate the Haun’s Mill community. Notably, even the Latter-day Saints at Far West did not learn of Boggs’ directive until October 31, the same day that Mormon survivors at Haun’s Mill reported Hiram Comstock’s return, at which time he then notified them of the extermination or evacuation policy. Thus, the Livingston militia probably learned of the order on the same day the Mormons did—October 31. Put simply, Jennings and his men acted on their own, without military authorization, and without a knowledge of the governor’s policy towards the Mormons as outlined in the October 27 directive. As one local history states, “Colonel Jennings made the attack on Haun’s Mill on his own responsibility, without orders from Governor Boggs, or other superior officer, although it is said that the Governor fully approved what was done afterward.”^{139 [298]}