14 The Exodus

Introduction

While Joseph Smith and his brethren languished in jail during the winter of 1838–1839, earnest efforts were made by the Mormon people to leave the State of Missouri. Beginning in mid-December, the stricken Saints streamed from the State in ever-increasing numbers, leaving behind them such items of personal property as they could not carry. This chapter deals with some of the perplexing problems encountered by the Exiles in connection with their enforced exodus and attempts to set forth some of the more important events connected therewith.

Final Removal from Daviess County

As formerly shown, the work of settling the difficulties in Daviess County was assigned to General Robert Wilson, a local resident. According to his report of operations there, the Saints were given the option of remaining in the County without military protection or of removing to Caldwell where the pledged protection of the State Militia was assured. By November 19, 1838, all of the Saints residing in Daviess County, with few exceptions, had left.¹ In making his official report to General Clark, General Wilson wrote as follows:

Finding the civil authorities of Daviess county in a situation to discharge all the duties required of them by law, I referred to their decision all matters in dispute in relation to property between citizens and Mormons under the belief that an exercise of military authority, under the circumstances, would have been improper.²

The Latter-day Saints told a different story. They claimed that Wilson “ordered every family to be out of Diahman in ten days” or face the consequences.³ In any case, the speedy departure of the Saints caused many to leave behind valuable property for which no indemnification of any sort was ever received. In speaking of his losses, Peter Wimmer a recent immigrant to Daviess County, wrote: ^[402]

It was Sunday, late in the afternoon, when they [the non-Mormons] came to one of my buildings (which was evacuated, but part of my goods were in it) and burned it with its contents to the ground, except a few articles which they carried off.

They mounted their horses and bawled out at us to be gone by early breakfast time the next morning or they would kill every one of us. . . . We went four miles from home that night, carrying my son-in-law [who had been seriously injured in an attempt to prevent the mob’s action] whose misery was past description. In the morning we went back for our cows and other property, but the mob, who had augmented and collected on the spot, refused to let us have our cows, but said if we would come back and say nothing, we might have part of our household goods, but the rest of our property they intended to keep to pay [for] the destruction of property in Daviess county; so they kept the whole and divided it among themselves. When the news came back that we could not get it, it was distressing to us all, for we left in such a confused state that we took nothing for ourselves, nor our horses. We took neither bread nor meat, or even a fowl, or any necessary article of any kind, although we had plenty that we left. The mob then burned my three houses, my stable and crib, which contained about 100 bushels of corn; the rest was in the field.⁴

Anson Call, a resident of the Three Forks area of Daviess County, also had difficulty obtaining his property after the War was over. Returning to his former home, Call found his farm in the possession of a man named George Washington O’Neil. Inquiring at a home nearby, Call discovered that O’Neil and a friend named Culp had sworn to kill the former owner if he ever returned. While making inquiry, Anson’s enemies put in an appearance and demanded his reasons for being there. The following is his account:

I told them that I was attending to my own business. They said I had no business in that country, and if I got away alive, I should be damned smart. I told them that there was time enough to be afraid when I saw danger and that I considered myself a white man and came and went as I pleased. They said they would as soon kill me as kill a dog and that there would be no more notice taken of it. This I very well understood. They told me they supposed I had come to get my property. I told them I had. They told me there was none for me. After repeated threatenings, I became satisfied that it was in vain to think of obtaining anything. I started for my horse which was hitched at the yard-fence about five rods from the door. They ^[403] followed me. O’Neil picked up the end of a hoop pole . . . [and] struck me upon the head and nearly brought me to the ground. I looked for a club, but none was in sight. He repeated the blows, and my having on my head a thick woolen cloth saved my skull. Mrs. Day [the wife of the owner of the house] threw open the door and hollered “Murder!” The knife that hung by his [O’Neil’s] side deterred me from clutching him. I started for the door. He then hit me in the face and repeated the blows two or three times before I reached it. The house, standing about two feet from the ground, . . . I clenched the door post, when he gave me a blow over the eye, the scar of which I carry to this day. I sprang into the house and clutched the fire shovel. Mrs. Day shut the door that I should neither go out nor they come in. They then ran past the window. She said, “They have gone after their guns,” on which I mounted my horse and started for Far West as fast as I could consistently ride.⁵

A few Saints were permitted to remain in the County under the arrangements made with General Wilson. These men were appointed as commissioners to attend to the sale of all property belonging to the Mormon people. To prevent their being harmed by their enemies, special permits were given to each man by General Wilson. The following is a sample copy of the official permit furnished each man:

November 18, 1838

I permit the following persons as a committee on the part of the Mormons to pass and repass in and through the county of Davis [sic] during the winter, to wit: Wm. Huntington, John Reed, Benjamin S. Wilber, Mahue [sic] Hillman, Z. Wilson, Elijah B. Gaylord, Henry Harriman, Daniel Stanton, Oliver Snow, William Earl, William Hayle, and Henry Humphrey—Upon all careful business.

R. Wilson, Brig. Gen.
Commanding
By F. G. Cockner, aid.⁶

On December 1, 1838, an agreement was entered into by the commissioners representing both parties, stipulating that the non-Mormon committee would be permitted to take into custody all property currently “held in common by the Mormon Church, and hold the same subject to the order of the trustees late appointed at Far West.”⁷ These non-Mormon commissioners ^[404] were William Penniston, Adam Black, Judge Wilson, Dr. Kerr, Judge Smith, Robert Wilson, George W. Worthington, Judge Greene, William Dryden, John Stokes, B. Welson, H. Stone.⁸

The agreements entered into by representatives from both sides greatly benefited the non-Mormons. All property allegedly taken from the citizens by the Mormons was to be returned to its respective claimants. Although the Mormon commissioners were given the privilege of “passing and repassing in and through the county of Daviess unmolested upon all lawful business during the winter,” all other Mormons were “advised to remain out of said county” at all times.⁹

It was a difficult problem for the commissioners to decide which side questionable pieces of property belonged to. Much of the property claimed by the non-Mormons legitimately belonged to the Saints. It had been found in the woods near Adam-ondi-Ahman where it had been hidden by the Saints prior to the capture of that city. The non-Mormons held it to be stolen goods. Writing from Adam-ondi-Ahman, General Wilson said in a letter to General Clark:

It would astonish you to see the immense piles of stolen property, which has been brought in and deposited by the Mormons, consisting of almost everything to be found at a farm house, and much remaining yet concealed. Large quantities have been found buried in and near town.¹⁰

A second problem concerned the removal of Mormon stock and property from Daviess to Caldwell County. The same day that the foregoing agreement was entered into, the following stipulations were also approved:

First—That the Mormon committee be allowed to employ, say twenty teamsters for the purpose of hauling off their property.

Second—That the Mormon committee collect whatever stock they may have in Daviess County at some point, and some two or three of the Daviess county committee be notified to attend for the purpose of examining said stock, and convey or attend the Mormon committee out of the limits of the county; and it is further understood that the Mormon committee is not to drive or take from this county any stock of any description, at any other time nor under any other circumstances than those mentioned.

As witness our hands,

     WILLIAM P. PENNISTON,
     DR. K. KERR,
     ADAM BLACK,
     Committee. ^[405]

The above propositions were made and agreed to by the undersigned committee on the part of the Mormons:

     WILLIAM HUNTINGTON,
     B. W. WILBUR,
     J. H. HALE,
     HENRY HERRIMAN,
     Z. WILSON.¹¹

The Committee for the Saints labored earnestly in behalf of those they represented. In spite of numerous obstacles, valiant efforts were made by them to identify all property belonging to their exiled friends and to secure a fair price for all items sold to Daviess residents. The following is William Huntington’s account of the Committee’s work:

We immediately organized, myself acting as foreman. We labored in the county four weeks, collected as many of our cattle, horses, sheep, waggons [sic], and other property, assertained [sic] whare [sic] the fields of corn ware [sic] belonging to the brethren. The number of acers [sic] and the amount of bushels of corn as near as we could calculate amounted to 29,465 bushels. We lost [most of it] though we hawled [sic] some out in the four weeks we ware [sic] permitted to do business in the county. . . . I remained in Far West [after leaving Daviess] and had the care of the provision we got from Davis [sic] and delt [sic] it out to the brethren.¹²

As with former agreements made with the Saints by their enemies, the pledges exchanged on December 1 were soon broken. On several occasions, the committee members were forbidden the privilege of disposing of property which they knew belonged to one of their number because it was already claimed by a Gentile. The restriction placed upon Mormons’ entering the County made it impossible for the matter to be honorably aired; nor were the old-time settlers willing that such matters descend to a legal hearing. After a period of energetic labor, then, the commissioners for the Saints were denied the right to even enter the County, although their original agreement granted them that privilege all winter. “By this means, the mob secured unto themselves several hundred thousand bushels of corn, besides large quantities of oats.”¹³ “At the expiration of one month,” wrote Huntington, “we ware [sic] ordered out of the county. . . . This closed all business in Davis county. What was not got from there was lost.”¹⁴

Sufferings of the Saints at Far West

While the Saints were being denied the privilege of entering Daviess County, throngs of non-Mormons ^[406] continued acts of depredation in Caldwell County. Mention has already been made of the instances when the State troops helped themselves to the property, and in some instances to the persons, of the Mormon people.¹⁵ Lyman A. Shirtliff, in describing the events which followed the surrender at Far West, wrote:

A part of the army marched to Diammon [sic] and took their [i.e., the Saints’] arms, and while this was going on, those who ware [sic] left at Far West ware [sic] searching for arms and ammunition (as they said]; but when the found anything they wanted [they] took it. Dureing [sic] this time, we ware [sic] insulted and abused, both old and young, male and female. We had no peace of safety night or day. This continued eight days. In this time, we had but little to eat and that mostly boiled corn. Many that had bin [sic] brethren turned against us and become [sic] our worst enemies and tried to do us all the hurt in their power. . . . When we was [sic] suffering extremely by the mob’s picking up every hog or pig fit to eat, every swarm or bees, every fat calf, sheep, cow, ox, or horse—also Turkey, goose, or chicken—their six or seven thousand horses was [sic] fast destroying our grain and feed. They hever stopped to aske [sic] for it but took all they wished and wasted all they could.¹⁶

It began to appear to the Saints as if the inhabitants of Northern Missouri were determined to strip them of all available means to get out of the State. Following the army’s departure, roving bands of non-Mormons ranged throughout Caldwell County, taking whatever pleased their eyes. In a letter to Governor Boggs on December 23, 1838, Judge King wrote:

In reference to the lawless depredations said to be practised on the Mormons, I have no doubt that the charges are, to a certain extent, true. . . . In most of the cases of outrage against the property of the Mormons, it has been [done] by persons who pretend, and perhaps truly, that the Mormons owe them, or by persons who say that the Mormons, in their late outrages, have destroyed their property and take this means to indemnify themselves. This certainly is an unlawful and highly objectionable course.¹⁷

In spite of this admission, it appears that Judge King never made an attempt to bring to justice those accused of robbing the Saints. As a matter of fact, things got much worse before they got better. In the course ^[407] of a letter to his relatives in the East, Albert P. Rockwood wrote: “Our houses are rifled and our sheep, and hogs, and horses are driven off before our ehes [sic] by the Missourians, who enter our town in small companies, well armed; there is no law here for poor Mormons.”¹⁸ And William D. Huntington also wrote:

The mob, in the meanwhile, ware [sic] takeing [sic] every opportunity of availing themselves of the brethren’s property, by telling [them that on] such a day, the mob would be in to kill and burn, which induced many to sell property at [less than] its value to get means to move out of the State. Our case now become [sic] truly alarming [for] it appeared [that] the inhabitants [of Upper Missouri] were determined to strip us of all means of getting out of the State.¹⁹

The physical sufferings of the Saints during this period, then, are matters of historical importance. The season of the year was winter, and many who had been forced to flee to Far West for safety found themselves without adequate shelter or food. “The weather is very cold, more so than usual for this season of the year,” recorded Joseph Smith at the time. “In keeping with the order of General Wilson, the Saints [of Daviess] had to leave their crops and houses and to live in tents and wagons, in this inclement season of the year.”²⁰

While making the forced flight to Far West, many Saints from the surrounding regions “wandered through the snow for two days. Many of the children were barefooted and had no food during this time.”²¹ Even when they did arrive in the City, no accommodations were available. Joseph Smith’s mother, Lucy, wrote:

The brethren were all driven in from the country. There was an acre of ground in front of our house, completely covered with beds, lying in the open sun, where families were compelled to sleep exposed to all kinds of weather; these were the last who came into the city, and as the houses were all full, they could not find shelter. It was enough to make the heart ache to see the children, sick with colds and crying around their mothers for food, whilst their parents were destitute of the means of making them comfortable.²²

Luman A. Shirtliff, one of those who, with his family, was forced to seek shelter in a tent, gives the following description: ^[408]

The seventh day after our surrener [sic], heavy black clouds began to rise in the west sometime in the afternoon; snow began to fall at night. The storm increased and near morning, the wind blew from the west or north and very cold. In the morning the snow in and on my bed and childrens [sic] was several inches deep and when I looked up and saw my children all wet in their beds and the snow two or three inches deep on our beds, and I thought of the many families who were in poor tents, some under a blanket hung up on a few sticks and others under a few boards stuck up to shelter them in fair weather, when my mind run [sic] over these things, I could hardly help weeping like a child. . . . I heard them [i.e., the Missourians] swar [sic] would go holm [sic] fir [sic] this was the coldest storm they ever saw in Missouri, and they would stay here no longer. About noon word came in that the army was about to leave and go holm [sic]. Before night, most all the mob had gone holm [sic].²³

Lucious Hale, whose father was taken prisoner at Adam-ondi-Ahman and then later permitted to return to his family prior to assuming his duties as a commissioner in Daviess County, describes his family’s condition in the following words:

I was about the largest boy in camp. I had to cut wood, burn it into cols [sic] outside the tent, take the cols [sic] into the tent in a bake kettle to keep my dear mother and her little chreldren [sic] from freesind [sic]. Farther [sic] returned in a few days. We lived in the tent till it frose [sic] ice in Grand River till loaded teams crost [sic] on the ice.²⁴

The physical suffering of the Saints at Far West were augmented by their inability to procure the necessities of life, particularly in view of the rapid influx of needy persons into the City. What little grain was available after the militia and mob elements had finished their work of destruction could not be ground at the local mill because of the miller’s fear of mob violence. Hence Joseph Smith’s mother wrote:

Our business in Far West had been trading in corn and wheat, as well as keeping a boarding house. When the mob came in, we had considerable grain on hand, but very little flour or meal; therefore, we sent a man who was living with us to the mill with fourteen sacks of grain; but the miller considered it unsafe to allow the brethren to remain about his premises, as ^[409] the mob were near at hand and he was afraid they would burn his buildings; consequently, the young man returned without his grain, and we were, for a long time. obliged to pound corn in a samp-mortar. Many subsisted altogether on parched corn for some length of time.²⁵

The owner of the mill was Robert Snodgrass, a member of the Church. His mill was located about three miles from Far West. Prior to the outbreak of hostilities in the area, Snodgrass had willingly ground grain for his Mormon brethren. After the war commenced, however, he refused to do so and defected to the non-Mormon side. He was a member of the army of General Lucas at the time of the surrender of Far West.²⁶

While Snodgrass was absent from his mill, John Murdock and ten other Mormon men assumed responsibility for operating the mill in behalf of the Saints. It appears also that Murdock and his men made free use of Snodgrass’ corn supply. When this fact was discovered by the latter, he swore that he would kill Murdock on sight. When the War was over, a committee of Saints visited Snodgrass and endeavored to induce him to grind for them as before. This Snodgrass refused to do. “We had to eat boiled grain,” lamented Shirtliff, “while the mob got theirs ground.”²⁷ Subsequently, Murdock worked out a plan with Snodgrass to reimburse the latter for the use of his grain and of the mill itself.²⁸

Even the non-Mormons recognized the plight of the Saints. The Missouri Republican Daily commented editorially as follows:

The disposition of the Mormons . . . presents a case of great difficulty. They are generally poor—at least, they have but little money and few means besides their stock and crops to preserve them from starvation. As it is, we suspect these means are very much abridged. The presence of several thousand troops in their vicinity must have reduced them greatly. The proposition—so it is given out—is for them to remove from the State. Who will advance the funds . . . to consummate such a measure: And where shall they be sent? Their numbers exceed 5,000 people—without any means and literally beggars—to be thrust upon the charities of Illinois, Iowa, or Wisconsin.²⁹

The Missouri Argus also wrote: ^[410]

If these men [i.e., the prisoners at Liberty] should be sentenced as traitors, we cannot prevent the same from following their wives and children; but there is something we may prevent; we may relieve their sufferings; we may save them from starvation; and it is proper efforts should be made, at once, for this purpose. It cannot be denied there are in Daviess and Caldwell counties, at this moment, many families without sufficient sustenance,—almost destitute of clothing or food to satisfy their immediate wants. What shall be done for them?³⁰

Appeals to the Legislature Following the Surrender at Far West

The Saints made no immediate effort to remove from Missouri as some have said.³¹ They considered the terms imposed upon them by General Lucas and General Clark, together with the infamous Order of Governor Boggs, to be unconstitutional. It was their sincere hope that the Missouri public would see things in this light also, once the outrages to which they had been subjected became matters of public knowledge.³² Such hopes were vain as subsequent events were to show.

At least a few non-Mormons viewed the treatment accorded the Saints to be unjust and sought to rectify the same by legal means. On November 29, 1838, Michael Arthur, a resident of Clay County, wrote his representatives in the Missouri Legislature and informed them of the Mormon plight. He was prompted to make his appeal, he states, by feelings of “humanity to an injured people” and assured those whom he addressed that his facts were obtained from authorities that could not be questioned. Speaking of the inhabitants of Caldwell County directly, he wrote:

They are now receiving treatment from those demons [the residents of Daviess, Livingston, and Parts of Ray counties] that makes humanity shudder and the cold chills run over any man not entirely destitute of feelings of humanity. These demons are now constantly strolling up and down Caldwell in any way and every way, and plundering the poor devils [Mormons] of all the means of subsistence (scanty at it was) left them, and driving off their horses, cattle, hogs, etc., and rifling their houses and farms of everything therein, taking beds, bedding, wardrobes, and such things as they see they want, leaving the poor Mormons in a starving and naked condition.^{33 [411]}

Arthur suggested that the State furnish patrols on the borders of Caldwell to force the enemies of the Saints to desist from their unlawful practices. He also spoke of a petition currently being circulated in Liberty which contained “the signatures of all parties and grades” of citizens and which prayed that the Legislature would make some speedy enactment in behalf of the suffering Mormons. He assured his readers that the Mormons were willing to leave the State as agreed, just as soon as the winter was over. “A number have already left,” he wrote, “and [others] are leaving daily.”³⁴

Reaction to Mr. Arthur’s petition varied. Joseph Smith wrote that “Mr. Arthur is not a ‘Mormon but a friend of man.”³⁵ Austin A. King informed the Governor that Arthur’s charges were inflammatory and unfounded. The Judge acknowledged that some of the “lawless depredations said to be practiced on the Mormons” were no doubt true, but that if persons having knowledge of such illegalities would bring proper evidence before the court, all misdoers would be brought to justice. King also averred that if rumor was true, Arthur himself was busily engaged in the work of collecting all debts incurred against him by the Mormons.³⁶ Three days later, King presided over a public meeting in Richmond at which those present censured Mr. Arthur roundly and drew up a series of resolutions in support of the Governor’s speedy action in relation to the recent hostilities.³⁷

The promised petition alluded to by Arthur did not follow his letter. At least no such item as he described is found among the official papers connected with the Mormon problem which were later published by the State of Missouri.³⁸ The same day that Arthur wrote, however, General Clark notified the Governor by letter that the Mormon plight was indeed serious. “I would inform your Excellency,” wrote Clark, “that there are now about 100 females [among the Saints], the wives of those who were killed or run off, who are destitute and depend upon their friends for support.”³⁹ Later on, General Clark made a more full account regarding the sufferings of the Saints before the Missouri Legislature. According to one source, the General said the following:

The extent of suffering [can] not be conceived by anyone who has not witnessed their [i.e., the Mormons’] condition. The husbands of several of them are held as prisoners for trial; between thirty and forty have ^[412] been killed and nearly a hundred have run away. Most of their crops, and especially the corn in the common field at Far West, was consumed by the troops sent to those counties. This, together with the fact that most of them are afraid to stir out of their county for fear of vengeance by their neighbor renders their situation one of the most distressing.⁴⁰

The foregoing appeals and testimony were successful in inducing the Legislature to appropriate the sum of $2,000 for the express purpose of relieving the sufferings of the Saints in Northern Missouri. The only objection to this act of relief was voiced by William Noland of Jackson County. Noland opposed the opposition on the grounds that the State would be helping the Mormons, an unthinkable thing to him. His objections, however, were subsequently beaten down by Cornelius Gilliam, another notorious anti-Mormon, who presented the Legislature with fact in relation to the Mormon sufferers which could not be refuted.⁴¹

The appropriation was not limited in its benefits to the Saints, however. It simply recognized that should not aid be forthcoming, much suffering would be experienced during the coming winter by many widows and orphan children in the counties of Daviess and Caldwell. Anderson Martin, William Thornton, and Eli Casey of Clay County; Henry McHenry of Caldwell and M. T. Green of Daviess were appointed to distribute the sum. These commissioners were urged to “inquire as early as practicable into the situation of said indigent and suffering families, whether Mormon or other persons: and to be guided in their distribution by the lack of food, raiment, and other necessities of life.”⁴²

The appropriation apparently did the Saints little good. John Taylor charges that the commissioners “took a few miserable traps, the sweepings of an old store, . . . killed our [i.e., Mormon] hogs, . . . and brought them to feed the poor Mormons as part of the legislative appropriation. This I saw.”⁴³ Joseph Smith spoke of the distribution in the following words:

The people of Daviess thought they could live on Mormon property, and did not want their thousand, consequently it was pretended to be given to those of Caldwell. Judge Cameron, Mr. McHenry, and others attended to the distribution. Judge Cameron would drive in the brethren’s hogs (many of which were identified) and shoot them down in the streets; and without further bleeding, and half dressing, they were ^[413] cut up and distributed by McHenry to the poor, at a charge of four and five cents per pound; which, together with a few pieces of refuse goods, such as calicoes at double and treble prices, soon consumed the two thousand dollars; doing the brethren very little good, or in reality none, as the property destroyed by them [i.e., the commissioners] was equal to what they gave the Saints.⁴⁴

Meanwhile, the Church was making its own plans for seeking redress of its grievances. Plans to leave the State were temporarily set aside in the hopes that the Legislature would override the Governor’s Order of Expulsion. On Monday, December 10, a committee representing the Saints drew up a memorial setting forth in brief the indignities suffered by the Mormon people during their seven-year stay in Missouri. Following a resume of the events connected with the expulsion from Jackson County, the document presented the Saints’ views in relation to recent events in the State. Specific mention was made of the Battle of Crooked River, the Haun’s Mill Massacre, and the surrender of Far West. Regarding the last-mentioned occurrence, the memorialists wrote:

We gave up our arms without reluctance. We were then made prisoners and confined to the limits of the town for about a week, during which time the men from the country were not permitted to go to their families, many of whom were in a suffering condition for want of food and firewood, the weather being very cold and stormy. Much property was destroyed by the troops in town during their stay there, such as burning house logs, rails, corn-cribs, boards; the using of corn and hay, the plundering of houses, the killing of cattle, sheep, and hogs, and also the taking of horses not their own; and all this without regard to owners, or asking leave of anyone. In the meantime, men were abused, women insulted and abused by the troops; and all this while we were kept prisoners.⁴⁵

The memorial expressed a belief that the persecutions came to the Saints in consequence of their religious faith and not for any immorality on their part. It acknowledged, however, that there had been recent instances in which individual members of the Church had trespassed upon the rights of others and had thereby broken the laws. But:

We do believe that no crime can be substantiated against any of the people who have a standing in our Church of an earlier date than the difficulties in Daviess County. And when it is considered that the rights of this people have been trampled upon from time to time with impunity, and abuses almost innumerable heaped upon them, it ought in some degree to ^[414] palliate for any infraction of the law which may have been made on the part of our people.⁴⁶

The Committee denied that the Church had a system of common stock. “Our property is individual property,” they wrote, “and we feel willing to pay our debts as other individuals do; but we are not willing to be bound by other people’s debts.” The arms taken from them were valued by the Saints at between twelve and fifteen thousand dollars. The financial condition of the Church was such and the destruction of property so great that many were “stripped bare . . . and others partially so.” In fact, taken as a body, the Saints were said to be a “poor and afflicted people.” If the State continued to insist upon the Mormon-removal, “a large portion of our society will have to be removed at the expense of the state, as those who might have helped are now debarred that privilege in consequence of the deed of trust” exacted by General Lucas.⁴⁷

Permission was then requested for the Saints to remain in the State. Said the memorialists:

The late order of Governor Boggs to drive us from the State, or exterminate us, is a thing so novel, unlawful, tyrannical, and oppressive, that we have been induced to draw up this memorial and present this statement of our case to your honorable body, praying that a law be passed, rescinding the order of the governor . . . and also giving us the sanction of the legislature to possess our lands in peace. We ask an expression of the legislature, disapproving the conduct of those who compelled us to sign a deed of trust, and also disapproving of any man or set of men taking our property in consequence of that deed of trust, and appropriating it to the payment of damages sustained in consequence of trespasses committed by others. . . .

In laying our case before your honorable body, we say that we are willing, and ever have been, to conform to the Constitution and laws of the United States and of this state. We ask, in common with others, the protection of the laws. We ask for the privilege guaranteed to all free citizens of the United States, and of this state, to be extended to us that we may be permitted to settle and live where we please, and worship God according to the dictates of our conscience without molestation. And while we ask for ourselves this privilege, we are willing all others should enjoy the same.^{48 [415]}

Public Reaction to the Saints’ Petition

The Mormon memorial created an immediate and somewhat bitter reaction in various parts of the State. In Ray County, Judge King was especially outspoken against it. He wrote to Governor Boggs to say that if the Saints did not remove from the State as agreed, the time was not far distant when similar scenes to those just completed would be re-enacted. He stated that he had personally visited the residents of Caldwell County and had urged them to scatter throughout the State as other religious bodies did. This, he said, the Mormons steadfastly refused to do, claiming that “it would amount to an abandonment of their creed and religion,” which were based upon the principle of gathering together.

Judge King was unsympathetic where the Saints were concerned. He averred that highly respected gentlemen who had traveled through the State and had heard of the Mormon plight were originally sympathetic thereto; but after learning the non-Mormon side of the story, they allegedly underwent an entire change of opinion. He concluded:

The Mormons appear lately to have taken new courage, and to be determined not to move. The citizens are equally determined they shall; for nothing but expulsion or the other alternative (abandonment of their own homes) will satisfy this community, that is, if the Mormons hold out under their former principles and practices. This, I know, is strong doctrine for some of the members [of the Legislature], and such I have not encouraged, occupying the station I do, either by act or expression, yet I can easily find men in this community, noted for their good moral character and correct deportment, who are determined that the Mormons shall not reside among them. The alternative is presented, the expulsion of the Mormons or the virtual relinquishment of their own homes.⁴⁹

Although Judge King stated that he had not encouraged “by act or expression” the stand taken against the Saints by the citizens of Ray County, three days later he presided at a local meeting in Richmond in which public expression against the Saints’ remaining in the State was most decided. Moreover, those present at the meeting passed a series of resolutions extolling the courses of action taken in the recent difficulties by the Governor and his field officers. These resolutions were then prepared for publication in the State’s newspapers.⁵⁰

Judge King was roundly censured on several fronts for his obvious partiality as given above. It was this action to which Joseph Smith referred when making his appeal to the Judges of the Supreme Court of Missouri for a change of venue.⁵¹ In the halls of the State Legislature, Mr. Geyer censured King’s conduct as “an act highly improper and deserving the most severe censure.”^{52 [416]} The Missouri Republican Daily, on learning of the Judge’s actions, editorialized: “The Mormon prisoners, now in jail, are to be tried before him [i.e., King]. Truly they have an excellent chance for a fair and impartial trial.”⁵³ A Mr. Morehead, a legislator, defended the Judge’s actions on the grounds that King was simply exercising a right which belonged to any citizen public official or not.⁵⁴

The Committee on behalf of the Saints appointed David H. Redfield to carry their petition to Jefferson City. Upon his arrival, Redfield presented the memorial to General David R. Atchison and others. According to Joseph Smith, these men were anxious to hear from the residents of Caldwell, particularly in view of the false reports then in circulation throughout the State. That same afternoon, December 17, Redfield was granted an interview with Governor Boggs. According to the Mormon Prophet’s account as he received it from Redfield, the governor inquired about the Saints and their property “with as much apparent interest as though his whole soul was engaged for our welfare; and said that he had heard that the ‘citizens were committing depredations on the Mormons and [were] driving off their stock.’” Redfield informed the Executive that much of the damage had been done by the State’s own troops, whereupon the Governor said that he would write to Judge King and Colonel Price and urge them “to go to Far West and put down every hostile appearance.” He also allegedly said that the stipulations entered into by the Saints agreeing to leave the State and to sign over their property were unconstitutional. Redfield requested the Governor to induce the Legislature to pass a law to that effect. “Unless you do pass such a law,” Redfield is quoted as saying, “we shall not consider ourselves safe in the State.”⁵⁵

The reaction in legislative circles to the petition of the Saints was very strong. John Corrill, representative from Caldwell and Daviess Counties, presented the memorial on December 19, 1838.⁵⁶ “It produced some excitement in the House,” wrote Corrill, but “was laid on the table for the present.” The petition had the active support, however, of several prominent members of the Legislature, among whom was David R. Atchison. It was warmly opposed by such men as Messrs. Childs and Ashby, the former representative from Jackson County, the latter a participant in the Haun’s Mill Massacre. They pronounced the document to be the work of “as grand a set of villains as ever lived.”^{57 [417]}

John Corrill defended the cause of his constituents as best he could. He admitted that while some of the statements it contained might be exaggerated, at least two-thirds he knew to be true from personal observation. He also adverted to the fact that the Mormons had been guilty of many crimes which he personally discountenanced but had also delivered up their leaders for trial in good faith. Moreover, the question of whether or not the innocent must suffer with the guilty was still unanswered. Although he had once been a Mormon, he was one no longer and had no desire to be. Still he appealed for simple justice to be done to a people who were in a wretched condition. He also noted that while individual Mormons had been examined by the courts for alleged misdeeds, not a single non-Mormon had been arraigned on similar charges. He wished to know why. At the same time, Corrill also presented a petition from the Mormon residents of Daviess County requesting the Legislature to rescind the treaty made at Far West. Since this document has not been found in any official Missouri publication, its exact contents are unknown.⁵⁸

Corrill was followed by other members of the Legislature. Mr. Young, the representative from Lafayette County, became quite heated in his argument against the petition. He insisted that none of his constituents was guilty of any charge ascribed to him. He averred that he “would not stand by and see his constituents slandered by a set of people whom he considered the grandest set of villains on earth.” He specifically denied that any “violations of female chastity” took place as alleged in the report. Young was a member of General Clark’s army.⁵⁹

Mr. Childs, a member of General Lucas’ forces, challenged Mr. Corrill to produce a “single instance” wherein the charges made in the petition were true. Said he of the memorial:

There is not a word of truth in it, so far as I have heard, and it ought not [to have] been presented to this House. Not long ago we appropriated $2,000 to their [the Mormons] relief, and now they have petitioned for the pay of their lands which we took away from them. We got rid of a great evil when we drove them from Jackson County, and we have had peace ever since; and the state will always be in difficulty so long as they suffer them to live in the state; and the quicker they get that petition from before this body, the better.⁶⁰

The petition was never granted. At the same time that Corrill presented it to the House of Representatives, a number of legislators were agitating for a “deep and thorough investigation” in connection with the entire Mormon War. This later issue, embracing as it did the complaints entered by the Saints, loomed larger in the minds of several influential ^[418] legislators than those questions raised by the Saints in their petition. For one thing, the reputation of the State of Missouri was held to be at stake. For another, it was apparent only a deep and penetrating investigation could remove the cloud of suspicion hanging over the actions of Governor Lilburn W. Boggs.⁶¹

The evidence indicates that while Corrill presented the memorial from his constituents as required by law, he also permitted himself to be cowed down by the heavy artillery of the opposition. He is quoted as having apologized on one occasion on the floor of the House for his lack of forensic skill and to have said that since he had “discovered some excitement . . . on account of the memorial” he “would ask leave to withdraw it.”⁶² As far as is known, the matter was never revived. At a subsequent time, Corrill introduced a bill making it a public offense for any man to attempt to prophesy or speak in the name of the Lord. He insisted that the bill was the best way to prevent future difficulties like those experienced with the Mormons. The bill was rejected the same day that it was presented by a vote of 44 to 41.⁶³

Efforts at Removal from the State

It soon became apparent that the State Legislature was unwilling to do anything to aid the Mormon cause, further than what had already been done. The Saints, therefore, began to consider feasible ways and means of effecting their removal from Missouri. Says John P. Greene:

It was in January that the Mormons became satisfied that they could expect no justice at the hands of the Missouri Legislature; and it may be well to make it known that the farther [sic] consideration of their memorial was laid upon the table until July, thus securing their expulsion from the State under the Exterminating Order and [General] Clark’s treaty. There was but one course now open for the Mormons, and that was to make their escape with the utmost expedition.⁶⁴

A public meeting held in Far West, January 26, 1839, was the beginning of official action. Various expressions were entertained by those ^[419] present, including some doubts as to whether the poverty-stricken Saints could even hope to comply with the Governor’s Order. Out of the meeting came a firm resolve to make an appeal to the citizens of Upper Missouri for sufficient monetary assistance to prosecute the intended move. In addition, those present agreed that it was the “duty of those who have to assist those who have not.”⁶⁵

The larger question of precisely how the removal was to be prosecuted, however, remained unsolved. The extreme poor among the Saints, those who had absolutely no means to help themselves, constituted a major problem. A second meeting convened three days later to consider the most “efficient measures” for solving this issue. The principal result of the meeting was the appointment of a special committee of seven men to superintend the work of removal and “to provide for those who have not the means of moving.” The following persons formed that Committee: William D. Huntington, Charles Bird, Alanson Ripley, Theodore Turley, Daniel Shearer, Shadrach Roundy, and Jonathan H. Hale. Huntington was subsequently appointed by the group to be its chairman; Turley was chosen to superintend the procurement of suitable teams, wagons, and furnishings to assist in evacuating the poorer Saints.⁶⁶

The highlight of this meeting was the introduction of a resolution by Brigham Young, President of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. It stipulated that every true Saint would “stand by and assist” his neighbor and would “never desert the poor who were worthy, till they shall be out of the reach of the exterminating order of General Clark.”⁶⁷ All who were willing to accept this resolution were asked to sign the following covenant:

We, whose names are hereunder written, do for ourselves individually, hereby covenant to stand by and assist one another, to the utmost of our abilities in removing from this state in compliance with the authority of the state; and we do hereby acknowledge ourselves firmly bound to the extent of all our available property, to be disposed of by a committee who shall be appointed for the purpose of providing means for the removing from this state of the poor and destitute who shall be considered worthy, till there shall not be one left who desires to remove ^[420] from the state; with this provision, that no individual shall be deprived of the right of the disposal of his own property for the above purpose, or of having the control of it, or so much of it as shall be necessary for the removal of his own family, and to be entitled to the over-plus, after the work is effected; and furthermore, said committee shall give receipts for all property, and an account of the expenditure of the same.⁶⁸

The document was signed by 380 persons.⁶⁹

That this covenant helped to achieve its ultimate objective is manifestly evident from a study of future events. William D. Huntington, chairman of the Committee on Removal, once said:

We organized, drew up a covenant or an article of agreement in which most of the people of the Church signed, binding ourselves to the extent of all our evalable [sic] property over and above what was necessary for the removal of our families to be put into the hands of the committee for the purpose of the removal of [the] Poor. The Church, therefore, put into the hands of the commite [sic] all their best furniture, farming utentals [sic]. Many sold their farms, put in the avails in part; others put in money.⁷⁰

On February 1, the Committee on Removal met once again. Once again they spoke of the “arduous task before them” and exhorted all present to help to the utmost. Brigham Young and John Taylor, present at the session, addressed the group in a “most forcible manner” in the absolute necessity of unity in carrying their high resolves into effect. They exhorted the Committee’s members to “use wisdom in the sale of their [i.e., the Saints’] property.” That same evening, the following matters were passed upon:

Resolved, that exertions be made to remove the families of the Presidency and other prisoners first.

Several of the committee made report of what had been done by them towards carrying the business of the committee into operation. Elder John Taylor had ^[421] also been appointed to visit the branches of the Church on Log and Upper Goose Creeks, and made a report of his proceedings.

Resolved, that Charles Bird be appointed to go down towards the Mississippi Rover [sic] and establish deposits of corn for the brethren on the road, and make contracts for ferriage, etc.⁷¹

Preparations for removal stepped up considerably after this time. By February 12, 1839, Levi Richards could write to his brother in the East, Franklin D. Richards, as follows: “The people are preparing to leave as fast as they can conveniently. Many have already left.”⁷² One week later on February 19, Charles Bird, William Huntington, and Erastus Bingham were appointed to ascertain the number of poor families who needed the Committee’s special assistance. They were also assigned to solicit means for this purpose from among those who were more prosperous. At least forty families were found to be in need of their services.⁷³

On February 21, the Committee met once again and resolved to send Stephen Markham to Illinois to secure powers of attorney from individuals living there who still owned lands in Missouri. The understanding was that these lands would be sold to aid in the removal of the poor. Pending Markham’s return, the Saints made every effort to prepare for a large-scale removal effort.⁷⁴

On March 8, Alanson Ripley visited Far West and reported that he had just come from a visit with Joseph Smith in Liberty. He said it was the Prophet’s counsel to sell all lands owned by the Church in Missouri, including those in Jackson County, to aid in the work of removal.⁷⁵ These holdings, however, were in the name of Edward Partridge, Presiding Bishop of the Church. Partridge had already left the State. It was necessary, therefore, to obtain his power of attorney also before the property in question could be properly disposed of.⁷⁶ On March 19, David White Rogers arrived from Quincy, Illinois with the required document. ^[422] He and Charles Bird were immediately appointed to go to Jackson County and assist in the sale of the Church’s lands. The matter was entirely concluded by April 31. The following is Rogers’ report of the transactions:

We left Far West on the 20th, I having visited the brethren in Richmond Jail in the meantime. And on the morrow we visited the Prophet Joseph Smith in Liberty Jail, and then and there I made my report . . . and delivered to him the documents and papers sent by the authorities in Quincy. And having received his sanction and blessing, we crossed over the [Missouri] River into Jackson County and went to the City of Independence, a distance of some twenty miles and put up at the City Hotel, then kept by Spotwood Knowland. The next morning we went to the Recorder’s Office and got my power of attorney registered and paid up all the taxes that had accumulated on the land for the five years past. We then advertised the several plots of land for sale. Just at this time, a young man by the name of Mason, from Kentucky, arrived in town in search of a place to locate a farm and seeing the notice, came to me and wished to see the land. I went and showed him the largest pieces and he made choice of a quarter section known as the Whitmer farm, and paid me $700.00 in cash and gave me a horse, saddle, and bridle worth $100.00.

. . . I sold all the land I was authorized to sell, except six acres of prairie, lying alone. The amount in all sold was about $2,700. I was in the State of Missouri for forty days. On my way from Jackson County, I stopped a few days at Far West, and while there, Lael Maynard, an apostate, swore out an attachment for some $350 and levied on five yoke of oxen, three horses, and a wagon and some $300 worth of dry goods, and in order to have use of the property to help the brethren out of the State. I paid the amount and costs in money. Just at that time Joseph Smith, the Prophet, was taken from Liberty Jail to another county [Daviess] for trial, and from there sent Bro. Ripley to Far West for some cash, and the Committee there saw fit to take $150 of the cash I had and send it to him.⁷⁷

The decision to sell the lands in Jackson County was revolutionary indeed, but the exigency of the situation appears to have made it necessary. The many exertions of the Committee on Removal to obtain funds to speed up the exodus proved insufficient. Several who had pledged to assist the work by means of personal contributions apparently underwent a change ^[423] of heart.⁷⁸ According to William Huntington, chairman of the Committee, it was only in “conciquince [sic] of the sale of public lands [i.e., public lands purchased by the Church] in Jackson County” that the Saints “ware [sic] enable [sic] to remove all the poor” from the State.⁷⁹

It appears that Joseph Smith’s counsel to sell the Jackson County lands was prompted by an apprehension of danger for the Saints. On April 4, for example, he admonished Heber C. Kimball and Theodore Turley to “get the Saints away as fast as possible.” The advice proved to be sound. Two days later on April 6, a number of Daviess County men reared in Far West and told the remaining Saints to be gone by April 12.⁸⁰ This warning resulted in a decision by the Committee to hire all the teams that could be obtained in order to move the families out of the County to Tenney’s Grove. At the same time, Henry G. Sherwood was commissioned to repair to Illinois and secure the needed teams to complete the final move from the State.⁸¹

But the work of removal was still too slow to suit the non-Mormons. Not long after the foregoing move was made, a group of twelve men broke into the house of Theodore Turley in Far West and made havoc of all its contents. Joseph Smith reported the doings of these men in the following words:

Twelve men went to Elder Turley’s with loaded rifles to shoot him. They broke seventeen clocks into match wood. They broke tables, smashed in the windows; while Bogart (the county Judge) looked on and laughed. One Whitaker threw iron pots at Turley, one of which hit him on the shoulder, at which Whitaker jumped and laughed like a manman. The mob shot down cows while the girls were milking them. The mob threatened to send the committee [on removal] “to hell jumping,” and “put daylight through them.”

The same day, previous to the breaking of the clocks, some of the same company met Elder Kimball on the public square in Far West and asked him if he was a “—— Mormon;” he replied, “I am a Mormon.” “Well, — —— you, we’ll blow your brains out, you — —— Mormon,” and tried to ride over him with their horses. This was in the presence of Elias Smith, Theodore Turley, and others of the Committee. ^[424]

The brethren gathered up what they could and left Far West in one hour; and the mob staid [sic] until they left, then plundered thoudands of dollars’ worth of property which had been left by the exiled brethren and sisters to help the poor to remove.

One mobber rode up, and finding no convenient place to fasten his horse, shot a cow that was standing near, and while the poor animal was yet struggling in death, he cut a strip of her hide from her nose to the tip of her tail; this he tied round a stump, to which he fastened his halter.

During this commotion this day, a great portion of the records of the committee, accounts, history, etc., were destroyed or lost, so that but a few definite items can be registered in their place.⁸²

Two days later, April 20, “the last of the Saints left Far West.”⁸³ On April 26, following the laying of the cornerstone of the Far West Temple and of the departure therefrom of the Twelve Apostles on missions as commanded by revelation, the Saints living at Tenney’s Grove were conducted to Quincy, Illinois, a distance of some 200 miles. By May 1, 1839, the exodus was a fait accompli.⁸⁴

The total number of people involved in the move from Missouri is not known. Parley P. Pratt sets the number at between ten and twelve thousand.⁸⁵ Hyrum Smith placed the figure between twelve and fourteen thousand.⁸⁶ B. H. Roberts, the Mormon historian, places the number at twelve to fifteen thousand.⁸⁷ The Missouri Republican Daily merely noted that the number of exiles was in excess of five thousand, an extremely conservative figure.⁸⁸

The actual truth may never be known. An estimate of somewhere between eight and ten thousand seems justified on the basis of known facts. Far West, at its peak in the summer of 1838, housed between four and five thousand people. Caldwell County, primarily Mormon settled, was close to six thousand. This figure includes the smaller settlements of Haun’s Mill, Salem, Allred, and Durfee’s settlements, plus many isolated farms in all parts of the area. Daviess County figures are not known, but a conservative estimate of slightly more than 2500 is not unreasonable. ^[425]

The settlement at DeWitt, composed of around 500 persons at its highest level, brings the figure to about nine thousand. Many others were still on their way to Missouri as the Mormon War progressed. An estimate of nearly ten thousand Saints in the State is not inordinately high.

The Question of Where to Settle

Once the decision was made to leave Missouri, the question of where the emigrants should locate presented itself. Even some of the Missourians considered this question to be vital. As formerly noted, it was their suggestion that the Saints break up and cease to congregate in large, exclusive groups. This tendency to gather, the non-Mormons held, was the main cause for trouble between the Mormons and their neighbors.⁸⁹ The Saints, at least for the time being, appeared to concur in this feeling. As early as January 16, 1839, Joseph Smith advised against an immediate gathering of the Saints.⁹⁰ At a meeting of the exiles in Quincy, Illinois in February 1839, a generous offer to buy land was rejected on the grounds that such a move was inadvisable in view of the present circumstances of the Saints.⁹¹

But those leaving Missouri had to go someplace. The residents of Quincy received the exiles with much kindness and sympathy. Many groups of Saints elected to settle in that area temporarily. In addition to deprecating the acts of their Missouri neighbors, the people of Quincy adopted various relief measures to assist the distressed Mormons. Opportunities for employment and generous offers of life’s necessities were extended to the grateful Saints. There is little doubt that the kindness thus tendered relieved much suffering and sickness.⁹²

Opportunities to purchase land were also presented. Dr. Isaac Galland, owner of vast tracts of land in western Illinois and eastern Iowa, offered to sell a portion of his holdings north of Quincy at a nominal price and on easy terms. This area, known as Commerce, offered many pleasing advantages for the stricken Saints. Hope was expressed by Galland that land at reasonable prices might also be procured on the Iowa side of the Mississippi River.⁹³

By mid-March 1839, it was apparent that a gathering of the Saints was an economic necessity. Brigham Young, speaking at a conference of the Church in Quincy on March 17, expressed the opinion that it was wise for the Saints “to unite together as much as possible in extending the hand of charity for the relief of the poor,” particularly those who yet remained in Missouri. His advice was for the Saints to settle in “companies” ^[426] or small branches of the Church so as to prevent a complete scattering.⁹⁴

Later that same month, Joseph Smith, still in jail, gave his brethren full rein in deciding upon a future site for Church settlement. In a letter written from Liberty Jail, he said:

Now brethren, concerning the places of location of the Saints, we cannot counsel you as we could if we were present with you; and as to the things that were written heretofore, we do not consider them anything very binding; therefore we now say once for all, that we think it most proper that the general affairs of the Church, which are necessary to be considered, while your humble servant remains in bondage, should be transacted by a general conference of the most faithful and most respectable of the authorities of the Church, and a minute of those transactions may be kept and forwarded, from time to time, to your humble servant; and if there should be any corrections by the word of the Lord, they shall be freely transmitted. . . . If anything should have been suggested by us . . . except by commandment or thus saith the Lord, we do not consider it binding; therefore our hearts shall not be grieved if different arrangements should be entered into.⁹⁵

Later in the same letter, however, the Mormon Prophet said:

It still seems to bear heavily on our minds that the Church would do well to secure to themselves the contract of the land which is proposed to them by Mr. Isaac Galland, and to cultivate the friendly feelings of that gentleman, inasmuch as he shall prove himself to be a man of honor and a friend to humanity. . . .⁹⁶

It must be borne in mind that this letter was not written at one sitting but rather between March 20 and 25—hence the relative indecision at one time and the more concrete advice at another. Still later in the same communication, Joseph Smith advised:

Now, brethren, I would suggest that our brethren scattered abroad, who understand the spirit of the gathering . . . fall into the places of refuge and safety that God shall open unto them, between Kirtland and Far West. Those from the East and the West and from far countries, let them fall in somewhere between these two boundaries, in the most safe and quiet places they can find; and let this be the ^[427] present understanding, until God shall open a more effectual door for us for further considerations.⁹⁷

At length a decision was made by the Church in Illinois to purchase the land offered by Dr. Galland. In the process of deciding whether or not to settle in Illinois, the Saints received every encouragement possible. According to Alanson Ripley, Sidney Rigdon was told by Governor Thomas Carlin of Illinois that the people called “Mormons” would find protection in his State. “He also solicited our people,” wrote Ripley to the Prophet, “to settle in this State; and if there could be a tract of country that would suit our convenience, he would use his influence for Congress to make us a grant of it, to redress our wrongs and make up our losses.”⁹⁸

Similar expressions of friendship were received from other quarters. Governor Robert Lucas of Iowa assured the Saints that since they were citizens of the United States, they were entitled to all the rights and privileges of other citizens. Their religious views, he said, had nothing to do with their legal rights.⁹⁹ Lucas’s views were given in response to a personal letter he received from Galland requesting the Governor’s opinion.¹⁰⁰

The eventual decision by the Church was for the Saints to settle in Iowa and Illinois on adjacent sides of the Mississippi River. The settlement on the Illinois side, originally known as Commerce, was renamed Nauvoo. The settlement on the Iowa side was called Montrose.¹⁰¹

Non-Mormon Purchases of Mormon Lands

As soon as it became a certainty that the Mormons would evacuate the State as ordered, the value of their real estate holdings went down. At the same time, speculators appeared on every hand, eager to take advantage of the fact that the destitute Saints were forced to sell. The Legislature was drawn into the matter when it was subsequently learned that the land-hungry sharks were the very men who had been most active in the “War against the Mormons.” The influential Missouri Republican Daily urged an immediate investigation by the Committee appointed by the legislature to oversee the “Mormon Investigation.” Such an inquiry, the paper insisted, would “lead to a better understanding” of the recent disturbances and would relieve the reputation of the State of the heavy shadow which hovered over it.^{102 [428]}

The expected investigation did not materialize. According to Reed Peck, the enforced exodus of the Mormon people merely opened a field for speculators who “reaped the advantages of labor done by the banished Mormons.”¹⁰³ On the authority of a gentleman who had recently arrived from the land office in Lexington, the Missouri Republican Daily reported as follows:

At the recent land sales, the lands of Caldwell and Daviess were brought into market and some of the citizens who have been most active in the excitement against the Mormons purchased a number of Mormon tracts of land. Where the Mormons had made settlements and improvements, it is said, these citizens have purchased them for speculation. It is said that the town of Adamon Diamond [sic], a Mormon town in Daviess, in which are several houses—a very valuable site for a town—was purchased at these sales for a dollar and a quarter an acre.¹⁰⁴

This same paper concluded:

Much as we censure the course of the Mormons, there is no act, of which we have any knowledge, which will at all compare with the unrighteousness of those who, it seems, got up this crusade in order to obtain possession of the houses and lands of their victims.¹⁰⁵

Thus the anxiety of certain non-Mormons to be rid of their Mormon neighbors appears to have been prompted in part by a desire to secure the lands of the Saints as soon and as cheaply as possible. In some instances, at least, non-Mormons actually forced the Saints to vacate their lands in order that they might be secured without any price at all. As one authority has written:

What adds immeasurably to the shame of the transaction [forcing the Saints from the State by Executive Order] is the fact that there are grounds for believing that not a little of the intolerance shown on this occasion (for the Mormons) may have been due to a desire on the part of the gentiles to get possession of the Mormons’ land. . . . A gentleman who has enjoyed exceptional advantages for acquainting himself with the facts of the case . . . tells us that “in many instances conveyances of land were demanded and enforced at the mouth of a pistol or rifle.”^{106 [429]}

At least some of the Saints made an attempt to settle their personal debts prior to leaving the State. The question of paying the Church’s debts in Clay County was discussed by the Committee on Removal on February 14, 1839. Alanson Ripley was instructed by them to call on Mr. Peter H. Burnett, a lawyer and newspaper publisher in Liberty, and make arrangements in the matter. It appears that any items of indebtedness were satisfactorily settled to all concerned.¹⁰⁷

At the time of his departure from Missouri early in 1839, John Murdock made a similar attempt to meet his legal debts in Carroll County. It will be recalled that he, together with George M. Hinkle, purchased the site of DeWitt in their own names in behalf of the Church. Learning that Hinkle was in Keytesville, a short distance away, and being anxious to relieve himself of any future financial difficulties, Murdock visited Henry Root and Robert Skeely, the men from whom the original purchase was made, and said:

“G. M. Hinkle is in Keetesville [sic] and has the deed you gave us and all the rest of the papers; and I am here with my family and all I have; and if you want anything from me, you must get it now, for the faith that I possess, I believe, and I intend to preach it; and I do not calculate to hold property hereafter. If you will go and fetch Hinkle back, I will remain here till you come, and if you will deliver those notes into my hands, I will give up my deed and right to this place.” They said they would, and they did so.¹⁰⁸

Suffering Occasioned by the Exodus

Although the original agreement called for the Saints to leave in the spring, local anti-Mormon sentiment made it advisable, if not imperative, to leave before that time. That the enforced exodus added immeasurably to the suffering of the Latter-day Saints is beyond all question. “Numerous families set out . . . for Illinois, making the entire distance in mid-winter on foot,” wrote one authority.¹⁰⁹ Said another:

The season was already far advanced, transportation was totally insufficient, and yet, notwithstanding these silent appeals for delay, some thousands of these unfortunate creatures, of all ages, sizes, conditions, and of both sexes, were driven from their homes and compelled to cross almost the entire part of the northern part of the State before they could hope to find a resting place. As a rule, they were poor, had nothing but the small farms from which ^[430] they were driven, but such was the pressure put upon them or their anxiety to get away, that not infrequently “a valuable farm was traded for an old wagon, a horse, a yoke of oxen, or anything that would furnish them with the means of leaving.”¹¹⁰

Suitable means of conveyance was indeed a problem. Many of the wagons pressed into service were old and dilapidated. Some made the trip to Illinois and back several times and over very rough terrain. Such carriers as were available were crowded with all the personal effects of those removing that could be piled upon them. To illustrate how difficult it was to secure a wagon, consider the following from Lucy Mack Smith:

Just as we got our own goods into the wagon, a man came to us and said that Sidney Rigdon’s family were ready to start and must have the wagon. Accordingly our goods were taken out and we were compelled to wait until the team could come after us again. We put our goods into the wagon a second time, but the wagon was wanted for Emma and her family, so our goods were again taken out. We succeeded after a long time in getting one single wagon to convey beds, clothing, and provisions for our family, Salisbury’s family [a son-in-law], and Mr. McLerie’s family [close friends], besides considerable luggage for Don Carlos [a son], who, with his family and the remainder of his luggage, was crowded into a buggy and went in the same company with us.¹¹¹

In order to secure suitable means of conveyance for their personal effects, it was necessary in some instances for the Saints to make tremendous sacrifices in land and other personal property. As one writer put it:

All through the winter and early spring, those who remained prepared to leave. They offered their lands for sale at very small figures. In fact, many bartered their farms for teams and wagons to get away on. Some traded for any sort of property. Charles Ross of Black Oak bought forty acres of good land, north of Breckenridge, for a blind mare and a clock. Some tracts of good land north of Shoal Creek in Kidder Township brought only fifty cents an acre.^{112 [431]}

The actual physical process of removal was difficult in the extreme. Many are the graphic descriptions recorded of the trials endured by the plucky Saints as they headed eastward to find a new home. Those given below are merely selected samples from among several. John Hammer, whose father was killed at Haun’s Mill, claims that the death of his father left the family in a “very helpless and unprotected condition.” Speaking of his mother and how she engineered the move, Hammer wrote:

A less healthy and resolute woman could not have had the courage and endurance to grapple successfully with the obstacles that lay in her path. A family of six children upon her hands to be made ready for removal in ten days time would have been a wonderful undertaking in a time of peace with an abundance of means at her command. But she had neither. . . . True, my father left her 120 acres of excellent land, with a government title, a good crop of corn, already matured, and ten or fifteen acres of fall wheat. But all this she had to leave. . . . Our family had one wagon; and one blind horse had to transport our effects to the State of Illinois. We traded our wagon with a brother who had two horses, for a light one-horse wagon, thus accomodating both parties. Into this small wagon we placed our clothes, bedding, some corn meal, and what scanty provisions we could muster, and started out into the cold and frost to travel on foot, to eat and sleep by the wayside. . . . When night approached, we could hunt for a log or a fallen tree, and if lucky enough to find one, we would build fires by the sides of it. Those who had blankets or bedding camped down near enough to enjoy the warmth of the fire which was kept burning through the entire night. Our family, as well as many others, were almost barefooted and some had to wrap their feet in cloths in order to keep them from freezing and to protect them from the sharp points of the frozen ground. This, at best, was very imperfect protection, and often the blood from our feet marked the frozen earth. . . . All our family except the two youngest—Austin and Julian—had to walk every step of the entire distance. . . . There was scarcely a day while we were on the road that it did not either snow or rain. The nights and mornings were very cold.¹¹³

The following is Anson Call’s brief account of the difficulties he encountered in making the move:

About the middle of February, we took up our line of march for Illinois. The weather was cold and ^[432] severe, with snow to the depth of one foot. The first night our wagon tipped over into the creek; the second day we had to cross a long prairie and were not able to reach the settlement. It was a very cold and blustering night. We raised the wagon tongue, put some clothes over it, placing our beds underneath. We found campfires and tent poles already struck nearly all the way after this. We found Missourians universally unwilling to receive us into their homes. We arrived at Palmyra, Mo., the third day of the march. There I found my father and his family and my cousin, Orvis Call, and family. Here I stopped with my family and my father and I went into Illinois to hunt a place for our families.¹¹⁴

Luman Andros Shirtliff draws the following graphic picture of the early part of his move:

It was now the fifth day of Feb. 1839. [I was] starting back with one yoak [sic] of Oxon [sic] on the poorest wagon brought with me. The ground was froze [sic] hard, and we at night camped at a log house left by some of the brethren and made some of our beds in the house. Our number, I think, was twenty four. The next night, Sister Durfeys [sic] family slept on the grozen ground. To see a good woman of her age lying upon the frozen ground with fifteen of her children lying around her, just drove [sic] from a comfortable holm [sic], the husband and father chased from everything dear on earth, and now among strangers and wholely because he dared take his sword to defend his family and religion—these thoughts filled my whole sole [sic] with indignation against such an order of things in a free government. . . . The third of fourth night we camped in the timber, built a good fire, and things looked pleasant around us; was [sic] back some distance from the road.¹¹⁵

The following account is given by Joseph Smith’s mother. Because of its abundance of detail, it is reproduced in its entirety as follows:

The first day we arrived at a place called Tinney’s [sic] Grove, where we lodged over night, in an old log house which was very uncomfortable. Half of the succeeding day, I traveled on foot. That night we stayed at the house of one Mr. Thomas, who was then a member of the Church. On the third day, in the afternoon, it becan to rain. At night we stopped at a house and asked permission to stay till morning. The ^[433] man to whom we applied shows us a miserable outhouse, which was filthy enough to sicken the stomach, and told us, if we would clean this place, and haul our own wood and water, we might lodge there. To this we agreed, and, with much trouble, we succeeded in making a place for our beds. For the use of this hovel, he charged us seventy-five cents. We traveled all the next day in pouring rain. We asked for shelter at many places, but were refused. At last we came to a place, quite like the one where we spent the previous night. Here we spent the night without fare. On the fifth day, just before arriving at Palmyra in Missouri, Don Carlos called to Mr. Smith and said, “Father, this exposure is too bad, and I will not bear it any longer; the first place that I come to that looks comfortable, I shall drive up and go into the house, and do you follow me.”

We soon came to a farm house, surrounded with every appearance of plenty. The house was but a short distance from the road, having in front of it a large gate. Through this Don Carlos drove without hesitating to ask the privilege; and after assisting us through, he started to the house, and meeting the landlord, he said, “I do not know but that I am trespassing, but I have with me an aged father, who is sick, besides my mother, and a number of women with small children. We have traveled two days and a half in this rain, and if we are compelled to go much further, we shall all of us die. If you allow us to stay with you overnight, we will pay you almost any price for our accomodation.”

“Why, what do you mean, sir,” said the gentleman. “Do you not consider us human beings? Do you think that we would turn out anything that is flesh and blood from our door, in such a time as this! Drive up to the house, and help your wife and children out; I’ll attend to your father and mother and the rest of them.” The landlord then assisted Mr. Smith and myself into the room in which the lady was sitting, but as she was rather ill, and he feared that the dampness of our clothing would cause her to take cold, he ordered a black servant to make a fire for her in another room. He then assisted each of our family into the house, and hung up our cloaks and shawls to dry.

At this house we had everything which could conduce to comfort. The gentleman, who was Esquire Mann, brought us milk for our children, hauled us water to wash with, and furnished us good beds to sleep in. . . .

After spending the night with this good man, we proceeded on our journey, although it continued raining, for we were obliged to travel through mud and rain to avoid being detained by high water. When we came within six miles of the Mississippi River, the weather grew colder, and in place of rain, we had snow and ^[434] hail; and the ground between us and the river was so low and swampy, that a person on foot would sink in over his ankles at every step; yet, we were all of us forced to walk, or rather wade, the whole six miles.

On reaching the Mississippi, we found that we could not cross that night, nor yet find a shelter, for many Saints were there before us waiting to go over to Quincy. The snow was six inches deep, and still falling. We made our beds upon it, and went to rest with what comfort we might under such circumstances. The next morning, our beds were covered with snow, and much of the bedding under which we lay was frozen. We rose and tried to light a fire, but finding it impossible, we resigned ourselves to our comfortless situation.

Soon after this, Samuel came over from Quincy and he, with the assistance of Seymour Brunson, obtained permission of the ferryman for us to cross that day. About sunset, we landed in Quincy. Here Samuel hired a house, and we moved into it with four other families.¹¹⁶

Many who arrived at Quincy could find no place for shelter. The ice on the river prevented the exiles from crossing the Illinois as rapidly as they would have liked. Such a condition merely added to the suffering already experienced by the Saints. Wrote John P. Greene:

In the months of February and March, there were at one time 130 families and upwards upon the west bank of the Mississippi, unable to cross on account of the running ice, many of them entirely destitute of food and only scantily supplied from the east side of the river by those who, with great difficulty, succeeded in conveying them provisions. Their only shelter was the bed clothing from which they could make tents, and many had not even this. In this miserable situation, many women gave birth to children.¹¹⁷

While the Committee in Missouri was engaged in helping their friends to remove from the State, the Saints already in Illinois, aided by the residents of Quincy, were busily engaged in the work of ferrying the incoming exiles and settling them in such places of shelter as could be found. Quoting Greene once again:

The Mormons who were already in Quincy formed a committee among themselves to aid to the best of their power the Committee of Far West in giving assistance to their suffering brethren. They received them as they came, sent forward all who had means and strength into the interior, provided the poor and sick with lodgings, ^[435] fuel, food, and clothing. This committee were necessarily obliged to incur debts to a large amount in this work of charity, for which they are now personally liable.¹¹⁸

The kindness of the residents of Quincy was not soon forgotten by the Saints. Had it not been for their generosity, the suffering of the Mormon people would undoubtedly have been much greater.

The Twelve Apostles and the Temple Site at Far West

With their leaders in jail, the Saints in Missouri found themselves without the benefits of spiritual and temporal counsel. Occasional letters from Liberty, of course, helped to fill the void. But in general the responsibility of leading the Saints fell on Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball, senior members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. In assuming the full reins of leadership in Joseph Smith’s absence, these two men were but acting in accordance with the Prophet’s expressed desires. The following is a portion of a letter written by the latter on January 16, 1839, from Liberty Jail:

It is not wisdom for you to go out of Caldwell with your families yet for a little season, until we are out of prison; after which you may act as your pleasure. . . .

Inasmuch as we are in prison, for a little season, if need be, the management of the Church devolves upon you, that is, the Twelve. . . .

N. B. Appoint the oldest of those of the Twelve who were first appointed to be the President of your quorum.¹¹⁹

Brigham Young, oldest apostle in terms of service, thus succeeded to the presidency of his quorum.

Prior to the receipt of this letter, but with the express sanction of Joseph Smith, Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball took the necessary steps to reorganize the High Council at Far West. This action was taken on December 13, 1838, and followed an expression of faith in the work inaugurated by Joseph Smith from those who were present.¹²⁰

The Quorum of Twelve itself was much in need of reorganization. Only Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball were present in Missouri; the others were scattered throughout the United States and Great Britain. David W. Patten was dead, having been killed in the Battle of Crooked River; Thomas B. Marsh and Orson Hyde had apostatized; the recent appointees to the apostolate had not yet received their ordinations. ^[436]

At the first official meeting of the newly formed High Council, therefore, on December 19, 1838, Elders Young and Kimball proceeded to reorganize their own quorum. John Taylor and John E. Page were ordained to their high callings on that occasion. Wilford Woodruff was not present in Missouri at the time and was ordained later. Willard Richards, then in England on a mission, received his ordination while abroad.¹²¹

It is apparent that Joseph Smith was anxious to see the Quorum of Twelve reorganized as soon as possible. His letter of January 16 instructed Brigham Young and Heber C. Kimball to attend to that very matter at once. His anxiety appears to have been born out of a desire to see the revelation fulfilled which required the Twelve Apostles to leave on a mission to Europe from the dedicated temple site in Far West on April 26, 1839.¹²² Hence he wrote:

It will be necessary for you to get the twelve together, ordain such as have not been ordained, or at least such of them as you can get, and proceed to regulate the Elders as the Lord may give you wisdom. We nominate George A. Smith and Lyman Sherman to take the places of Orson Hyde and Thomas B. Marsh.¹²³

Lyman Sherman died before he could claim his right of ordination. Orson Hyde, through repentance, was reinstated in his former calling, though he lost his position of seniority in the Quorum. Heber C. Kimball, Hyde’s close friend, gives the following interesting account of Orson’s attempt to be forgiven for his apostasy:

About this time [i.e., the time of the removal from Missouri], Orson Hyde came to me, feeling very sorrowful for the course he had pursued the past few months. He said it was because of fear, and that he lamented his folly, and he asked me what we should do. I told him to give up his school, remove his family and gather with the Church. He wanted to know if I thought the brethren would forgive him. I said, “Yes.” He then asked “Will you defend my case?” And I promised I would.¹²⁴

Neither Brigham Young nor Heber C. Kimball had played a major role in the Mormon War. This fact gave them a decided advantage in providing the leadership the Saints needed in evacuating the State, since neither was known to the Church’s enemies. In time, however, Brigham Young’s ^[437] tireless efforts in behalf of his brethren rendered him extremely unpopular to the Gentile element. On February 14, he was forced to flee Far West for his personal safety.¹²⁵ Heber C. Kimball, even less well known because he had only recently arrived from England, remained behind to superintend the work of removal. Of this fact he wrote:

I fitted up a small wagon, procured a span of ponies, and sent my wife and three children out of the State in company with Brother Brigham and his family and several others who left Far West February 14th. . . . Being a stranger in Missouri, I was requested by Joseph, Brigham and others to tarry and assist the Committee [on Removal] in getting the brethren and their families out of the State and in waiting on those brethren who were confined in prison.¹²⁶

In spite of their retreat from Far West, however, it was necessary for the apostles to return to Far West by April 26 so as to fulfill the revelation requiring them to depart from the dedicated temple site on their missions “over the great waters.”¹²⁷ In his letter of January 16, therefore, Joseph Smith reminded his brethren of their duty. Said he: “Though you take your families out of the State, it will be necessary for you to return and leave as before designed on the 26th of April.”¹²⁸

Enemies of the Church boastingly said that this was one revelation of “Joe Smith” that would not be fulfilled since it had both date and place attached to it.¹²⁹ Wilford Woodruff put it this way in later years:

It was as much as a man’s life was worth, especially one of the twelve, to be found in that State; and when the day came on which we were commanded by the Lord in that revelation to go up and lay the cornerstone of that temple and there take the parting with the Saints to cross the waters to preach the gospel in England, the inhabitants of Missouri had sworn that if all the revelations of “Old Joe Smith” were fulfilled, that [one] should not be because it had a day and date to it.^{130 [438]}

Some of the Saints demurred at the prospect of seeing their brethren return to Far West following the exodus. According to Wilford Woodruff, when Brigham Young put the question to a vote in Illinois, Joseph Smith’s father, the Patriarch, expressed his opinion that the Lord would take the will for the deed. Others allegedly claimed that the Lord did not expect the Twelve Apostles to sacrifice their lives in order to fulfill the revelation. But the members of the Quorum itself are said to have replied: “The Lord has spoken, and we will fulfill that revelation and commandment.” “And it was the feeling of President Young and of those who were with him,” said Wilford Woodruff, “that the revelation should be fulfilled.”¹³¹

Whether or not the enemies of the Saints had actual designs to prevent the departure of the apostles as scheduled is unknown. Their threats may have been mere bravado. To forestall any possible attack, however, the men completed the work which the Lord required early on the morning of the specified date. As many Saints as possible gathered from the surrounding area to witness the proceedings.¹³² The cornerstone of the temple was laid by Alpheus Cutler, veteran Church member and a stone mason by trade.¹³³ Heber C. Kimball described the morning’s activities in the following words:

We held a conference at the house of Brother Samuel Clark, cut off thirty-one persons from the Church, and then proceeded to the building spot of the Lord’s house, where, after the singing of a hymn on the mission of the Twelve, we recommenced laying the foundation [of the temple], agreeable to the revelation given July 8th, 1838, by rolling a big stone, upwards of a ton in weight, upon or near the south-west corner. ^[439]

We ordained Wilford Woodruff and George A. Smith, who had previously been nominated by the First Presidency, accepted by the Twelve, and acknowledged by the Church at Quincy [as] members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. We ordained as seventies Darwin Chase and Norman Shearer who had been liberated from Richmond prison two days previously, where they had been confined about six months for the cause of Christ.

The twelve then, individually, called upon the Lord in prayer in the following order: Brigham Young, Heber C. Kimball, Orson Pratt, John E. Page, John Taylor, Wilford Woodruff, and George A. Smith, kneeling [as they did so] on a cornerstone [of the contemplated building]; after which [the song] “Adam-ondi-Ahman” was sung. . . . The twelve [then took leave of the Saints, agreeable to the revelation.¹³⁴

Prior to their departure, the Saints visited many of the deserted houses in their former city. Some they found in ruins; others in a state of rapid deterioration. They also found portions of the streets of town covered with newly grown grass. After breakfast at the home of a man named Clark, the party left Far West. “We rode thirty miles that day,” wrote Heber C. Kimball, “and camped at night with the families of Elders Clark and Turley.” Upon their arrival at Tenney’s Grove, the company picked up a few families who had not as yet, removed from the State. These they accompanied to Illinois.¹³⁵

Postscript on Far West

Little remains of what was once the thriving city of Far West. Shortly after the Saints departed in 1839, persons from various parts of Missouri flocked to the area to secure the vacated homes of the Mormons.¹³⁶ In time, most of the houses in the area were either torn down for firewood or hauled away to the country. The streets and the city square became cornfields, and the city’s hotels were turned into stables.¹³⁷

The town continued to serve as the county seat for Caldwell until 1843, when the newer town of Kingston, located to the southeast, was established. Ironically, Kingston was named in honor of Judge Austin A. King, later to become the governor of the State. The city cemetery, ^[440] which once contained more than 200 graves and was located a half mile west of town, fell into disuse. Its location is now unknown, its headstones having been plowed under.¹³⁸

The area continues to have a nostalgic fascination for Latter-day Saints. In 1909, Joseph F. Smith, president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, purchased 80 acres in the area from a descendant of John Whitmer at a price of $7,000.¹³⁹ The temple site remains an attraction for interested spectators. Each of the four cornerstones is plainly visible, and the excavation may be viewed at near its original depth. Today, Far West is known as Kerr.¹⁴⁰

Summary and Conclusions

Following the surrender at Far West, the Saints did not take immediate steps to obey the order to move from the State. They hoped, rather, that the Missouri Legislature would countermand the Governor’s decree. To aid in the realization of this expectation, petitions were drawn up and sent to the State Capitol requesting permission to remain in the State and setting forth the poverty-stricken condition of the Saints. This action resulted in an appropriation of $2,000, which amount did little good because of the manner in which it was administered. While the Governor and other prominent persons acknowledged that the Saints had been unjustly treated, no action was ever taken to rescind the original Order of Expulsion.

Once it was clear that the move must be made, the Saints made immediate preparations to do so. The process, however, was much delayed by the impoverished condition of the Church’s members. The Saints in Daviess County particularly suffered due to the losses they incurred at the hands of the Gentiles. Residents of Caldwell continued to feel the wrath and indignation of their neighbors as roving bands roamed the countryside and robbed and destroyed much valuable property with impunity. Persons in outlying communities were forced to flee to Far West for safety, thus increasing the problems occasioned by shortages of food, clothing, and suitable shelter.

The actual process of removal itself was an enormous undertaking and involved at least nine or ten thousand persons. Many were destitute of any means to prosecute the move; others, due to age, were unable to move under their own power and had to be assisted; children walked barefooted in the snow and suffered greatly from lack of proper nourishment. Families were forced to live in tents and wagons until they reached Illinois.

To facilitate the task of removal, a special Committee was appointed by the Church to superintend the operation. In addition, at least 380 ^[441] able-bodied men entered into a covenant to assist their brethren and sisters to the fullest extent of their abilities to do so. This aid, together with the sale of Church real estate holdings, provided sufficient means to prosecute the move. The work of removal was hastened by the impatience of persons eager to possess the homes of the Saints. Mobs threatened violence to the persons and property of the residents of Far West on several occasions. At least twice these threats were carried out.

The selection of a general place of gathering for the exiles was necessitated by the economic hardships under which they labored. Many Saints had no one but friends upon whom they could rely. Expressions of sympathy and offers for temporal assistance were received from the residents of Quincy, Illinois. Their kindness and generosity undoubtedly served to alleviate much added suffering. Letters of friendship were also received from the governors of Iowa and Illinois, and in time, settlements were established in both states on adjacent sides of the Mississippi River.

In April of 1839, seven of the Twelve Apostles returned to Far West to lay the cornerstone of the Far West Temple and to fulfill the revelation requiring them to depart from that place on missions to Europe. Only the dedicated temple site remains today to mark the location of the once thriving city of Far West. ^[442]