Introduction
As formerly shown, plans were entertained by the Caldwell Saints to spread abroad into adjoining counties of the State as early as November, 1837. Of particular interest was the county to their immediate north, Daviess. A number of prominent Church members were assigned the task of surveying that area as a possible future home for those of their number who had not yet congregated in Missouri. The divisive efforts of the dissenters, however, many of whom were members of the exploration teams, rendered these plans abortive until the arrival of Joseph Smith in March of 1838. This chapter discusses the renewal of efforts of the Saints to locate beyond Caldwell’s borders.
Early Settlements in Daviess County
Prior to its official creation, Daviess County was largely inhabited by Indians. The first white man known to have settled within its present boundaries was John Splawn. He and his son, Mayberry, erected the first cabin in the area in January of 1830. These men were followed shortly by the families of John Tarwater and two Weldon brothers, James and Benedict. The next autumn, Robert P. Penniston, Sr. and his family moved into the area. A permanent settlement was formed by all of these families in the spring of 1832. They called their new home Splawn’s Ridge.
These settlers were soon joined by others. At the close of the “Black Hawk War” of 1832, several soldiers who had camped often in the same area concluded to make their permanent homes there. Among these were Milford Donaho and Thomas Auberry, the latter the founder of Auberry Grove near present day Jamesport. Donaho, skilled in many frontier trades, was an invaluable addition to the small community.1
The first mill constructed in the area belonged to Robert Penniston, Sr. Built on the east side of the Grand River, this structure served the community for miles around. Milford Donaho was its builder. In time, the mill proved to be the nucleus for another town, and the settlers called it Millport. Surveyed and platted in 1836, Millport soon became a place of importance to the scattered pioneers of northern Missouri. According to one authority: [147]
This mill, crude as it was, proved to be a boon to the early settlers of the country. I have heard many of them tell of the times when they would go to Penniston’s horse mill for grinding, and of the long tedious waiting for their “turn.” But they went prepared to stay for a week if necessary, for many of the customers came long distances could not afford to return without their grist.2
The early residents also made good use of the Grand River, a wide stream which bisected the County and possessed a channel deep enough for small boats to navigate. Produce was ferried from the mill down the river to its junction with the Missouri. Then, the same boat would return loaded with supplies for the settlers. “Theodore Penniston became the first sailor to clear the port when he took a dug-out load of honey, beeswax, skins, etc., down the Grand River to its junction with the Missouri.”3
It was not long until various places of business sprang up in Millport. The “sign boards” of the community were indicative of its thriving nature. They contained the following designations: “John A. Williams, Grocer; Milford Donaho, Blacksmith; Jacobs and Lomax, Merchants; Worthington and McKinney, Merchants; Morin and Compton, Merchants; and Jesse Adamson, Grocer.”4 Settlers are said to have come from as far away as forty miles to purchase needed supplies.
Millport was soon rivaled by its neighbor, Gallatin. Settled in 1837, Gallatin was located on the western side of Grand River about three miles from Millport. Following Gallatin’s appearance, the two settlements vied with each other for the honor of being the county seat. Since most of the trade came from the west side of the river, the contest was eventually decided in Gallatin’s favor. From that point on, Millport gradually faded away.5
The first election in Daviess County was held in Gallatin on April 29, 1837, at the home of Elijah Frost. The first circuit court was held at the home of Elisha B. Creekmore. Austin A. King, justice for the fifth [148] judicial district of the State of Missouri, was the first to preside.6 Among the first marriages performed in the County were those consummated in behalf of Benjamin Crandle and Rebecca Simmons on April 29, 1838, and Enoch Riggs and Ann Littlefield on May 27, 1838. Lyman Wight and Elisha H. Groves, two Latter-day Saint elders, were the performing officers.7
Description of Daviess County
Daviess County is situated in north-west Missouri in the second tier of counties from the northern boundary of the State. It is twenty-four miles square and contains 358,601 acres of land. Says one authority:
There is no county in the State to rank in advance of Daviess for agricultural advantages and grazing. The soil is from one to six feet deep, very rich, and productive—a soil that will not wear out. The formation of the surface of this country displays a natural drainage in its highest perfection. . . . The ascents and descents of the country are not so abrupt as to prevent the tillage of the entire surface of the land. The soil of the Grand River Valley, which runs diagonally through the county from northwest to southeast, is not surpassed by any other country in the Union. This county contains about two-thirds prairie and one-third timber lands; the timber being situated advantageous to the prairie, as if placed by human hands for the convenience of man.8
Joseph H. McGee, a lifetime resident of the area, speaking of the Grand River and its environs, wrote:
Its banks and bottoms are lined with the finest timber available in northern Missouri. . . . [Its] tributaries and rivers permeate all parts of the county, furnishing the farmer with a superabundance of water and timber for irrigational purposes. It is a fact long since conceded that there is no county in northern Missouri so well supplied by nature with all the requirements of an agricultural county.9
The Latter-day Saints viewed the County from a similar standpoint. Alanson Ripley, official surveyor for the Mormon settlements in Daviess County, once wrote: [149]
The county of Daviess, is as well calculated for agriculture and commerce as any other county in the state. . . . The imense growth of corn and other produce this season [summer of 1838] in this county, as well as all other counties in this upper country, has not, to our knowledge, had a parallel in this generation.10
Another Latter-day Saint, David Osborne, referred to the results of his farming efforts for the summer of 1838 in the following words:
I enclosed, broke, and planted in corn, potatoes, pumpkins, etc., 10 acres. . . . This proved to be a good season for crops. I raised 4 of 500 bushels of corn and vegetables in abundance [from a planting] on the 19th of April this year, which was 1838.11
At least one Latter-day Saint, however, did not see so bright a picture. William Swartzell, a man who joined the Church briefly during this period, complained bitterly of many things. According to Swartzell, all of the wells dug in Daviess County by the Latter-day Saints went dry during the summer of 1838. What little water was obtained from the ground, he claims, “was very spare and muddy. Most of our water was hauled from the Grand River, three quarters of a mile distant.” Swartzell also speaks disparagingly of the food supply in the following words:
I got something today [July 19] from Lyman White [sic], which was unexpected, owing to the extreme scarcity of food Brother White [sic] employed another brother to haul wheat, flour, and corn with his team to satisfy the craving appetites of the brethren. Everything is now forgotten in breaking bread. Flour is $4.50 cents per hundred, and without money, none could be procured even at that price.12
In spite of Swartzell’s negativism, the fact remains that the Saints were generally pleased with Daviess County, with its natural beauty, fertile soil, excellent mill sites and water-shipping prospects. The following description of Adam-ondi-Ahman, chief city for the Saints in the County, is indicative of the view taken by most of the Saints: [150]
Adam-ondi-Ahman is situated immediately on the north side of Grand River in Daviess County, Mo., about 25 miles north of Far West. It is situated on a beautiful elevated spot of ground overlooking the river and country round about, which renders the place as healthy as any part of the United States. The river is navigable by small boats. . . . The advantage of large bodies of timber which surround the town, the advantage of the beautiful prairies, and the advantage of trade which it has in consequence of navigation, render it equal to any other place in the upper counties of the State of Missouri. . . .13
Exploration of and Settlement in Daviess County by the Latter-day Saints
The constant tendency of the Mormon people to fan out over ever increasing areas of land was a source of genuine concern to the Gentiles of northern Missouri. It had been their understanding, so they claimed, that Caldwell County was the exclusive home of the Saints, while other counties nearby belonged to the non-Mormons. Moreover, it was held that the Saints, in exchange for the creation of Caldwell County, had agreed never to settle another area without first obtaining permission from at least two-thirds of the present inhabitants.
No historical evidence has been found to indicate that the Saints ever made such an agreement. Even allowing that such an understanding was reached, however, it is unlikely that the Missourians could ever have enforced it as a point of law. Nevertheless, the History of Caldwell County states:
All the Mormon settlements outside of this county [i.e., Caldwell] were made with the prior consent of the inhabitants then living where the settlements were made; the consent was obtained in nearly every instance by the payment of money, either for the lands of the pioneer gentiles or for some articles of personal property they owned. Money was scarce at that day, and although the pioneers did not approve Mormon doctrines, they did approve Mormon gold and silver, and they were willing to tolerate the one if they could obtain the other. But afterward, certain of the gentiles claimed that the Mormon occupation has been by stealth and fraud, and perhaps in some instances this was true.14 [151]
Early exploratory efforts in Daviess County ended when the dissenters fell away. Movements of members of the Church into the area, however, did not. Heavy migrations of Latter-day Saints into Missouri, particularly as a result of the Kirtland difficulties, caused the appointed places for gathering to fill rapidly. Hence, many families settled Daviess.
Following his arrival in Far West, Joseph Smith turned his attention to the problem of locating new places of settlement for the Saints. On April 26, 1838, a revelation was received stating “that other places should be appointed for stakes in the regions round about” Caldwell.15 A month later, an exploratory committee, with the Prophet at its head, journeyed to Daviess County to lay off a new stake of Zion.16 Joseph Smith gives the following account of this effort:
Friday, May 18.—I left Far West in company with Sidney Rigdon, Thomas B. Marsh, David W. Patten, Bishop Partridge, Elias Higbee, Simeon Carter, Alanson Ripley, and many others, for the purpose of laying claim to lands to facilitate the gathering of the Saints, for the benefit of the poor, in upholding the Church of God. We traveled to the mouth of Honey Creek, which is a tributary of Grand River, where we camped for the night. . . .
Saturday, 19.—This morning we struck our tents and formed a line of march, crossing Grand River at the mouth of Honey Creek and Nelson’s Ferry. . . . We pursued our course up the river, mostly through timber, for about eighteen miles when we arrived at Colonel Lyman Wight’s home.17
Joseph Smith, in company with his aforementioned friends, was active in surveying lands in Daviess County from May 18 to May 28. As time went on, various sites for settlement were concluded upon. Eventually, a decision was made to secure all the lands between “Spring Hill” in Daviess County and Far West. Alanson Ripley was appointed to attend to the more technical aspects of the final survey operation.18
The first Latter-day Saint known to have settled in Daviess County was Lyman Wight who moved north from Caldwell in the spring of 1837. Wight was followed by other members of the Church, and the area grew with surprising rapidity. It was this rapid influx of Mormons into what was commonly regarded as “Gentile Country” which occasioned no little concern [152] to the non-Mormons. As early as July, 1837, public notice was served on the Saints to leave the County by August first or face serious consequences.19 The Saints ignored the warning, and the Church’s numbers continued to increase at a steady rate. After a time, friendships were formed with some non-members. According to Joseph H. McGee, the Missourians were so kindly disposed toward the Saints for a time that they permitted them to select any animals from Gentile herds which they chose in order to help cultivate their fields. They even furnished the Saints with provisions until such time as the latter could succeed in raising their own.20
Not all the Saints settled at Adam-ondi-Ahman. As a matter of fact, few did so at first since the area was not selected as a gathering place until May of 1838. According to James H. Hunt, a local resident, the following is how the Saints settled the Grand River Country:
Early in 1837, Daviess county began to have an influx of Mormon immigrants. Their settlements were mainly south of Grand River. They had one settlement on Lick Fork, near the Weldon settlement. Here a Mormon by the name of Bosley and a widow by the name of Ives, besides others whose names are not remembered, settled. . . . Further up the river and in what is now Monroe Township, the Mormons formed another settlement—this was on Marrowbone and Honey Creeks. . . . Here Perry Durfey, Roswell Stevens, Henry Belt, the Daleys, and John D. Lee settled, and others also came, whose names are not remembered.
It would be well to state here that at this time all the lands in Daviess County, excepting Colfax Township, were subject to pre-emption, not having as yet been brought into market. Colfax Township had been surveyed at the same time Ray and Caldwell Counties were, and was therefore in market. Here another settlement of Mormons was made, composed principally of a better class who were able to purchase their lands and improve them.21
The largest settlement by the Saints in Daviess County was at Adam-ondi-Ahman. This location was not far from the home of Lyman Wight and was laid out following the exploratory efforts of Joseph Smith and his party in late May. The significance of this settlement will be discussed later on.22
In June, large companies of Mormon immigrants began to arrive in Far West from the East. These groups were counseled to settle in Daviess [153] County because of the over-crowded condition already existing in Far West.23 Speaking of this influx of Saints into his area, Lyman Wight said:
About June, Joseph Smith, together with many others of the principal men of the Church, came to my house, and taking a view of the large bottom in the bend of the river and the beautiful prairies on the bluffs, came to the conclusion that it would be a handsome situation for a town. We, therefore, commenced surveying and laying off town lots, and locating government lands for many miles north of this place. This beautiful country with its flattering prospects drew in floods of emigrants [sic]. I had not less than thirty comers and goers through the day during the three summer months, and up to the last mentioned date [October 30], there were upwards of two hundred houses built in this town, also about forty families living in their wagons.24
Growth and Development of Adam-ondi-Ahman
It was not long until Adam-ondi-Ahman became the chief place of settlement for the Saints in Daviess County. Among the first to settle there was the family of John Smith, uncle to the Prophet. They were counseled to settle at Adam-ondi-Ahman by Joseph Smith.25 The following information regarding their arrival and settlement is gleaned from John Smith’s “Journal”:
June 16, 1838—Arrived at the city so long sought for, even Farr West [sic].
June 18, 1838—We think of going to Grand River, Davis [sic] County. Spent our time preparing to go.
June 25, 1838—Crossed the river, got on the land of Adamondiahman [sic] about ten o’clock; pitched our tent on the bank of the river in the woodland; here we are, thank the Lord; but we have no money, neither house nor but little provision; but the Lord will provide.26
Adam-ondi-Ahman continued to grow at a steady rate. One month after the arrival of John Smith, Joseph Smith recorded in his journal that he [the Prophet] “left Far West for Adam-ondi-Ahman in company with President Rigdon . . . to settle some Canadian brethren in that place, as they are emigrating [sic] rapidly to this land from all parts of the [154] country.”27 On October 4, 1838, more than five hundred Saints arrived in Far West at once. This company, known as “Kirtland Camp No. 1” arrived from Ohio after a tedious journey of more than nine hundred miles. They, too, were urged to settle at Adam-ondi-Ahman.28
Attempts were made to set Adam-ondi-Ahman up as a true city of Zion in every respect. Shortly after the arrival of John Smith, the Saints in Daviess County were organized into a stake. John Smith was chosen by all present to serve as President of the newly formed Church unit. Reynolds Cahoon and Lyman Wight were selected to serve as first and second counselors respectively. Vinson Knight, pending the arrival of Newel K. Whitney from Kirtland, was chosen as “Bishop pro-tempore,” while the new High Council was composed of the following persons: John Lemon, Daniel Stanton, Mayhew Hillman, Daniel Carter, Isaac Perry, Harrison Sagers, Alanson Brown, Thomas Gordon, Lorenzo D. Barnes, George A. Smith, and Ezra Thayer.29
The means for purchasing land in the area was through consecration. According to William Swartzell, Lyman Wight gave a speech on July 22 in which he said that all who had purchased land with their own funds should “consecrate all their money and property to the Church” in order that all “lands and locations within 12 miles from the center of the stake in every direction” might be obtained.30 In describing the layout of the town, Swartzell wrote:
Two miles square, in the center of the twelve mile circle, was laid out in lots of an acre each, in the center of which was the temple lot of four acres. The lots nearest to the temple lot were the property of the High Priests and dignitaries of the Church. These lots, to a certain distance outside of the two-mile square, were of different sizes, from five to ten acres each, to be appropriated or disposed of to individuals, with a due regard to the size of the family, the larger families each to have a ten acre lot, and the smaller families each to have five acres, as a homestead. Upon the extremities of the twelve mile square there were to be laid off lots of a thousand acres each; one upon the east, west, north, and south. These thousand acre lots were designed as the general farming lands of the whole brotherhood, who were all to be under the direction of the dignitaries or overseers [155] of the congregation; and from the proceeds of these thousand acre lots, the laboring part, or those who tilled them, were to receive their breadstuffs and their seed grain, while the residue of the crops was to go to support the Church. . . . This stake is so laid out that all, in going to and from their dwellings to the center lots to work, have precisely the same distance to travel.31
The allocation of land was, as always, a ticklish matter, particularly when the leaders received their allocations first. William Swartzell, a chronic complainer, charges that “the least among the brethren were the least noticed and got the least land.”32 Benjamin F. Johnson allows that while all were anxious, including himself, to secure choice lots, his unmarried status placed his chance to select “near the last under the rule of ‘oldest served first.’”33 Harrison Burgess, who labored nine days as a surveyor’s helper, wrote: “As a reward for rendering this assistance at this time, Brother Joseph selected me a very fine city lot.”34
The rapid growth of the city made necessary the immediate construction of houses. Joseph McGee recalled in later years that Adam-ondi-Ahman had more than five hundred inhabitants at a time when Gallatin had but four houses.35 George A. Smith, son of John, states that he helped his father build “a two-story log house on a lot in Adam-ondi-Ahman” soon after their arrival. He also “helped to raise twenty-five log houses in 25 days.”36 William Swartzell records that the work of building was even more rapid than that. “All things are going on as briskly as ever,” he wrote on July 19, 1838. “The brethren are getting lots and raising houses on them—two or three every day.”37
This heavy stream of migration threw the balance of political power to the Latter-day Saints and could scarcely be expected to endear them to their Missouri neighbors. The explosive events growing out of this knotty problem of rapid immigration will be considered in a subsequent chapter.38 [156]
Significance of Adam-ondi-Ahman
The meaning of the name “Adam-ondi-Ahman” is unknown. Various explanations, however, have appeared. John Corrill, prominent in Mormon affairs from 1831 to 1838, states that its English equivalent is “the Valley of God, in which Adam blessed all of his children.”39 Orson Pratt, long-time associate of Joseph Smith, affirms that “Ahman” signifies God and that the whole designation means “the Valley of God where Adam dwelt.” Pratt further states that the term “is in the language spoken by Adam as revealed to the Prophet Joseph.”40 Further indications of its meaning may be gleaned from the statement made by Joseph Smith when the area was first discovered. Members of the Church who had previously been in the area called it “Spring Hill,” but “by the mouth of the Lord,” writes Joseph, “it was named Adam-ondi-Ahman, because, said He [i.e., God], it is the place where Adam shall come to visit his people, or [where] the Ancient of days shall sit as spoken of by Daniel the Prophet.”41 Then, too, when the Kirtland Camp arrived at their destination, they were greeted by one of their brethren whose name is unknown in the following words:
Brethren, your long and tedious journey is now ended; you are now on the public square of Adam-ondi-Ahman. This is the place where Adam blessed his posterity, when they rose up and called him Michael, the Prince, the Archangel, and he, being full of the Holy Ghost, predicted what should befall his posterity to the latest generation.42
The true historical significance of the place, therefore, is somehow intertwined with its name. Not only is Adam-ondi-Ahman the place where Adam shall appear in a future time to bless his righteous descendants, it is also the place where Adam once dwelt and where he called his posterity before him in his advanced years and pronounced blessings upon their heads. Hence we read:
Three years previous to the death of Adam, he called Seth, Enos, Cainan, Mahalaleel, Jared, Enoch, and Methuselah, who were all high priests, with the residue of his posterity who were righteous, into the valley of Adam-ondi-Ahman and there bestowed upon them his last blessing. And the Lord appeared unto them, and they rose up and blessed Adam, and called him [157] Michael, the Prince, the Arch angel. And the Lord administered comfort unto Adam and said unto him, I have set thee to be at the head: a multitude of nations shall come of thee; and thou art a prince over them forever.
And Adam stood up in the midst of the congregation, and notwithstanding he was bowed down with age, being full of the Holy Ghost, predicted whatsoever should befall his posterity unto the latest generation. These things were all written in the book of Enoch, and are to be testified of in due time.43
Again, the historical significance of Adam-ondi-Ahman may not be understood apart from the unique position which Adam occupied in Latter-day Saint theology in 1838. Members of the Church in that day accepted the account of the fall of man as it stands in Genesis in its most liberal sense. Rather than viewing man’s act of disobedience as a frustration of God’s divine plan, however, the Saints saw Adam as man’s greatest benefactor next to Jesus Christ, since the first man’s transgression made man’s mortal or temporal existence possible. “Adam fell that men might be” was an aphorism familiar to all Mormons of the day.44
The location of Adam’s first home, known scripturally as the Garden of Eden, has given rise to endless speculation. Those who accept the account of man’s creation and fall literally tend to place Adam’s paradise somewhere in the Mesopotamian area, one of the “cradles of civilization.” The question was settled for the Latter-day Saints, however, by revelation. Joseph Smith is quoted as having said that Eden was located upon the very ground later known as Jackson County, Missouri.45 When Adam was driven from his paradisaical state because of his transgression, he is said to have taken a northward course to find a new home. Commenting upon this fact, Benjamin F. Johnson, close confidant of Joseph Smith, wrote:
Many, who perhaps without due reflection, would take the idea that this [i.e., Adam-ondi-Ahman] was the place of the “garden,” forget that Adam was driven from the place of the Tree of Life. . . . Adam-ondi-Ahman was the city-home of Adam in the outside world.46 [158]
Reed Peck, also an associate of Joseph Smith during this period, claimed that Joseph taught that Adam-ondi-Ahman “was the place to which Adam fled after being driven out of the Garden of Eden in Jackson County,” while “Far West was the spot where Cain killed Abel.”47 Speaking of this same fact, Orson Pratt once said:
The Valley of Adam-ondi-Ahman was located on the western hemisphere of our globe [and was] located about fifty miles north of Jackson county in the state of Missouri. The Lord revealed to us that Adam dwelt there towards the latter days of his probation.48
As to the future appearance of Adam at Adam-ondi-Ahman, all that is really known is what Joseph Smith allegedly received by revelation. Discoursing upon this subject in 1839, Joseph Smith said:
The Priesthood was first given to Adam. He obtained the First Presidency, and held the keys of it from generation to generation. He obtained it in the creation, before the world was formed, as in Gen. 1:20, 26, 28. He had dominion given him over every living creature. He is Michael, the Archangel, spoken of in the Scriptures. . . .
The Priesthood is an everlasting principle, and existed with God from eternity, and will to eternity, without beginning of days or end of years. The keys have to be brought from heaven whenever the gospel is sent. When they are revealed from heaven, it is by Adam’s authority. Daniel vii, speaks of the Ancient of Days. He means the oldest man—our Father Adam (Michael.) He will call his children together and hold a council with them to prepare them for the coming of the Son of Man. He (Adam is the Father of the human family and presides over the spirits of all men; and all that have had the keys must stand before him in this grand council. This may take place before some of us leave this stage of action. The Son of Man stands before him [i.e., Adam] and there is given him [Christ] glory and dominion. Adam delivers up his stewardship to Christ—that which was delivered to him as holding the keys of the universe, but retains his standing as head of the human family.49
The coming referred to above is scheduled to take place at Adam-ondi-Ahman, Daviess County, Missouri. Therein lay the special significance of that location for the Latter-day Saints of 1838. [159]
The Altar of Stones at Adam-ondi-Ahman
Some confusion exists regarding a pile of stones found near Lyman Wight’s home in Daviess County.50 Some have contended that these stones were the remains of an ancient altar built by Adam. Others have held that they were the remnants of a similar object of Nephite origin. Still others contend that they marked the grave of Father Adam. A major purpose of this section of the study is to help clear the air concerning this matter.
On the day that Adam-ondi-Ahman was located, Joseph Smith and his exploring party came across a pile of stones near the home of Lyman Wight. Speaking of this event, the Prophet wrote:
We pursued our course up the river, mostly through timber, for about eighteen miles, when we arrived at Colonel Lyman Wight’s home. He lives at the foot of Tower Hill (a name I gave the place in consequence of the remains of an old Nephite altar or tower that stood there), where we camped for the Sabbath.
In the afternoon, I went up the river about half a mile to Wight’s Ferry, accompanied by President Rigdon, and my clerk, George W. Robinson, for the purpose of selecting and laying claim to a city plat near said ferry in Daviess County, township 60, ranges 27 and 28, and sections 25, 36, 31, and 30, which the brethren called “Spring Hill,” but by the mouth of the Lord it was named Adam-ondi-Ahman. . . .51
The foregoing quotation makes a number of important things clear: (1) the altar near Wight’s home was Nephite, not Adamic, in origin; (2) Wight’s home was a half mile at least from Adam-ondi-Ahman; (3) Tower Hill, where Wight lived, and Spring Hill, where Adam-ondi-Ahman was located, were not the same place. It is possible, of course, that in time Tower Hill became a part of Adam-ondi-Ahman.52
The issue could rest at this point were it not for the fact that other persons have ascribed the altar in question to Adam. The following, from the writings of Chapman Duncan, will illustrate what is meant:
I think the next day [after arriving at Adam-ondi-Ahman], he [Joseph Smith] said to those present, Hyrum Smith, Vincent Knight, myself and two or three others, [160] “Get me a spade, and I will show you the altar that Adam offered sacrifice on. We went forty rods north of my house. He placed the spade with care, placed his foot on it. When he took out the shovelful of dirt, it bared the stone. The dirt was two inches deep on the stone I reckon. About four feet or more was disclosed. He did not dig to the bottom of the three layers of good masonry well-put wall. The stone looked more like dressed stone, nice joints, ten inches thick, eighteen inches long or more. We came back down the slope, perhaps fifteen rods on the level, and the Prophet stopped and remarked that this place where we stood was the place where Adam gathered his posterity together and blessed them.53
An interesting dimension is thus added to the puzzle: the altar near Wight’s home was visible above the surface of the ground; that near Duncan’s home was hidden from view by soil. If B. H. Roberts’ description is correct, it would seem that there were two altars. Said he:
On the brow of the bluff stood the old stone altar which the brethren found there. When it was first discovered, according to those who visited it frequently, it was about sixteen feet long, by nine or ten feet wide, having its greatest extent north or south. The height of the altar as the brethren found it, was some two and a half feet at each end but gradually rising higher to the center, which was between four and five feet high—the whole surface being crowning.54
Roberts links the above-described altar with that of Nephite origin mentioned by Joseph Smith.55
Benjamin F. Johnson, however, gives an entirely different description of his personal knowledge of the altar he saw. He ascribes its origin to Adam. Says he:
The idea is being taken by some . . . that the altar constructed by Adam is still standing in a “fair state of preservation.” Such a statement would be very misleading, for there are those still living who, in 1838, were familiar with the city seat of Adam-ondi-Ahman, as surveyed by Bishop Alanson Ripley, [161] who as agent recorded upon the city plat the names of those to whom lots were given and recorded the lot at the top of the hill on which was scattered the many different-sized stones, some of which had burned—all partly buried; and while there appeared to be a center from which they were scattered, yet not one stone remained laid upon another to show the form and size of the altar. This was before the identical place with the rocks of the altar was pointed out by the Prophet Joseph.56
It appears likely, in view of the foregoing evidence, that there were actually two altars, one of Nephite origin, the other Adamic. Still it is strange, that no written information has been found to indicate that such was the case. Zera Pulsipher records, however, that the Saints “supposed that there had been an ancient city of the Nephites” at Adam-ondi-Ahman.57 Perhaps Joseph Smith taught that the altar, although built by Adam, was actually used by the Nephites. This could account in part for the confusion also.
Residents of the Adam-ondi-Ahman area have been known to tell an entirely different tale regarding the altar or rather the pile of stones which allegedly was once an altar. According to one account, the site marked the grave of Father Adam.58 According to another, gold was buried by the Mormons at the spot on the occasion of their leaving Missouri. At least some persons believed the tale and set to work digging for the precious treasure. While their efforts proved to be in vain their work had the effect of breaking down what remained of the altar.59 As a result of a visit to Adam-ondi-Ahman in 1888, Andrew Jenson and his party reported:
The mound of ruins of the ancient altar on the top of Adam-ondi-Ahman hill measures 36 feet in diameter. A large number of rock fragments which no doubt were once part of the altar lie scattered all around.60 [162]
The Settlement at DeWitt
It soon became apparent that other places of settlement for the Saints were needed in northern Missouri. Particularly needed was a port of entry on the Grand River, from which place Latter-day Saint goods could be shipped inland by water and then transported to their eventual destination by wagon. Situated on the confluence of the Grand and Missouri Rivers, DeWitt in Carroll County offered the ideal location. In describing this village, Andrew Jenson wrote that DeWitt was
. . . one of the best shipping points in the county, and before the railroad came, it was used extensively for trade. Immediately below DeWitt, the Missouri River changes course from a northerly to an eastern direction. When the water is high, the river is nearly a mile wide at that point. DeWitt is possessed of good farming land, and was quite a market town, though in 1838, was a small place.61
Joseph Thorp, non-Mormon observer of the Saints, also avers that the Mormons purchased the town site because it was located at “a point in the river that was suited to ship their goods and chattels to, which [goods, etc.] were intended for Far West.” Thorp concluded:
The Mormon emigrants [sic] who came by water nearly all disembarked at that point, and a great many who came by land made it in their way to Far West, and it soon became a place of considerable note, where in a very short time, there were several hundred men, women, and children. Not having houses to accomodate them all, they pitched their tents, and it became a village of canvas.62
DeWitt was purchased for the Church by John Murdock and George M. Hinkle, members of the High Council of Zion. The transaction was concluded in June, 1838, for five hundred dollars. The former owners were Henry Root, Robert Skeely, and David Thomas, extensive landholders in the area. The land was paid for by means of a personal note from Murdock and Hinkle which Edward Partridge, Bishop in Zion, had endorsed.63
The actual decision to purchase the site had been made sometime previous to the consummation of the project. Sidney Rigdon gives the following interesting account of the negotiations involved in making the purchase:
In . . . April, as myself and family were on our way to Far West, we put up a house in Carroll county, on a stream called Turkey Creek, to tarry for the night. Soon after we stopped, a young man came riding [163] up, who also stopped and stayed through the night. Hearing my name mentioned, he introduced himself to me as Henry Root; said he lived in that county at a little town called De Witt [sic], on the Missouri River, and had been at Far West to get some of those who were coming into that place to form a settlement at De Witt. Speaking highly of the advantages of the situation, and soliciting my interference in his behalf to obtain a number of families to commence at that place, as he was a large proprietor in the town plat, he offered a liberal share in all the profits which might arise from the sale of property there to those who would aid him in getting the place settled. In the morning we proceeded on our journey.
Some few weeks after my arrival, the said Henry Root, in company with a man by the name of David Thomas, came to Far West on the same business; and after much solicitation on their part, it was agreed that a settlement should be made in that place; and in the July following, the first families removed there, and the settlement soon increased, until in the October following, it consisted of some seventy families.64
The actual designs of the Church with respect to DeWitt cannot be ascertained with exactitude, further than that it was intended to serve as a point of entry for Saints and their incoming goods. Reed Peck, however states that Joseph Smith desired to make DeWitt the “fourth stake of Zion.” This is possible in view of the fact that the summer of 1838 was occupied in large measure with attempts by the Prophet to locate new places of settlement for the Saints.65 The History of Caldwell County, however, merely assigns that the town “was designed to serve as a steamboat landing and a point from which goods and immigrants could be forwarded to Caldwell County.”66
The Mormon population in DeWitt grew so rapidly that it created a housing problem. Chief among the larger groups to settle the area was a company of Canadian converts under the leadership of John E. Page. This group, which arrived in the town on September 27, 1838, was so numerous that its “wagons and tents soon filled the grove of timber below the [164] town.”67 Hence Thorp’s reference to a “village of canvas.”68
Trouble was not long in developing between the old-time settlers and the Saints. “The Mormons increased daily,” writes Thorp, “and the excitement among the citizens rose to such a high pitch that it was hard for those of, cooler heads to restrain the others from attacking the Mormon camp.”69 A second authority has also written:
The rapid imigration of Mormons into the county caused great excitement among the sparse settlements in Carroll County, the character of the Mormons having been learned from the history of these people in Kirtland, Ohio and in Jackson County, Missouri. The settlers became alarmed for their safety, and believed there was but one of two courses to pursue—to give up the county to the Mormons or to drive them to other quarters.70
In this manner, an explosive situation destined to have numerous complications for both sides was created. Subsequent chapters will show that the “powder-keg” merely awaited the lighting of the fuse.
Summary and Conclusions
The summer of 1838 was a critical one for the Saints in Caldwell County from the standpoint of population increase. Rapid migrations into the area made it desirable to found new places for settlement beyond Caldwell’s borders. Following his arrival in Far West, the matter received prompt attention from Joseph Smith. This section of study illustrated once again the decisive manner in which the Mormon Prophet moved when confronted with a problem.
Efforts to locate elsewhere in northern Missouri resulted in the creation of several possible sites in Daviess County, principal among them being that of Adam-ondi-Ahman on the Grand River. Largely unpopulated, this new area offered numerous natural advantages to the Saints. Abundant supplies of timber, water, possible mill sites, and a rich soil were everywhere to be found. In addition, the location possessed a religious significance. According to Joseph Smith, Adam-ondi-Ahman was the place where the Patriarch of the human race, Adam, once made his home. It was also there that he blessed his children prior to his death and where he will someday reappear to receive the keys of the Holy Priesthood from the leaders of the various gospel dispensations. [165]
Joseph Smith appears to have acted from a belief that his followers could best fulfill their divine destiny if they were congregated in groups rather than isolated on individual homesteads. Moreover, this phase of the study demonstrated the many ways in which the Latter-day Saints, united by a common purpose under their prophet-leader, worked together. The majority of those who migrated to Missouri during this period did so as members of large companies. Then too, building projects at Diahman were undertaken on a cooperative basis; purchase and distribution of land was in accordance with the Law of Consecration; true Saints were urged to use their earthly means to help build a true city of Zion; the pattern for all such cities appears to have been in operation, at least in part, at Adam-ondi-Ahman.
A second place for settlement was located at DeWitt in Carroll County. This small town, bordering as it did on the junction of the Missouri and Grand rivers, offered excellent shipping advantages for the Mormon people. As with Diahman, however, so with DeWitt—the non-Mormons found the rapid migration of the Saints into their counties to be highly objectionable. This intrusion of Mormons into areas generally conceded to be available only to Gentiles was the source of deep resentment. The heavy cloud which formed was merely a portent of future trouble. [166]
1. Jenson, op. cit., 8:725. See also The History of Daviess County (Kansas City: Birdsall and Dean, 1882), pp. 144–146. According to Joseph H. McGee, an early resident of Daviess County, Donaho “was one of those rare geniuses seldom found except in a new country. . . . He was a black-smith, gunsmith, wagon-maker, house carpenter, and millwright. . . . Some of the best target rifles ever used in Grand River Country were of his make.” As quoted in Rollin J. Britton, Early Days on the Grand River (Columbia: Missouri State Historical Society, 1920), pp. 1–2.
2. John F. Jordin, Memories of Daviess County (Gallatin, Mo.: The North Missourian Press, 1904), p. 13.
3. Rollin J. Britton, “Early Days on the Grand River and the Mormon War,” Missouri Historical Review, 8:113.
4. Jenson, op. cit., 8:726–727.
5. During the so-called “Mormon War” Millport was burned to the ground, allegedly by the Mormons. The matter became one of the critical events of that period. See infra, p. 254. The town was never rebuilt.
6. Jenson, op. cit., 8:727.
7. “Marriage Records of Daviess County, Mo., 1836 to 1855,” unpublished manuscript, Genealogical Library of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah.
8. Daviess County, Missouri: Its History, Description, and Resources (St. Joseph, Mo.: St. Joseph Steam Printing Co., 1875), p. 1.
9. Joseph H. McGee, “History of Daviess County, Incidents and Reminiscences in its Early Settlement, etc.,” an unpublished manuscript in the Missouri State Historical Library, Columbia, Missouri.
10. Elders’ Journal (August, 1838), 1:52.
11. David Osborne, “Autobiography of David Osborne,” unpublished manuscript, Special Collections Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah.
12. William Swartzell, Mormonism Exposed, Being a Journal of a Residence in Missouri from the 28th of May to the 20th of August, 1838 (Pittsburgh: A. Ingram, For the Author, 1846), p. 19. Swartzell’s complaint may have had some basis since the Saints were new in Daviess County and had not yet known a harvest.
13. Elders’ Journal (August, 1838), 1:52. This issue is replete with glowing reports of the prospects in Daviess County.
14. History of Caldwell and Livingston Counties, p. 118. B. H. Roberts, Latter-day Saint historian, regards the underlined phrase to be “wholly gratuitous” and states: “It is not true, and there is no evidence that warrants the ‘perhaps’ of the quotation.” Roberts, op. cit., 1:420.
15. Millennial Star, 16:147–148; DC 115:18. This revelation makes clear that sites for new stakes would be manifest unto Joseph Smith “from time to time” by the Lord.
16. DHC, 3:34.
17. Ibid., pp. 34–35.
18. Swartzell, op. cit., p. 9–10.
19. Times and Seasons (March, 1840), 1:65.
20. McGee, History of Daviess County, p. 10.
21. James H. Hunt, History of Daviess County and the Mormon War (St. Louis: Ostock and Davies, 1844), p. 162.
22. See infra., pp. 223–226.
23. According to the Elders’ Journal (August, 1838), 1:51–52, “Many, very many have emigrated to this place [Far West] this season, and we are informed that more are on the road. . . . The immense emigration and rapid population [increase] astonish the people of the surrounding country.”
24. As quoted in Britton, Early Days on the Grand River, pp. 6–7.
25. DHC, 3:38.
26. John Smith, “Journal of John Smith,” no pages given, Church Historian’s Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.
27. DHC, 3:38.
28. Ibid., pp. 147–148. This same source gives an account of the organization and journey of this group on pages 87–148.
29. Details of this conference will be found in the Elders’ Journal (August, 1838), 1:61; also see DHC, 3:38, 39 and Swartzell, op. cit., p. 13.
30. Ibid., p. 23.
31. Ibid. Compare the above description with the pattern for all cities of Zion as given by revelation. This pattern will be found in DHC, 1:357–358.
32. Swartzell, op. cit., pp. 9, 10.
33. Benjamin F. Johnson, My Life’s Review (Independence: Zion’s Press, 1947), p. 43.
34. Burgess, op cit., p. 68.
35. Britton, Early Days on the Grand River, p. 8.
36. George A. Smith, “Journal of George A. Smith,” n.p., Church Historian’s Office, Salt Lake City, Utah.
37. Swartzell, op cit., p. 19.
38. See infra, pp. 167–174.
39. Corrill, op. cit., p. 28.
40. JD, 16:48, discourse by Orson Pratt on May 18, 1873.
41. DHC, 3:35. Swartzell, op. cit., p. 12, claims that Joseph Smith personally informed him that the name was applied in consequence of there being “no other place by that name under heaven.”
42. DHC, 3:148. The term was known to the Latter-day Saints prior to 1838, however, inasmuch as it was used in at least two relations before that time: DC (1835), 75:3 and 3:28; DC, 78:15 and 107:53.
43. DC (1835), 3:28; DC, 107:53–57.
44. Book of Mormon, 2 Nephi 2:25. That Adam’s act of transgression was held to be both necessary and in harmony with the divine plan is proved by a consideration of certain scriptural passages revealed to Joseph Smith. In the Book of Mormon for example, the ancient patriarch and prophet, Lehi, argues that if Adam had not transgressed, “all things which were created [by God] must have remained in the same state in which they were after they were created.” 2 Nephi 2:22. Thus Adam and Eve rejoiced in their fall. See the modern edition of the Pearl of Great Price, Writings of Moses 5:10–11.
45. JD, 11:336–337, discourse by George Q. Cannon, March 3, 1867.
46. Letter from Benjamin F. Johnson to the Deseret News and printed in that paper on October 25, 1895.
47. Peck, op. cit., pp. 19–20.
48. JD, 16:48, sermon by Orson Pratt on May 18, 1873.
49. DHC, 3:385–387. The full synopsis of this address will be found in Ibid. pp. 383–392. It was delivered on June 2, 1839, at Commerce, Illinois.
50. In the fall of 1888, Andrew Jenson, Edward Stevenson, and Joseph F. Black visited Adam-ondi-Ahman and reported that Wight’s house was still standing, although “somewhat renovated” and with only part of the roof in place. It was, they said, no longer occupied. Settlers in the area referred to it as “Mormon House,” and how it was identified as Wight’s is not known. See “Report of Andrew Jenson, et. al.,” Deseret News September 10, 1904.
51. DHC, 3:34–35.
52. See supra, p. 155, where the ultimate dimensions of Adam-ondi-Ahman are set forth. Wight’s home was undoubtedly a part of the city eventually.
53. Chapman Duncan, “Autobiography of Chapman Duncan,” n.p., Brigham Young University Special Collections Library.
54. B. H. Roberts, The Missouri Persecutions (Salt Lake City: George Q. Cannon and Sons, 1900), p. 189.
55. Ibid., p. 188.
56. Letter of Benjamin F. Johnson to the Deseret News and published therein on October 25, 1895.
57. Zera Pulsipher, “History and Life of Zera Pulsipher by Himself,” p. 12. This document may be seen in the Special Collections Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah.
58. Among those who held to this view were Hunt, op cit., p. 164 and McGee, Missouri Historical Review, 20:243. See also Hermon C. Smith, ed., History of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, 2:111 and the Gallatin Democrat (Jan. 1, 1918), 49:1.
59. “Report of Andrew Jenson, et. al.,” Deseret News September 10, 1904.
60. Ibid.
61. Jenson, op. cit., see the entire article on DeWitt in volume 6.
62. As quoted in Britton, Early Days on the Grand River, p. 84.
63. Murdock, op. cit., p. 31.
64. DHC, 3:450–451.
65. Peck, op. cit., p. 21. On September 1, 1838, the First Presidency located a “new city of Zion,” half-way between Far West and Adam-ondi-Ahman. The Saints were urged to “gather immediately” into the new city and be “organized according to the laws of God.” Owing to Gentile disturbances, however, the place was held to be impractical by the time that the so-called “Kirtland Camp” arrived, so they were sent on to Adam-ondi-Ahman. DHC, 3:67–68. About October 5, Joseph Smith took a journey into lower Caldwell County to locate another possible site for settlement. Once again non-Mormon difficulties rendered the plan futile. Ibid. p. 152.
66. History of Caldwell Co., p. 118.
67. William F. Switzler, Illustrated History of Missouri from 1541–1877 (St. Louis: C.R. Barns, 1877), p. 245. See also Corrill, op. cit., pp. 28–29.
68. Britton, op. cit., p. 84.
69. Ibid.
70. History of Carroll County, Missouri (St. Louis: Missouri Historical Co., 1881), p. 248.