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Chapter 3, Orson Pratt: The Paul of Mormonism?

Introduction

The most prolific and perhaps most influential early Mormon pamphleteer was Orson Pratt. From the time of his conversion in 1830 to his death in 1881, he authored a variety of works on both religious and scientific topics. Because of his productivity and influence as an early Mormon author, it is necessary to devote an entire chapter to his life and work.

Orson Pratt’s stature was large during his own lifetime and it has only increased since his death. Writing for the Church’s centennial in 1930, John Henry Evans observed:

In the first century of “Mormonism” there is no leader of the intellectual stature of Orson Pratt. . . .

When everything is said and done, it will be found that he traveled more miles on land and sea delivering the Word; that he brought more people into the Fold through his spoken and written message; that, with the exception of Joseph Smith and Brigham Young, he was in the vanguard of more undertakings; and that he was more prolific in his written defense of the Faith—than any other man that can be mentioned.

Orson Pratt was a leader, a pioneer, a preacher, a writer; and there were other leaders, pioneers, preachers and authors. But Orson Pratt was also a philosopher and thinker, and in this respect he stood alone among his brethren during the first one hundred years of the Faith.1

Such a glowing tribute is representative of Mormon salutes to Orson Pratt. In Nauvoo, W. W. Phelps labeled him the “Gauge of Philosophy,” a title that has proven popular with Mormon writers.2 In 1873 T. B. H. Stenhouse wrote: [93]

his better education and eminent ability as a writer and reasoner have preserved him more a missionary than a farmer; he is, emphatically the gospel-apostle of the Twelve. During his mission to Europe, his pen furnished the first logical arguments in favour of Mormonism, and his influence spread like a consuming fire among the Saints throughout the Old World. He aroused the ambition and excited the zeal of young and old to spread abroad the new faith, and, armed as they were with his arguments, they scoured the country and invited discussion wherever they went.3

Three years later, in 1876, Edward Tullidge called Orson Pratt the “Paul of Mormonism,”4 suggesting Orson’s seminal contribution in Mormon theology. At Orson Pratt’s funeral, on 6 October 1881, Wilford Woodruff eulogized him, suggesting that he had “traveled more miles, preached more sermons, and [had written] more upon the gospel and upon science than any other man in the Church.”5

In the first scholarly study of Orson Pratt’s life, written by T. Edgar Lyon as a Master’s thesis at the University of Chicago in 1932, the author asserts:

Looking back over the first century of Mormonism, it becomes increasingly evident that Orson Pratt did more to formulate the Mormon idea of God, the religious basis of polygamy (polygyny), the pre-existence of spirits, the doctrine of the gathering, the resurrection, and eternal salvation than any other person in the Church, with the exception of Joseph Smith.6

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

Due to his efforts more than to any other person’s the odds and ends of Joseph Smith’s utterances were constructed and expanded into a philosophic system.7

When Leonard Arrington surveyed fifty prominent Mormon scholars in 1968 on their opinions concerning who were the leading intellectuals in the history of the Mormon Church, Orson Pratt was mentioned second only to B. H. Roberts (35 votes to 30). Orson received more votes than Joseph Smith (19) or his own brother Parley (5).8 [94]

Orson Pratt—His Life9

Orson was baptized on his nineteenth birthday, 19 September 1830 by his brother Parley who had brought the message of Mormonism to him not long after he himself had been baptized into the newly organized Church of Jesus Christ. Of Orson’s youth little is known. He was born at Hartford, Washington County, New York, on 19 September 1811. He was descended from English and Puritan stock. His parents were Jared Pratt and Charity Dickinson. Orson was next to the youngest of their six children, five of whom were sons.10 His father was a weaver and farmer, who seems to have had no faith in creeds or churches, but who taught his children to be moral and to believe in the Bible. Parley recalled of their father:

He was a man of excellent morals; and he exerted himself diligently by stern example as well as precept, to instill into the minds of his children, every principle of integrity, honesty, honor and virtue.11

Presumably his mother assisted in this teaching.

In a personal history prepared for the Deseret News in 1858 Orson recalled some of the details of his youth. In 1814 or 1815 his family moved to New Lebanon, Columbia County, New York, and for several months each year for the next seven years he attended school. Assisted by this schooling, his parents taught him to read the Bible, although he could not remember attending church more than a few times during his youth. While it may have been an afterthought, he remembered in 1858 that it was during these early years (ages six–ten) that he “often had many serious impressions in regard to God and a future state.” [95]

In 1822, at age ten, he left home to work on a farm for a neighbor named Justin Jones. He worked for Jones until the autumn of 1823, with some time off during the winter to attend school. He next worked about eighteen months for a Mr. Church in Canaan, New York. It was during this time he first studied arithmetic. In the spring of 1825 he went with Anson, his oldest brother, to Long Island, New York, and that autumn had an opportunity to study arithmetic and bookkeeping. The next spring he was apprenticed to a cabinetmaker in New York but, as he recalled, “after tarrying a few months, I was taken violently sick and brought very low, so that my recovery, for some time, was considered doubtful.”

In the spring of 1827 he returned to Canaan, New York, and, after his health began to mend, went to Ohio with his brothers Parley and Nelson. In 1828–29 he made several trips back and forth to New York, and during the next winter spent four months at a boarding school studying geography, grammar, and surveying. Interestingly, it was while he was pursuing these subjects (all of which remained lifetime interests) that he began seeking a religious experience. He recalled:

From the age of ten to nineteen I saw much of the world, and was tossed about without any permanent abiding place; but through the grace of God, I was kept from any of the evils to which young people are exposed; the early impressions of morality and religion, instilled into my mind by my parents, always remained with me; and I often felt a great anxiety to be prepared for a future state; but never commenced, in real earnest, to seek after the Lord, until the autumn of 1829. I then began to pray very fervently, repenting of every sin. In the silent shades of night, while others were slumbering upon their pillows, I often retired to some secret place in the lonely fields or solitary wilderness, and bowed to the Lord, and [96] prayed for hours with a broken heart and contrite spirit; this was for the Lord to manifest His will concerning me. I continued to pray in this fervent manner until September, 1830, at which time two Elders of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, came into the neighborhood, one of which was my brother Parley. They held several meetings which I attended.12

Following his baptism he traveled to Fayette, New York to see Joseph Smith. On 4 November 1830, after inquiring about his new responsibilities as a member of the Church, he was called to the ministry and commanded by revelation to:

lift up your voice as with the sound of a trump, both long and loud, and cry repentance unto a crooked and perverse generation preparing the way of the Lord for his second coming.13

Having been ordained an Elder by Joseph Smith, he was sent (ca. 1 December) to Colesville, New York, on the first of his many missions. As he later recalled:

Those were happy days to me. To see a prophet of the living God, to look on a man whom the Lord had raised up to bring forth one of the most glorious records that ever saluted the ears of mortal man, was to me almost equal to beholding the face of an holy angel! Yet, when I took that journey, and first beheld his countenance, I did not certainly know that he was a prophet. I believed him to be such because of the purity of the doctrine that I had heard preached which he had brought forth. I knew it was a scriptural doctrine, agreeing in every respect with the ancient gospel. For although but a boy, I had already become acquainted in some measure, with the doctrines of the various religious sects of the day, but none of them satisfied me, none of them seemed to coincide with the word of God. I stood aloof from all, until I heard this, when my mind became fully satisfied that God had raised up a people to proclaim the gospel in all its ancient beauty and simplicity, with power to administer in its ordinances. That was a great satisfaction, so far as faith was concerned, but still I sought for a knowledge. I felt as though I was not qualified to stand before the people, and tell them that the Book of Mormon was a divine revelation, and that Joseph Smith was a prophet of God, unless I had a stronger testimony than that afforded by ancient prophets. However great my assurance might be, it seemed to me, that to know for myself, it required a witness independent of the testimony of others. I sought for this witness. I did [97] not receive it immediately, but when the Lord saw the integrity of my heart and the anxiety of my mind—when He saw that I was willing to travel hundreds of miles for the sake of learning the principles of the truth, He gave me a testimony for myself, which conferred upon me the most perfect knowledge that Joseph Smith was a true prophet, and that this book, called the Book of Mormon, was in reality a Divine revelation, and that God had once more, in reality, spoken to the human family. What joy this knowledge gave me! No language that I am acquainted with could describe the sensations I experienced when I received a knowledge from Heaven of the truth of this work.14

After working part of the month in Colesville with Hyrum Smith and Newel Knight, Orson returned to Fayette. The next year, he went to Kirtland, Ohio, and then to Jackson County, Missouri, identified in July of that year as the location of Zion. He returned to Kirtland by December 1831 and on 2 February 1832 he was ordained a High Priest by Sidney Rigdon. The next day Orson left on another mission, this time to the Eastern States.

For the next several years he undertook many short-term missions in the United States and Canada. In addition, he attended the School of the Prophets in Kirtland, Ohio, marched to Missouri with Zion’s Camp in 1834, was ordained one of the Standing High Council in Missouri (July 1834) and even acted for a short time as a clerk for Joseph Smith.

In February 1835 Orson was chosen as one of the members of the newly organized Quorum of Twelve Apostles. He recalled:

In that early day the prophet Joseph said to me that the Lord had revealed that twelve men were to be chosen as Apostles. A manuscript revelation to this effect, given in 1829—before the rise of this Church—was laid before me, and I read it. Joseph said to me, although I was young, weak, inexperienced, especially in public speaking, and ignorant of many important things which we now all understand, that I should be one of this Twelve. It seemed to me a very great saying. I [98] looked upon the Twelve Apostles who lived in ancient days with a great deal of reverence—as being almost superhuman. They were, indeed, great men—not by virtue of the flesh, nor their own natural capacities, but they were great because God called them. When Joseph told me that I would be one of the Twelve, I knew all things were possible with God, but it seemed to me that I would have to be altogether changed to occupy such a great position in the Church and Kingdom of our God.15

Four months later he baptized Sarah M. Bates while on another mission to the East. A year later she became his first wife.16 During the winter before his marriage, he began his study of Hebrew grammar. It was while studying Hebrew with members of the School of the Prophets that he revealed his argumentative side by debating a finer point of the pronunciation of a Hebrew letter with Joseph Smith. We do not know exactly how the argument arose, but Joseph Smith recorded that Orson was stubborn and that only after a while did he calm down and ask for forgiveness.17 Orson remembered that it was during the winter months of 1836–37 that he began studying algebra without a teacher.

During the next few years several aspects of Orson’s personality emerged. Membership in the Quorum of the Twelve18 enhanced his stature, but his behavior was, at times, erratic. For example, in 1837, during the dark days of Kirtland, he joined one of his fellow Apostles in signing a statement of charges against Joseph Smith:

To the Bishop and his council in Kirtland, the stake of Zion:

We prefer the following charges against President Joseph Smith, Jr. viz. for lying and misrepresentation—also [99] for extortion—and for speaking disrespectfully against his brethren behind their backs.

[s.] Lyman E. Johnson
Orson Pratt
Kirtland May 29, 183719

This “apostasy” was short-lived, and by 1839 he was on his way with his fellow Apostles to do missionary work in the British Isles. Leaving New York on 9 March 1840, he eventually arrived in Liverpool, England on 6 April 1840. Though “penniless and strangers,” he and his companions baptized about 8000 people in about twelve months.20 Orson was assigned to Scotland, and although he discovered the difficulty of converting a Scotsman, he managed in nine months to raise up a branch of 200 members in Edinburgh. It was while on this mission that he published his first pamphlet, An Interesting Account of Several Remarkable Visions . . . (Edinburgh, 1840). Within this tract of 31 pages was the first public recording of Joseph Smith’s First Vision and a list of fifteen “Articles of Faith,” which some have suggested served as the basis for those Joseph Smith appended to his letter two years later to John Wentworth, wherein he summarized the history and doctrines of the Church.21

Orson’s return to America in 1841 thrust him into a maelstrom of rumors and gossip in Nauvoo—the results of which led eventually to his own excommunication. While all the facts are not known, several are evident. It is clear that by 1841 Joseph Smith had begun to widen the circle of those who knew about and even practiced plural marriage. John C. Bennett, the first mayor of Nauvoo and Joseph Smith’s close associate, had apparently begun to use the rumors of its [100] practice for his own gratification. He managed to seduce several women in Nauvoo by telling them Joseph approved. There is even some evidence that his amorous adventures included Orson’s wife, Sarah.22

Orson Pratt heard astonishing charges that it was even Joseph who had taken liberties with his wife. Unable to discover where truth lay, he grew increasingly despondent and wandered five miles south of Nauvoo where a search party eventually found him sitting on the banks of the Mississippi River. On 20 August 1842, after his co-workers had tried for several weeks to convince him to support Joseph Smith, he and his wife were excommunicated from the Church.23

He spent the next five months seeking the truth regarding both Joseph Smith’s calling and the new doctrine of plural marriage. He came to accept both with such assurity that he spent the rest of his life in their defense. Orson soon came to support Joseph’s stand that Bennett was the charlatan, and proved his loyalty to Joseph when he refused to join Bennett in his anti-Mormon activities during the fall and winter of 1842 after Bennett had been excommunicated. Orson remained in Nauvoo during this time and, again, his study of mathematics and science helped him through a religious crisis.24

During the two years prior to Joseph’s death in 1844, the responsibility and jurisdiction of the Twelve Apostles in the affairs of the Kingdom were gradually increased. They soon managed Church publishing, immigration, the government of Nauvoo, Church finances, and were at the same time, brought closer to the Prophet himself as they learned privately about the doctrines and ordinances which in [101] time were to be taught to the entire Church.25 Throughout all of this, Orson, too, seemed to draw new strength from and insight into the doctrines of the faith he had embraced only fourteen years before.

After the martyrdom of the Smith brothers, Orson joined with the Quorum of the Twelve in asserting its right to preside over the Church. Throughout this period he also spent

. . . much of my leisure time in study, and made myself thoroughly acquainted with algebra, geometry, trigonometry, conic sections, differential and integral calculus, astronomy, and most of the physical sciences. These studies I pursued without the assistance of a teacher.26

His interest in math and astronomy found an outlet in two “Prophetic Almanacs,” one published in 1845 and one in 1846.

Orson’s life during the Exodus is well known.27 He moved with the Saints from Nauvoo in 1846, settled in Winter Quarters for the winter, and then traveled West with the Pioneer Company in 1847, keeping detailed notes of what he observed. He was the first Mormon of that company to set foot in the Salt Lake Valley, several days before Brigham Young entered it. He dedicated the land on July 23, one day before Brigham Young declared that it was “the place.” He preached the first sermon in the Valley (on Isaiah 52:7–8, “Zion in the Mountains”) and after the first death, preached the funeral sermon on 11 August 1847.28 Using his surveying skills he located the base meridian of Salt Lake City. Brigham Young must have recognized that Orson was not meant to be a pioneer, for soon after the initial colony had been established in Salt Lake Valley, he sent him on another mission where his writing and speaking skills would be of greater benefit to the Mormon Kingdom. [102]

On 6 April 1848, Pratt was appointed to preside over the Church in Europe. He was in Liverpool by July 24, and when he assumed the Presidency of the British Mission, the population of the Church there was placed at about 18,000. With this assignment also came the responsibility of editing the LDS Millennial Star, a 16-page weekly Church paper begun by his brother Parley eight years before, and also the major task of managing the European office of the Perpetual Emigrating Fund Company.29 In addition to carrying out these tasks, he managed to write and publish fifteen pamphlets in defense of Mormon doctrines—works oriented as much to investigators as to converts. It was from the sale of these works that he managed to support himself and his families, which had grown to five wives and ten children.30

He left Liverpool after serving as mission president for twenty-nine months. The LDS Millennial Star summarized the accomplishments of his presidency: the paid circulation of the Millennial Star increased from 3,700 to 22,000, about 5,500 converts immigrated to the United States under his direction, and about 21,000 people had joined the Church.31 He returned to Salt Lake City in October 1851, and was soon assigned to teach at the newly established University of Deseret, although students were few, even when he offered to teach without tuition. He delivered a series of twelve lectures on astronomy that winter,32 also free of charge, although Pratt family sources tell of the Saints at the end of the series taking up a collection for him of money, animals, and food that amounted to about $5,000. He declined to accept it, suggesting that they give the items [103] to Brigham Young for use in the cause of territorial education. In time Brigham Young used this money to provide homes for two of Orson’s plural wives.33

It was at a special missionary conference in August 1852 that Brigham Young asked Orson Pratt to publicly introduce plural marriage. While it is traditionally suggested that he gave the talk extemporaneously, evidence now available suggests that Church leaders had been preparing this announcement for several weeks. The talk is too carefully constructed to have been delivered without preparation.34

One outcome of the conference was Orson Pratt’s call to go to Washington, D.C., to publish a periodical in defense of plural marriage. This work, The Seer, provides what is still the most detailed analysis of the doctrine in Mormon literature.35

While on his way to Washington, D.C., Pratt stopped in Nauvoo and obtained from A. W. Babbitt a manuscript copy of Lucy Mack Smith’s History of Joseph Smith. During the summer of 1853, he went to England where he had the manuscript published. While it was later suppressed by Brigham Young because of errors, it was the first biography to appear in Mormon literature and is still an important source for early LDS history.36

Pratt returned to the Nation’s capital in September 1853, and in May 1854, left for Salt Lake City. He later reported that The Seer had about 700 subscribers, few of whom lived in Washington. John Bernhisel, the Mormon territorial representative in Congress wrote Brigham Young several times asking that Pratt’s publication be [104] stopped as polygamy was too controversial to be openly discussed, but in spite of this opposition, he continued publishing on the topic.37 Once back in Salt Lake Valley, Orson again returned to his interest in astronomy, and on 11 November 1854 announced to the world that he had discovered “The Law of Planetary Rotation.”38

The last twenty-five years of his life continued to be busy. In 1856 he was again sent to preside over the European mission. During this assignment he produced another set of pamphlets.39 He also met Nathaniel Hawthorne in Liverpool. Hawthorne was unimpressed. Of their December 1856 meeting Hawthorne wrote:

O[rson] P[ratt], the famous Mormonite, called on me a little while ago—a short, blackhaired, dark-complexioned man; a shrewd, intelligent but unrefined countenance, expressively unprepossessing; and uncouth gait and deportment; the aspect of a person in uncomfortable circumstances and decently behaved, but of a vulgar nature and destitute of early culture.

I think I should have taken him for a shoemaker, accustomed to reflect in a rude, strong, evil-disposed way on matters of this world and the next, as he sat on his bench.

Hawthorne was as narrow in considering Orson Pratt as he was in judging the idealism of his Transcendentalist friends.40

Orson returned to Utah in January 1858. He served in the territorial legislature and completed additional missions in the years that followed. He helped establish the Cotton Mission in Southern Utah in 1861–62, the year his assessed valuation was placed at $2,575.41 In 1864 he was appointed to missions in Austria and Britain. While not successful as a missionary in Austria, he published, in May 1866 in England, his New and Easy Method of Solution of the Cubic and Biquadratic Equations.42 He returned to Utah in 1867. In 1869 he went to New York City to transcribe the [105] Book of Mormon into the Deseret Alphabet43 and in 1870 was the Speaker of the House when the Utah Territorial legislature became the second U.S. territory to grant women the right to vote. In August of 1870 he participated in a debate with the Chaplain of the U.S. Senate, John Newman, in Salt Lake City on the topic “Does the Bible Sanction Polygamy?”44

Throughout this period he held many public positions, including that of Representative for thirteen terms in the Territorial Legislature, of which he was Speaker of the House eight terms. His membership on the Committee on Education, Libraries, and School Lands allowed him to be involved in areas of great personal interest. He was also active in attempts to secure Statehood for Utah, although he died fifteen years before statehood finally came.45 After 1870 he remained closer to home. Most of his sermons in the Journal of Discourses came from this period. In 1874 he was appointed Church Historian and Recorder, a position he held until his death in 1881.

After Brigham Young’s death in 1877 Pratt was assigned to help prepare new editions of the modern Mormon scriptures.46 He provided much of the critical work for the 1876 edition of the Doctrine and Covenants,47 for the 1879 edition of the Book of Mormon48 and for the 1879 American edition of the Pearl of Great Price.49 He also made a trip East in 1878 with Joseph F. Smith to collect material on the history of the Church.50

In 1879, he published his Key to the Universe at Liverpool, but by this time his health was beginning to fail. In the end it was diabetes that conquered his body. He preached his last public [106] discourse on 18 September 188151 and he died on October 3rd in Salt Lake City. On his deathbed he told Joseph F. Smith to place these words on his tombstone:

My body sleeps but a moment; 
but my testimony lives and 
shall endure forever.52

These were the contours of Orson’s fruitful life.

Orson Pratt as Scientist

Orson Pratt’s early training in surveying, mathematics and bookkeeping must have reinforced his inclination for exactness and precision. Mormons have traditionally claimed that it is as a mathematician and astronomer that he was most noted in non-Mormon circles. Levi Edgar Young said Orson Pratt’s works were used as textbooks in England, Germany and France, and others have repeated the claim.53 It has been made primarily with regard to his major published mathematical work, New and Easy Method of Solution of the Cubic and Biquadratic Equations (London and Liverpool, 1866). He also published and wrote other mathematical works. He contributed several articles to mathematical publications,54 and left unpublished or incomplete manuscripts on differential calculus and algebra.55 In all of these works he demonstrated better than average skills in higher math, but in no way can he be considered a great mathematician. As one recent student has noted, while Pratt may have thought his work was original, he “was not a creative mathematician of sufficient ability to deserve acclaim as one of the outstanding men in the history of mathematics. . . .”56 The comments of Richard Anthony [107] Proctor, a non-Mormon scientist who visited Salt Lake City in the 1870s, that Orson Pratt was one of the four real mathematicians in the world, must be seen as good public relations, not an accurate judgment of Pratt’s mathematical standing.57 Perhaps his real contribution, as Hogan suggests, was his role as science teacher and educator on the Mormon frontier. Given the disadvantages under which he worked, his work was still impressive.

It was his interest in mathematics that led him to study astronomy. Orson Pratt found in math and astronomy the same evidence of God’s existence and designs as Benjamin Silliman found in his study of geology and chemistry, the principles of science providing “a transcript of the Divine Character.” Whether Pratt was aware of it or not, his own approach to nature was common among American thinkers by the 1820s. Identified as Baconianism, it was a thorough-going empiricism that had been borrowed from the Scottish Realists who believed that God spoke to man through scripture and nature. It was at its heart an attempt by orthodox Protestants to find a satisfactory answer to the challenges of the Enlightenment.58

Like so many of his contemporaries, Orson Pratt was a natural theologian whose religious views were held to be as empirical as his scientific observations. As Herbert Hovenkamp suggests, these conservative Protestants maintained a strong commitment to two broad principles: that God created nature and that the evidence of his creativity is obvious everywhere, and that God provided equally reliable information about Himself in the Bible.59 While such beliefs were seriously challenged during the second half of the nineteenth [108] century, it is clear that Orson Pratt was nurtured on these assumptions during the formative years he studied his math, science and religion. Of course, in early Mormonism both Joseph Smith’s thought and the revelations were as intensely theological as the scientific world view described above.

Evidence of Pratt’s interest in “natural theology” can be seen as early as 1836 when he was studying algebra and astronomy between missions for the Church. The earliest direct reference is in an address he gave to the Nauvoo Lyceum on 19 November 1842. His discussion centered on the question, “Is there sufficient evidence in the works of Nature to prove the existence of a Supreme Being?”60 The contents of his later works suggest he argued strongly in the affirmative.61

Throughout his life, Pratt combined science with his theology; each gave support and assurance to the other. It is not a coincidence that he turned more deeply to mathematics and astronomy during the great crises and that the “finality” of empirical evidence provided a shelter from the storms of his life.62

After the founding of Nauvoo, he was appointed Professor of Mathematics and Astronomy at the university.63 He printed his first piece on astronomy in the Times and Seasons in 1843 and his observations of the heavens continued throughout the rest of his life.64 His Prophetic Almanac for 1845 and 184665 (he even thought of preparing the Almanacs for the British Isles),66 provided outlets for his interest in astronomy,67 as did his series of twelve lectures of 1851–52 in the Salt Lake Valley. These lectures were published in [109] the Deseret News in 1854.68 An expanded version of them was delivered again in Salt Lake City, in January and February 1871. They provided the background for what many consider to be his principal scientific work, The Key to the Universe.69 It was in these published lectures that Pratt most clearly revealed his natural theology. Woven through them is his central belief that “The study of science is the study of something eternal. If we study astronomy, we study the works of God.”70

Pratt’s writings were the most complete attempt in early Mormonism to provide a vast teleological argument for God’s existence. He concluded Lecture II by proclaiming “Before its potent energies the complex machinery of nature discloses its beautiful harmonies, and proclaims with inspiring tones, the Divinity of its Author.”71 At the conclusion of Lecture IV he challenged his audience to consider “Who can but acknowledge the footsteps of Divinity in every part and in the whole?”72 At the end of another lecture on “Gravitation and Centrifugal forces” he concluded:

Nothing is calculated to inspire the mind of man with a more profound reverence for the Great Author of nature than the contemplation of his marvelous works. For the exact mathematical adjustments of the various forces of nature—the consummate wisdom and skill exhibited in every department of the universe, accessible to finite minds—the omnipotent power and grandeur displayed in the construction of the magnificent machinery of creation—proclaim the majesty and glory of Him who formed and governs the mighty fabric.73

In all of this Orson Pratt was in tune with the major strains of thought in early nineteenth-century science. The concept of a mechanistic, clock-work universe was the product of the Enlightenment and its obsession with order and machines. Like most of the [110] intellectuals of the American Revolutionary generation, Pratt viewed the universe in mechanistic terms. Hence, inductive methods appeared to be the best way to understand the parts. There is no doubt that the science he learned in the 1830s was heavily mechanistic, and this emphasis is visible throughout his mathematical and stellar work.

But at the same time, the rise of Romanticism, in its own search for higher order, introduced an organic dimension to the argument. The organic model allowed for growth and change. Where a mechanistic view led to Deism (which for many was atheism because it removed God from direct involvement with His creations), it also presented a rather static view of the universe. As a recent study suggests, the mechanistic view provided its adherents with an internal cause-effect model where geologic change, motion, etc., could be explained as part of the Order of Nature. But the organic view, by locating God in the natural world, placed God directly in nature and therefore tended toward a cosmic pantheism.74 Orson Pratt managed to use both of these perspectives in his writings. Most of his work supported the mechanistic view, but his growing concern for discovering the absolute laws of nature led him to seek ultimate causes and universal laws which for him were metaphysical.

It seems apparent that Pratt’s explanatory paradigm was pre-Darwinian—he died before confronting an evolutionary naturalism which seriously challenged the mechanistic model and in time completely secularized the organic view. Although The Origin of Species was published in 1859, it did not have an influence in America until the 1880s; Pratt died in 1881. The fact that Pratt’s scientific work was [111] centered in the physical sciences also helps explain his apparent unawareness of the revolutionary changes then taking place in biology.75

Most of Orson Pratt’s scientific theorizing centered on two main problems. The first was his search for the law which governed celestial dynamics. In the autumn of 1845, in his Prophetic Almanac, he first projected his hypothesis of universal law. In it he advanced a theory of “Intelligent Self-moving Matter.” This theory found its fullest expression in his 1849 Absurdities of Immaterialism, in his 1851 The Great First Cause and shortly thereafter in The Holy Spirit.76 Brigham Young’s denouncement of the latter in 1860 seems to have led Pratt to abandon his search for First Causes alone, and instead to seek for the underlying cause of all celestial laws.

This second problem found its “solution” in Pratt’s work in astronomy. On 11 November 1854 he proclaimed that he had discovered the “Law of Planetary Rotation.”77 It was based on the relationship between the mass and diameter or the density of the period of a planet’s rotation. In his words, “the periods of planetary rotations upon their axis vary as the square of the cube roots of their (mean) densities.” This theory has been abandoned by modern astronomy, but did describe rather accurately the movements of major planets known in his day.78 He was so committed to accuracy that he, on occasion, became unrealistic. While his pioneer recordings from the barometer and thermometer are of great importance to historians, when he recorded the density of planets he employed five or more place numbers. On one occasion he obtained the weight of the earth in pounds and expressed it to twenty-six places.79 [112]

Orson Pratt did use a telescope,80 but his emphasis was more on theory than experimentation. A recent study has suggested the major flaws of his principal scientific work, the Key to the Universe: he does not mention energy; he misunderstands centrifugal force; he does not grasp the fundamental principles of dynamics; his theory of cosmic evolution fails to consider the conservation of energy principle; he informs the reader that he will avoid calculus, but in doing so he allows errors; his arguments for “ether” as part of gravitating matter ignored Newton; and finally, his approach in general shows he had not consulted the best thinking of his time on these questions. For example, he demonstrates no awareness of Maxwell’s electromagnetic field theory (1865) which suggests that he was not theoretically current.81 Thus, he must be considered an amateur scientist, but one whose work should be acknowledged as impressive given his lack of formal education.

Of course, Pratt’s science must be viewed in the context of Mormon theology, which was strongly materialistic and intensely teleological. God was material, inside space and time, as were His creations. Creation was organization and the law that governed the universe was eternal, not superceded by men or God.82 Man and God and nature were moving in the same direction—forward to a bright millennial day. In all of these areas he owed a heavy debt to Joseph Smith and his own brother Parley. The fact that he outlived his brother by about twenty-five years and that Joseph Smith left only fragments of his own teaching, is likely the reason we tend to remember Orson more as the theologian of early Mormonism. Actually, it seems [113] that Orson acquired his mechanical view of the universe from Joseph Smith and his organic view from his brother Parley, and that both positions were reinforced by the scientific and religious thought of his day.

Orson Pratt as Pamphleteer

Orson Pratt’s greatest impact upon Mormonism came through his clearly and precisely written theological studies. Within each work he moved carefully from one point to another, gradually developing his position with the same exactness he would have used in solving a mathematical equation. More than anything else, his concern for definitiveness gave his works a finality early Mormons found reassuring in an unstable world, and his ability to simplify, to reduce things to their lowest common denominator was especially appreciated by elders defending the faith in mission fields all over the world.

All of Orson Pratt’s religious pamphlets grew out of a missionary context. His first work, An Interesting Account of Several Remarkable Visions, was published in Edinburgh, Scotland as part of his efforts to introduce Mormonism in that country in 1840. Later, while serving as mission president in England, he issued two series of tracts. From 1848 to 1851 he produced fifteen tracts (under seven titles, including a reprinting of his 1840 work), and in 1857–58 he published eight additional pamphlets. Little new Mormon doctrine surfaced in these works. Their importance lies in the extended arguments and “proofs” for the central tenets of Mormon theology. Mormon thought reduced to its essentials, forms the core of Orson [114] Pratt’s religious pamphlets.

Orson Pratt more or less outlined these essentials in his first pamphlet and then expanded them in his later essays. An Interesting Account . . . can be divided into several parts. He began with a biographical sketch of Joseph Smith, emphasizing his visions and his divine calling growing out of these experiences. Next he surveyed the coming forth of the Book of Mormon, discussing its inspired translation and the divinely inspired testimony of its witnesses as additional proof of both Joseph Smith’s claims and of the fact of modern revelation. Next he told of the institutional embodiment of these things in the Church Joseph Smith organized in April 1830. Finally, he ended his sixteen-page pamphlet with a “sketch of the faith and doctrine of this Church.” This sketch included fifteen articles of belief that outlined the basic doctrines of Mormonism: the Godhead, the Fall of Adam, the Atonement of Jesus Christ, the purpose of mortality and evil, the first principles of the Gospel of Jesus Christ (faith, repentance, baptism by immersion for the remission of sins, and the laying on of hands for the gift of the Holy Ghost), that Mormonism is patterned after the New Testament church, that Christianity had apostatized from the true order, authority, and pattern originally established by Jesus, that the honest in heart will receive the true gospel when it is presented to them by proper messengers, that revelation continues, that the Church is re-established to prepare mankind for the second coming of the Lord, that the righteous will be gathered out of the world to assist in building a latter-day Zion, that ancient prophecies will be fulfilled through [115] this latter-day work, and that terrible judgments await all those who fail to repent.

His later pamphlets expand on these notions by providing lengthy discussions and scriptural (mainly Biblical) rationalizations for their authenticity. Divine Authority, or Was Joseph Smith Sent of God? (1848) was an extended discussion of the Mormon position that modern revelation was absolutely necessary for any claim to be a disciple of Christ. The story of Joseph Smith, Pratt argued, was thoroughly consistent, with the Bible which required heavenly messengers to open a dispensation of the gospel and to provide for legal administrators authorized to act for God pertaining to the salvation of mankind.83

Within one month after he finished Divine Authority, Orson began to issue The Kingdom of God. This series gave extended argument for the nature, purpose and character of God’s kingdom on earth. While Joseph Smith and Parley P. Pratt had earlier addressed this subject,84 Orson’s lengthy (96 pages) essay was the most complete discussion of “theocracy” in early Mormon literature. His essay was an extensive examination of the Church or Kingdom, its establishment, its officers, its laws and the requirements for admission to it, and the privileges and blessings of its citizens both now and in the future.85

After issuing two replies to anti-Mormon attacks,86 in which he repeated many of his earlier arguments, he then wrote an essay on the New Jerusalem of the last days87 and a lengthy defense of the Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon.88 [116]

In these works Orson Pratt spelled out the implications of the ideas he had surveyed in his 1840 pamphlet. With logic and Biblical proof-texts, he challenged his readers by asserting throughout that they had only two alternatives: either Joseph Smith and the Book of Mormon were divinely inspired, or they were frauds. The evidence Pratt marshaled suggested that only the first alternative was possible for the honest seeker.89 This simplifying of complex questions and issues to an either/or answer had obvious benefits for missionary work, and go a long way to explain the popularity of Pratt’s pamphlets.

Orson’s second series of pamphlets (1857–58) continued the same approach, but with more precise topics. Beginning in August 1856, he issued, at two-to-four week intervals, tracts on faith, repentance, baptism, the Holy Spirit, spiritual gifts, miracles, apostasy, and the Latter-Day Kingdom. Each had been listed as an item of faith and doctrine in his 1840 pamphlet and several had previously appeared in the second volume of The Seer.90

By the time Orson finished his second set of pamphlets, there were few, if any, doctrines left to write about. It was in his pamphlets that the key Mormon doctrines of the gathering, premortal existence, plural marriage, eternal progression, the eternal nature of matter, the first principles of the Gospel, and several central millennial beliefs were articulated and given extended analysis.91 The two series of pamphlets published by 1857 demonstrate that he was one of the first systematizers of Mormon thought. While these pamphlets do not constitute a Summa Theologia, they do go further in [117] that direction than any other Mormon writer’s work in the nineteenth century. It has been this comprehensiveness that led both his contemporaries and later scholars to judge him as the intellectual of the early Church.92

There is little question that Orson Pratt’s influence has been tremendous within Mormondom. William Clayton expressed what almost all Mormons have felt about him:

If a sound doctrine coupled with revelation would convince a man of the error of . . . a doctrine, one discourse, from Brother Pratt would settle the question. . . .93

The continued popularity of Pratt’s writings also remind us of his stature among Mormons. What is Orson’s true place within the development of Mormon thought? In almost every area he was taught the substance by Joseph Smith, often through the intermediacy of his brother Parley. This suggests that Orson was more of a popularizer and systematizer than an innovator. Although there are great difficulties in tracing the sources of a person’s thought, it is readily apparent that Orson drew heavily upon Joseph Smith and Parley for the germ ideas from which his ideas and pamphlets grew.94 As more research is done it becomes increasingly clear that the real mind of the early Mormon movement was Joseph Smith. Space considerations preclude a detailed discussion here, but several specific examples will illustrate this premise.95 Before April 1839 Joseph Smith had depended upon public spokesmen to articulate many of his ideas. But Oliver Cowdery and Sidney Rigdon became casualties of the Missouri persecutions. After Joseph’s escape to Illinois he began acting as his own spokesman. His trip to the nation’s capital [118] in 1839–40 provided the first real opportunities for him to be his own voice. As can be clearly shown in the early Mormon pamphlet literature, new Mormon doctrines first surfaced in the written works of those elders who heard Joseph preach during his journey to and from Washington, D.C. As Peter Crawley claims, Parley Pratt was first taught the doctrine of eternal marriage during this time; Orson Pratt soon thereafter journeyed to Scotland where he published his Interesting Accounts of Several Remarkable Visions (1840) of Joseph Smith’s First Vision—suggesting that Joseph first taught this event publicly in 1839–40; Samuel Bennett published in 1840 A Few Remarks by Way of Reply to an Anonymous Scribbler which affirms the notion of a corporeal, anthropomorphic God, among other new doctrines; and Benjamin Winchester published his Examination of a Lecture Delivered by the Reverend H. Perkins, which spoke of the doctrine of the pre-existence of spirits. That same year Joseph Smith first taught the doctrine of vicarious work for the dead. Little wonder that in April 1842, Joseph Smith accused several of his followers (including Orson and Parley Pratt) of publishing his ideas as their own.96

In addition to learning from Joseph Smith, Orson Pratt benefitted greatly from the writings of his brother Parley. Consider these examples. Orson’s The Absurdity of Immaterialism (1849) is considered his most important philosophical treatise. In it he demonstrates the fallacies of an ex-nihilo creation, and neatly dismantles the immaterial matter argument by demonstrating that this position is really one of atheism—i.e., belief in nothing, which is what immaterial matter is. But behind Orson’s work stand two important [119] revelatory insights from Joseph Smith (D&C 93:29 and 131:7–8) which laid the foundation for such a position. In addition, Parley had published in 1840 The Millennium and other Poems to which he attached a forty-four page essay he had written while in a Missouri jail in 1839: “A Treatise on the Regeneration and Eternal Duration of Matter.”97 In 1844, Parley published two additional essays which expanded on his 1838 essay, and Orson had access to all of his brother’s works.

There were other works by Parley that foreshadowed Orson’s own writings. Parley’s Voice of Warning (1837) provided such detailed arguments for the Book of Mormon, the basic principles of the gospel, including the gathering and the Kingdom of God, that it is hard to ignore their potential influence on Orson. In addition, Parley’s essays on such topics as “Intelligence and Affection,” and “Celestial Family Organization,” and his other pamphlets, which were replies to anti-Mormon writers as well as defenses of major Mormon doctrines, provided much upon which Orson likely drew. Parley’s preference for “dialogue” in his tracts also provided Orson with a writing technique in defending Mormonism. Even Orson’s detailed defenses of plural marriage were foreshadowed by Parley’s San Francisco broadside published six weeks before Orson publicly announced the practice.98

Orson clearly was aware of his brother’s works. He wrote his wife in January, 1840, about the publication of The Millennium, and specifically noted the material on the eternal duration of matter.99 A year later he began selling Parley’s books out of his own home in [120] Nauvoo and advertising them in Church periodicals.100 The best evidence of Orson’s relationship to Parley comes from a letter written in 1853:

There are no writings in the church with the exception of the revelations, which I esteem more highly than yours; and I think were you to give your time more to writing and publishing it would not only be a blessing to millions, but would render great assistance to you in a temporal point of view. . . . Oh, my dear brother, in some way, burst these shackles and send forth your theological Works by thousands among all languages and nations till the whole earth shall be enlightened with the light therof. Soon old age will be upon us, and our span of life ended for this mortal career! Oh, improve it, for God has Given you abilities, in some respects, far greater than the most of other men. All nations might be made to rejoice by your exertions. Must abilities like yours slumber, because poverty seems to compel you to hard toil? O may God our Heavenly Father look with compassion upon his servant Parley, and set him free, that his voice may be heard in high places, and the nations be made glad because of him & his writings.101

This is not to say that Orson merely reproduced his brother’s work. It is clear that Orson labored diligently over his writing. In another letter to his brother he shared his frustrations:

Writing always was tedious to me, but seeing the good that may be accomplished, I have whipped my mind to it, till I am nearly bald-headed, and grey-headed, through constant application. I almost envy the hours that steal away, I find myself so fast hastening to old age. A few short years, if we live, will find us among the ranks of the old men of the earth; and how can I bear to have it so without doing more in this great cause? I wish to accomplish something ere I die, that shall not only be esteemed great by good and holy men, but shall be considered great in the sight of God. What have we yet done, and to what blessings have we yet attained? when compared with many of the ancient men of God. It seems to me that we are as nothing, and that our faith is hardly worthy to be called faith. Oh, that we could rend the veil and obtain power with the heavens, and be taught of God as the brother of Jared was.102

In most of his work, however, Orson was an “elaborator,” a systematizer, and popularizer of Mormon thought, not an innovator nor an originator.103 He was among the most important of the approximately [121] eighty pamphleteers in early Mormonism.

It was Edward W. Tullidge who referred to Orson as the “Paul of Mormonism.”104 There is no question about Orson’s key role in early missionary work—as a teacher, preacher, and defender of the faith he had few peers.105 He was at his best in developing the ideas of others and expanding them into fully elaborated statements. Without question, all religious movements in their infancy need such disciples.106 In this sense Orson and Paul have much in common.

For both Paul and Orson Pratt there was a road to Damascus; for both it included agonizing personal decisions that did not disappear with their conversions. As far as we know, the journey for Orson did not entail an open vision, although he spoke of his conversion several times during his life as fervently as did Paul.

Both Orson Pratt and Paul were much traveled missionaries, both had conflicts with their co-workers, and both sought and obtained the knowledge of the wider world in which their missionary work was undertaken. For both, integrity remained central to their lives and work. Finally, both left an important heritage of testimony as well as lengthy analysis of what that testimony meant to them. For both the message of the Gospel of Christ was an invitation to thought and knowledgeable discipleship. [122]


Notes

1. The Heart of Mormonism (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., for the LDS Department of Education, 1930), pp. 411–12.

2. History of the Church, 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., rev. ed., 1954), 7:434–35. Originally published in New York Sun, 6 August 1845.

3. Rocky Mountain Saints (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1873), pp. 9–10.

4. Life of Brigham Young (New York: n.p., 1876), Appendix, p. 74.

5. Latter-day Saint’s Millennial Star 43 (7 November 1881):707.

6. T. Edgar Lyon, “Orson Pratt—Early Mormon Leader” (Master’s thesis, University of Chicago, 1932), p. 104.

7. Ibid., p. 99. Cf. Orson F. Whitney, “Orson Pratt, Apostle, Pioneer, Philosopher, Scientist, and Historian,” Improvement Era 15 (January 1912):195–206.

8. Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 4 (spring 1969):22–23.

9. The manuscript sources for his life are somewhat limited. Few of his diaries have survived, due possibly to both purposeful and accidental destruction. His first wife Sarah is said to have burned several of his diaries (Nauvoo period?) in 1864 while Orson was on a mission to Southern Utah. In addition, T. Edgar Lyon told me several years ago that several of the diaries, which were in private hands in Salt Lake City, were lost when a fire destroyed the individual’s house while he was not at home. Orson had prepared a “public” history in March 1858, which was published in the Deseret News 8 (2–9 June 1858), which in manuscript covers only 16 pages (pp. 192–208 in Book G, “History of Brigham Young,” MS in Historical Department, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. Hereafter cited as HDC). This “History of Orson Pratt” was reprinted in the LDS Millennial Star 27 (14 January to 11 February 1865), and in Utah Geneological and Historical Magazine vols. 27 (1936) and 28 (1937). In addition to the Pratt Collection in the HDC, the best description of the Orson Pratt holographs is in Davis Bitton, comp., Guide to Mormon Diaries and Autobiographies (Provo: BYU Press, 1977), pp. 281–82. These include diaries covering June 1833 to May 1834 (Book A); February 1835 to November 1837 (Book B); February to July 1846 (Book E); May to June 1847; January to December 1868. There are also numerous letters to and from various Pratt family members.

There are 125 sermons by Orson Pratt in the Journal of Discourses (Liverpool, 1854–1886), and a few others in other early Mormon periodicals. There are letter files in HDC, many in the Brigham Young Collection. Many of his letters were published in early Mormon newspapers. In addition to his own publications, the HDC has many of the voluminous records of his co-workers in the early Church. There are also letters that are still in the hands of the Pratt family.

Major published sources on Orson Pratt include the following: Elden J. Watson, comp., The Orson Pratt Journals (Salt Lake City: By the compiler, 1975); N. B. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, or a Compilation of the Astronomical Writings of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: By the compiler, 1937); Lundwall, comp., Exodus of Modern Israel [the pioneer journals of 1847] (Salt Lake City: N. B. Lundwall, n.d.); Lundwall, comp., Masterful Discourses and Writings of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1962, reprinted, 1981); Orson Pratt’s Works (1851; 1891; 1945; Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm Co., 1966); Pamphlets by Orson Pratt (1857; Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm Co., n.d.); and Jerry Burnett and Charles Pope, comps., Orson Pratt, Writings of an Apostle (Salt Lake City: Magazine Printing Co. for Mormon Heritage Publishers, 1976). In addition, most of his pamphlets have been reproduced in numerous editions, as has The Seer (Washington, D. C.; reprinted Liverpool and London, 1853–1854). Many of his pamphlets appeared in whole or in part in the Millennial Star before they appeared in pamphlet form.

The best secondary study to be done on Orson Pratt was T. Edgar Lyon, “Orson Pratt—Early Mormon Leader” (Master’s thesis, University of Chicago, 1932). Most of this study was published by Lyon in “Orson Pratt: A Biographical Study,” The Instructor 82 (January to December 1947). See also his “Orson Pratt, Pioneer and Proselyter,” Utah Historical Quarterly 24 (July 1956):261–73. Other important studies include Milando Pratt, “Life and Labors of Orson Pratt,” The Contributor 12 (November 1890 to October 1891); “Orson Pratt,” in Andrew Jenson, comp., LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 1 (Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson History Co., 1901), pp. 87–91; Orson F. Whitney, “Orson Pratt, Apostle, Pioneer, Philosopher, Scientist, Historian,” Improvement Era 15 (January 1912):195–206; Donald Skabelund, “Cosmology on the American Frontier: Orson Pratt’s Key to the Universe,” Centaurus: International Magazine of the History of Mathematics, Science, and Technology 11 (1965):190–204; and Edward R. Hogan, “Orson Pratt as a Mathematician,” Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (winter 1973):59–68. There is some interesting comparative material in the two articles by Junius F. Wells, “The Three Orsons [Spencer, Hyde and Pratt],” Improvement Era 22 (November 1918):13–22; and “Homes of the Three Orsons,” ibid., 22 (February 1919):279–87.

10. A valuable look at the Pratt sons is Steven Pratt, “The Five Sons of Jared and Charity Pratt,” Ensign 9 (October 1979):52–57.

11. Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 6th ed., 1964), p. 19.

12. As cited in Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 8–9.

13. Doctrine and Covenants (Salt Lake City: 1921 ed.), 34:6.

14. Journal of Discourses, 12:85 (speech of 11 August 1867). Hereafter cited as JD with appropriate volume and page following.

15. JD 12:85–86. Orson Pratt received his patriarchal blessing on 29 April 1835. See Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 507–8.

16. Orson Pratt eventually, in plural marriage, married nine additional women, by whom he fathered forty-five children. There were twenty-three sons and twenty-two daughters. Appendix 1 in Lyon’s Master’s thesis lists his wives and their respective children by Orson Pratt. While it is not pursued in this essay, Orson left a sizeable amount of written and spoken material on the duties and responsibilities of the members of the family. See, for example, his twenty-seven rules for the polygamous family in The Seer 1 (November and December 1853):174–76; 183–87. Some of his counsel on family matters has been collected and published in Improvement Era. See Victor A. Christopherson, “Timeless Principles of Family Relationships,” ibid. 58 (October 1955):710ff; and the material in ibid. 49 (March 1946):147f.

17. The context is provided in Louis C. Zucker, “Joseph Smith as a Student of Hebrew,” Dialogue 3 (summer 1968):45. References to Orson’s study of Hebrew in the History of the Church include 2:326, 356–357, 397, and 406.

18. An excellent overview of the changing status of the Quorum of the Twelve during Joseph Smith’s lifetime is provided in two fine essays by D. Michael Quinn, “The Evolution of the Presiding Quorums of the LDS Church,” Journal of Mormon History 1 (1974):21–38; and “The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844,” BYU Studies 16 (winter 1976):187–233.

19. The original is in the Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. It was written by Warren Parrish, and Pratt’s signature is authentic according to Dean Jessee, an authority on early Mormon holographs. Pratt’s actions are also mentioned in a letter of Mary Fielding Smith to Rachael Thompson, dated ca. 15 June 1837. MS in HDC. The larger setting of the last days in Kirtland is presented in Max Parkin, “Conflict at Kirtland” (MA thesis, BYU, 1966); Marvin S. Hill, “Cultural Crisis in the Mormon Kingdom: A Reconsideration of the Causes of Kirtland Dissent,” Church History 49 (September 1980):286–98; and most completely in Ronald K. Esplin, “The Emergence of Brigham Young and the Twelve to Mormon Leadership, 1830–1841” (Ph.D. dissertation, BYU, 1981), pp. 224–319.

20. Much of the story is told in James B. Allen and Malcolm R. Thorp, “The Mission of the Twelve to England, 1840–41: Mormon Apostles and the Working Classes,” BYU Studies 15 (summer 1975):499–526. See also Andrew Jenson, The Historical Record 6 (September 1887):348–51; and Orson Pratt’s letters in LDS Millennial Star 1 (December 1840):213–14; and 2 (May 1841):10–12.

21. Some information on the textual background of the “Articles of Faith” is provided in John W. Welch and David J. Whittaker, “‘We Believe’. . . : Development of the Articles of Faith,” Ensign 9 (September 1979):51–55.

22. See the overview in Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 30ff; and, more recently, Danel Bachman, “Plural Marriage among the Mormons before 1844” (MA thesis, Purdue University, 1975), pp. 233–38. See also the material collected in Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 179ff, and pp. 558ff.

23. This can be followed in the “History of Brigham Young,” in the Deseret News 9 (17 March 1858), p. 2.

24. The Wasp 1 (12 November 1842):[3], carried a notice of a scheduled lecture by Orson Pratt entitled, “Is there sufficient evidence in the works of nature to prove the existence of a Supreme Being?” Such a topic at such a critical time in his life suggests the role of natural theology in organizing his own religious views. While the evidence is indirect, it seems clear that Orson must have read Bishop William Paley’s Natural Theology: or Evidences of the Existence of the Attributes of the Deity, Collected from the Appearances of Nature (1802), from which he probably obtained his ideas of the Great First Cause. Paley’s ideas were available in America through such authors as John Mason Good and Josiah Priest.

25. See the overview in Quinn, “The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844,” as cited above, and the “Message” of Orson Pratt in N. Y. Messenger as reprinted in Times and Seasons 6 (15 August 1845): 995–99.

26. Quoted in Milando Pratt, “Life and Labors of Orson Pratt,” The Contributor 12 (January 1891):85–87.

27. Orson Pratt’s pioneer journal has been published in several places, including the LDS Millennial Star 11 (1849) and 12 (1850); and the Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine vol. 15 (1924) to 17 (1926). It is more conveniently available in N. B. Lundwall, comp., Exodus of Modern Israel (Salt Lake City: n.p., n.d.); and Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 316–463. The material covering 11 July to 24 July 1847 was also published in Improvement Era 15 (August 1912):934–48.

28. See the overview in T. Edgar Lyon, “Orson Pratt, Pioneer and Proselyter,” Utah Historical Quarterly 24 (July 1956):261–73. The funeral sermon was given on 11 August 1847 for Milton H. Thirlkill.

29. A convenient overview of the British mission during this time is found in P. A. M. Taylor, Expectations Westward (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), esp. pp. 18–85.

30. The fifteen pamphlets he issued during this time (1848–1851) include: Divine Authority, or Was Joseph Smith Sent of God, 16 p. (dated 30 September 1848); The Kingdom of God, Part I, 8 p. (dated 31 October 1848); Pt. II, 8 p. (dated 30 November 1848); Pt. III, 8 p. (dated 14 January 1849); Pt. IV, 16 p. (dated 14 July 1849); Reply to ‘Remarks on Mormonism’, 16 p. (dated 30 April 1849); Absurdities of Immaterialism, or a Reply to T. W. P. Taylder’s Pamphlet, entitled ‘The materialism of the Mormons or Latter-day Saints examined and exposed’, 32 p. (dated 31 July 1840); New Jerusalem or the Fulfillment of Modern Prophecy, 24 p. (dated 1 October 1849); Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon, 96 p., No. 1 (dated 15 October 1850); No. 2 (dated 1 November 1850); No. 3 (dated 1 December 1850); No. 4 (dated 15 December 1850); No. 5 (dated 7 January 1851); No. 6 (no date given in first printing, probably 15 January 1851); and Great First Cause, or the Self-Moving Forces of the Universe, 16 p. (dated 1 January 1851). These were published under one cover with some additional material added in 1851. Bibliographical information on these and the other published works of Orson Pratt, including foreign language editions, can be obtained in Chad J. Flake, ed., A Mormon Bibliography, 1830–1930 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1978).

31. LDS Millennial Star 13 (1 February 1851):43–44.

32. These were published in the Deseret News, but are more conveniently found in N. B. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe.

33. See T. Edgar Lyon “Orson Pratt,” pp. 62–63. On several occasions Orson or his wives went to Brigham Young asking for temporal assistance. See for example, the references in “Brigham Young Office Journal,” MS in HDC under the dates of 14 April 1860 and 22 April 1861.

34. The Conference Minutes were published in a Deseret News, Extra (14 September 1852) and in a LDS Millennial Star, Supplement (1853), 15. In addition, Pratt’s speech can be found in JD 1:53–66. The larger story and detailed examination of all of Orson Pratt’s polygamy defenses and their impact in LDS thought is told in Chapter 6.

35. See his series on “Celestial Marriage,” in The Seer 1 (January 1853 to December 1853).

36. So far, the best overview of this work in early Mormonism is in Howard C. Searle, “Early Mormon Historiography: Writing the History of the Mormons, 1830–1858” (Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1979), pp. 358–428. See also Orson’s letter to Lucy Mack Smith, dated 28 October 1853, MS in HDC.

37. Letter of Orson Pratt to Brigham Young, 31 December 1852. MS in HDC, and the material presented in Chapter 6.

38. Originally published in the Deseret News 5 (1 August 1855):165–172, it was reprinted in other LDS periodicals; St. Louis Luminary 1 (13 October 1855):185; The Mormon [New York City] 1 (27 October 1855); and LDS Millennial Star 17 (15 December 1855):792–97. It also appears as Chapter 3 in his Key to the Universe.

39. His second series of pamphlets, eight in number, included the following, each of which were issued separately and then were bound into a book, Tracts by Orson Pratt . . . (Liverpool and London, 1857). They were issued between 25 August 1856 and 15 March 1857: The True Faith, 16 p. (25 August 1856); True Repentance (8 September 1856); Water Baptism, 16 p. (22 September 1856); The Holy Spirit, 16 p. (15 November 1856); Spiritual Gifts, 16 p. (15 December 1856); Necessity for Miracles, 16 p. (15 January 1857); Universal Apostasy, or the Seventeen Centuries of Darkness, 16 p. (15 February 1857); and Latter-day Kingdom, or the Preparations for the Second Advent, 16 p. (15 March 1857). The pamphlet on the Holy Spirit had its origin in essays published in the LDS Millennial Star 12 (15 October 1850): 305–9; 12 (1 November 1850):325–28. Since Pratt acted as the editor of the Star during his Presidencies of the British Mission, much of the material that later appeared in pamphlet form was first printed in the Millennial Star.

40. The full story is presented in Richard Cracroft, “Liverpool, 1856: Nathaniel Hawthorne Meets Orson Pratt,” BYU Studies 8 (spring 1968):270–72.

41. See D. Michael Quinn, “The Mormon Hierarchy, 1832–1932: An American Elite” (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1976), p. 107. In the same year Brigham Young’s was placed at $52,250.

42. New and Easy Method of Solution of the Cubic and Biquadratic Equations Embracing Several New Formulas . . . (Liverpool and London, 1866).

43. For a good overview of his involvement with the Deseret Alphabet, see Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 75–79. The idea of the Deseret Alphabet seems to have originated with Parley P. Pratt.

44. The text of the debate was published in pamphlet form in 1874 under the title The Bible and Polygamy. See also Frank T. Benson Jr., “An Analysis of Orson Pratt’s Invention in the Pratt-Newman Debate” (Master’s thesis, University of Utah, 1950); and Robert D. Hatch, “The Pratt-Newman Debate” (Master’s thesis, BYU, 1960).

45. Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” p. 81.

46. Space does not permit a discussion of the problems regarding the right of Orson Pratt to succeed to the leadership of the Church at the death of Brigham Young. See Reed C. Durham Jr. and Stephen H. Heath, Succession in the Church (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1970), pp. 73ff.

47. For the best discussion of Orson’s involvement with the Doctrine and Covenants, which went back to the 1844 edition, see Robert J. Woodford, “The Historical Development of the Doctrine and Covenants” (Ph.D. dissertation, BYU, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 54–92.

48. See Jeffrey R. Holland, “An Analysis of Selected Changes in Major Editions of the Book of Mormon, 1830–1920” (MA thesis, BYU, 1966).

49. See James R. Harris, “Changes in the Book of Moses and Their Implications upon a Concept of Revelation,” BYU Studies 8 (summer 1968):361–82; and James R. Clark, The Story of the Pearl of Great Price (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1955).

50. The report of their trip appears in LDS Millennial Star 40 (9 and 16 December 1878):769–74; 785–89. Originally published in Deseret News.

51. Available in JD 22:223–26.

52. Cited in Milando Pratt, “Life and Labors of Orson Pratt,” The Contributor 12 (October 1891):462. A photo of the home in which he died is in Improvement Era 22 (February 1919):286.

53. Levi Edgar Young, The Founding of Utah (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1924), p. 320. Lundwall and others have continued to repeat the claim. The origin of these claims seems to have been a letter that Orson himself wrote to his wife Marian from Liverpool, 23 December 1878, in which he told her, in regard to his Key to the Universe, that he hoped “to distribute a few hundred copies among the Universities, Colleges, Acadymies, and the great mathematicians of both Europe and America. I do not expect that such a work would sell, excepting now and then a copy. But my object is not speculation, but to preserve the mathematical propositions which cost me so much time and labor to discover, from falling into oblivion.” MS in HDC. Leonard J. Arrington called this letter to my attention.

54. In February, 1861, he submitted to the Mathematical Monthly (Cambridge, Mass.) a series of problems concerning the mathematical laws relating to the origin of the solar system. He later recalled: “In the month of May [February], 1861, I prepared a series of problems relating to this subject, and forwarded the same to the editor of the Mathematical Monthly, . . . But in the consequence of the war then pending, the paper ceased its publication, and I heard nothing further from the manuscript. But as it was hastily and somewhat imperfectly prepared, it is perhaps better that it remained unpublished” (N. B. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, p. 175). In a letter to the editor, dated 22 February 1861, Pratt noted that his work was done without the aid of “any mathematical works.” MS in Orson Pratt Papers, HDC. See also his letter to the editor of the Analyst (Des Moines, Iowa) 18 September 1876. Also “Six Original Problems,” 3 (November 1876): 186–87; “Problem 154,” 4 (March 1877):63; and “Problem 221,” 5 (September 1878):159. These are identified in Edward R. Hogan, “Orson Pratt as a Mathematician,” Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (winter 1973):62 n. 8. As Hogan suggests, most of this type of mathematical activity was an outlet for amateurs, as the first serious mathematical periodical did not appear until 1878, and the American Mathematical Society was not founded until 1888.

55. In the Orson Pratt Collection, HDC, there are two unpublished mathematical works: “Differential Calculus” (224 p.—pages 79 to 103 are missing) and an incomplete text book on “determinants” (40 p.) for junior students. According to Orson Pratt’s 1 March 1878 letter to G. Rand (typescript in HDC) he wrote the book on differential calculus after he published Cubic and Biquadratic Equations (1866).

56. Hogan, “Orson Pratt as a Mathematician,” p. 66. This essay is the best evaluation available of Pratt’s mathematical work, and my comments have greatly benefited from it. Hogan notes that Pratt’s work, even when he claimed “originality” or “new discovery,” was really only slight modifications of well-known existing theorems (p. 64). See also William J. Christensen, “A Critical Review of Orson Pratt Sr.’s Published Scientific Books” (Master’s thesis, University of Utah, 1929).

57. Proctor’s comments can be found in Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah, vol. 4 (Salt Lake City: George Q. Cannon and Sons, 1904), p. 29. See also Hogan, op. cit., p. 63; and Lyon, MA thesis, p. 96 n. Lyon suggests that Proctor used Pratt’s work on the Pyramid of Gizeh in his own The Great Pyramid (London: Chatto and Windus, Picadilly, 1883).

58. The growing use of the inductive method and all Baconianism implied in early nineteenth century is presented in George H. Daniels, America Science in the Age of Jackson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), esp. ch. 3; Theodore Dwight Bozeman, Protestants in the Age of Science, The Baconian Ideal and Ante-bellum American Religious Thought (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977); and Herbert Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, 1800–1860 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978).

59. Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, p. xi.

60. See the notice in The Wasp 1 (12 November 1842):[3].

61. Pratt functioned in Mormonism like Benjamin Silliman did for New England audiences during the same period. While evidence is lacking, it is quite possible that Pratt attended some of Silliman’s lecture in the 1830s while doing missionary work in the Boston area and thus may have been influenced by Silliman. This is what Jules Remy, A Journey to Great Salt Lake, 2 (London, 1861), pp. 12ff claimed. For the fuller picture see Margaret W. Rossiter, “Benjamin Silliman and Lowell Institute: The Popularization of Science in Nineteenth-Century America,” New England Quarterly 44 (December 1971): 602–26. The growing professionalization of science in America during the same time is told in John C. Greene, “American Science Comes of Age, 1780–1820,” Journal of American History 55 (June 1968):22–41; and George H. Daniels, “The Process of Professionalization in American Science: The Emergent Period, 1820–1860,” Isis 58 (summer 1967): 151–66. Also valuable is Donald Zochert, “Science and the Common Man in Ante-Bellum America,” Isis 65 (December 1974):448–73.

62. These include the Bennett affair, the challenge of plural marriage, the succession crisis of 1844, and his numerous disagreements with Brigham Young, during which contemporary records show his increased study and concern with things scientific.

63. See the notice in Times and Seasons 2 (16 August 1841):517.

64. “Halos and Parhelia,” Times and Seasons 4 (1 April 1843): 151–52; The Wasp 1 (5 April 1843):2. This piece was dated 23 March 1843, and it described for Mormons the comet first seen from earth in late February and March 1843. Its appearance added to the already interested public awareness of astronomy—an interest that was pricked by the 1835 return of Halley’s Comet. Like the Times and Seasons, newspapers all over America were telling their readers about what they were observing. The continuing popularity of Pratt’s writings and lectures on astronomy among the Mormons should be viewed in the context of the larger American interest in such matters. Some valuable background material is provided in John C. Greene, “Some Aspects of American Astronomy, 1750–1815,” Isis 45 (December 1954):339–58; and D. J. Warner, “Astronomy in Antebellum America,” in Nathan Reingold, ed., The Sciences in the American Context (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1979), pp. 55–75.

65. Both were twenty-four pages in length and were published in New York in 1844 and 1845 respectively. In addition to articles on religious matters (see the material from the 1846 Almanac in Watson, pp. 242–58), his calculations and observations went back to 6 April 1830 the day the Church was founded. In his 1879 Treatise on the Egyptian Pyramid of Gizeh (Liverpool, 1879) he argued that the date for the organization of the Church was recorded in the chronology of the floor lines in the Grand Gallery of the Great Pyramid. See also the LDS Millennial Star 41 (5 and 12 May 1879):280–82, 296–98. Cf T. B. H. Stenhouse, Rocky Mountain Saints, pp. 482–83 and Orson Pratt, Conference Address, 8 April 1880. See also his thinking on the true dating of Christmas in Millennial Star 28 (22 December 1866):808–11. This kind of literalness also carried over into other areas. For example, he interpreted the creation accounts of Genesis so literally that he had little to say that was positive about the “theories” of geologists when it came to dating the age of the earth. See his 12 November 1879 discourse in JD 21:197–206. Cf. The Seer 2 (April 1854):248–51; ibid. 1 (September 1853):136; and his comments on “The Mastodon of the Book of Ether,” in LDS Millennial Star 28 (8 December 1866):776–77. Pratt did admit that without revelation the exact age of the earth could not be known, but consistently argued that human history began with Adam about 4000 BC. See, for example, his comments in Millennial Star 28 (8 September 1866):561–63, and the report of a talk he gave on 18 May 1845 as reported in the Diary of James J. Monroe, pp. 126–27 (film copy in Yale Library) as cited in Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, p. 525.

66. See his letter to Reuben Hedlock, dated 20 August 1845, in New York Messenger 2 (30 August 1845):67. Pratt says that he published 5,000 copies of his 1846 Almanac.

67. Several early sources report his work and thought in astronomy: History of the Church 7:554 (27 December 1845); HC 7:352 (12 January 1845); Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, p. 478 (19 December 1846); “Mormon Philosophy, Space, Duration, and Matter,” New York Messenger 2 (13 September 1845):81; “The Immensity of the Universe,” in Lundwall, comp., Masterful Discourses and Writings of Orson Pratt, pp. 208–209 (1 January 1851); and “General Reflections on Eternal Existence,” LDS Millennial Star 10 (1 November 1848):332–34.

68. Deseret News 4 (26 October 1854), p. 3 and issues following. The popular support of these presentations is reflected in a story Lyon tells of Pratt’s audience raising $5,000 (in money and commodities) to give to him at the end of the lectures. Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 62–63.

69. Published in 1879 in Liverpool and Salt Lake City. It is most conveniently found in Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, pp. 214ff.

70. JD 7:157 (discourse of 12 February 1860).

71. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, p. 36.

72. Ibid., p.75.

73. Ibid., p. 193. A Lecture of 11 August 1875.

74. See the discussion, from which I have drawn, in Hovenkamp, Religion and Science in America, pp. 97ff.

75. The full implications of this must await a separate essay, but for good discussions of the issues, etc., see, in addition to Hovenkamp and Bozeman, Lorin Eisley, Darwin’s Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958); John C. Greene, The Death of Adam: Evolution and its Impact on Western Thought (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1959); Paul F. Boller Jr., American Thought in Transition: The Impact of Evolutionary Naturalism, 1865–1900 (Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1969); William Coleman, Biology in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); Michael Ruse, The Darwinian Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); Neal C. Gillespie, Charles Darwin and the Problem of Creation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); and James P. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies . . . (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). Shorter overviews are in Bert James Lowenberg, “Darwinism Comes to America, 1859–1900,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 28 (December 1940):339–68; and Richard Sherlock, “A Turbulent Spectrum: Mormon Reactions to the Darwinist Legacy,” Journal of Mormon History 5 (1978):33–59. Pratt did suggest a kind of spiritual evolution in man’s pre-mortal existence in The Seer 1 (March 1853):37f.

76. I summarize here from Donald Skabelund, “Cosmology on the American Frontier: Orson Pratt’s Key to the Universe,” Centaurus: International Magazine of the History of Mathematics, Science, and Technology 11 (1965):190–204. Cf. Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 87ff. The best published history of Pratt’s conflicts with Brigham Young is Gary James Bergera, “The Orson Pratt, Brigham Young Controversies: Conflict Within the Quorums, 1853 to 1868,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 13 (summer 1980):7–49. Bergera does not, however, consider the larger epistomological and cosmological questions which must be examined to fully understand both Pratt’s position and Young’s reactions. Actually, The Holy Spirit is quite in line with nineteenth century Mormon speculation on the subject of the Holy Ghost. Cf., for example, his own brother’s chapter on the subject in The Key to the Science of Theology (1855 ed.). See also the relevant material in Thomas G. Alexander, “The Reconstruction of Mormon Doctrine . . . ,” Sunstone 5 (July–August 1980):24–33. At their base, both The First Cause and The Holy Spirit were defenses of Mormon materialism. They also were, like his other scientific work, refutations of the deterministic atomism of Pierre Simon de LaPlace whose Celestial Mechanics (1799) argued for a completely mechanistic cosmos. See Ronald L. Numbers, Creation by Natural Law: Laplace’s Nebular Hypothesis in American Thought (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977).

77. Originally published in the Deseret News 5 (1 August 1855): 165–72, it was reprinted in other LDS periodicals: St. Louis Luminary 1 (13 October 1855):185; The Mormon [New York City] 1 (27 October 1855); and LDS Millennial Star 17 (15 December 1855): 792–97. There are many similarities with Orson Pratt’s “Law of Planetary Rotation” and Daniel Kirkwood’s theories which were introduced to the American scientific community in 1849, several years before Pratt announced his. On Kirkwood’s ideas see Ronald Numbers, Creation by Natural Law, pp. 41–54.

78. Thus, as Skabelund points out, he calculated the diurnal period for Mercury at just over twenty-four hours—today it is estimated at about eighty-eight days. No universal law can be found. Cf. Lyon, Master’s thesis, pp. 91–92. Examples of Pratt’s mathematical literalness applied to his theological discussion include his calculations of the number of children promised to Abraham whose seed was to be as “numerous as the sands of the sea shore,” (JD 1:61–62); and his figures on the total number of spirit children created by God the Father (The Seer 1 [March 1853]:38).

79. Ibid. As Hovenkamp points out, this kind of exactness reveals a strong belief in mathematics as the key to the underlying structure of the universe. Pratt came close to doing what Benjamin Pierce, a Harvard Mathematician, was doing with math. See Hovenkamp, Religion and Science in America, pp. 103ff; and Russel Blaine Nye, Society and Culture in America, 1830–1860 (New York: New American Nation Series of Harper and Row, 1974), pp. 236–82.

80. A photo of his telescope and his observatory is in Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, p. 225 (telescope) and Deseret News (14 November 1931) and Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (winter 1972):66 (observatory). See also Improvement Era 15 (January 1912):200.

81. These are summarized from Skabelund, “Cosmology on the American Frontier.” The recent study of the cosmic symbolism in the architecture of the Salt Lake Temple greatly over-emphasizes Orson Pratt’s role and brilliance as a scientist. In addition, it fails to suggest the possible influence of nineteenth century masonic astronomy on the symbolism. See C. Mark Hamilton, “The Salt Lake Temple: Symbolic Statement of Mormon Doctrine,” in Thomas G. Alexander, ed., The Mormon People, Their Character and Traditions, Charles Redd Monographs in Western History, No. 10 (Provo: BYU Press, 1980), pp. 103–27. The larger story of the study of astronomy in the nineteenth century is told in Bessie Z. Jones, Lighthouse of the Skies . . . (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1965). Since astronomy was the queen of the physical sciences in the nineteenth century, public interest was broad-based.

82. See the discussion in Sterling M. McMurrin, The Theological Foundations of the Mormon Religion (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1965), esp. Parts One and Two. See also Lyon, Master’s thesis, pp. 88f.

83. Pratt argued consistently that authority from heaven was the key to the correctness of the Mormon message. See JD 8:101–06 (24 June 1860); JD 12:352–62 (24 February 1868); JD 14:289–99 (27 November 1870); JD 14:137–47 (19 March 1871); JD 15:178–91 (22 September 1872); JD 17:278–88 (20 September 1874); JD 17:264–77 (15 November 1874); JD 18:41–57 (11 July 1875); JD 18:264–71 (20 August 1876); JD 18:222–29 (26 August 1876); and JD 22:27–38 (10 October 1880).

84. Orson’s essay on the Kingdom of God was an extended treatment (in the same order) of the material presented in chapter three of Parley P. Pratt’s Voice of Warning (1837). Joseph Smith’s teachings on this subject are presented in D. Michael Quinn, “The Council of Fifty and Its Members, 1844 to 1945,” BYU Studies 20 (winter 1980):163–97; and Andrew F. Ehat, “‘It Seems Like Heaven Began on Earth’: Joseph Smith and the Constitution of the Kingdom of God,” Ibid. 20 (Spring 1980):253–79.

85. The Kingdom of God and Zion, were regular topics in Pratt’s writings and speeches. See The Seer, pp. 147ff; JD 3:70–74 (8 July 1855); JD 7:210–27 (14 August 1859); JD 13:124–38 (10 April 1870); JD 15:67–76 (4 February 1872); The Seer, pp. 261–71; JD 14:343–56 (10 March 1872); JD 15:44–53 (7 April 1872); JD 15:329–41 (26 January 1873); JD 16:1–8 (7 April 1873); JD 16:78–87 (15 June 1873); JD 17:24–36 (6 April 1874); and JD 17:289–306 (7 February 1875).

86. These pamphlets were Reply to a Pamphlet Printed at Glasgow, with the “Approbation of Clergyman of Different Denominations,” entitled “Remarks on Mormonism” (Liverpool: R. James, 30 April 1849) and Absurdities of Immaterialism, or, A Reply to T. W. P. Taylder’s Pamphlet, entitled, “The Materialism of the Mormons or Latter-Day Saints, Examined and Exposed” (Liverpool: R. James, 31 July 1849).

87. Cf. the material in The Seer, pp. 265–71.

88. For Orson Pratt, the Book of Mormon was the key to Mormonism. His pamphlet on the Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon was an extended defense of modern revelation. He argued that to establish the truth of the Book of Mormon it must first be shown that continuing revelation is necessary, scriptural, and reasonable. The organization of the work follows a logical format: he states a proposition and then presents numerous sub-proofs for the position. Orson presents seven main propositions: (1) to expect more revelation is not unscriptural; (2) to expect more revelation is not unreasonable; (3) more revelation is indispensably necessary; (4) without further revelation, the Bible and tradition are insufficient guides; (5) the evidences of the Book of Mormon and Bible are compared; (6) the Book of Mormon is confirmed by miracles; and (7) the prophetic evidence in favor of the Book of Mormon. All of these themes appeared regularly in sermons: JD 21:128–36 (21 September 1879); JD 20:62–77 (25 August 1878); JD 7:22–38 (2 January 1859); JD 16:209–20 (28 September 1873); and JD 13:124–38 (10 April 1870). See also The Seer, pp. 257–61. Orson ended his pamphlet with his own testimony: “And I now bear my humble testimony to all the nations of the earth who shall read this series of pamphlets, that the Book of Mormon is a divine revelation, for the voice of the Lord hath declared it unto me.”

89. Throughout his work on Divine Authority he posed either/or and if/then questions.

90. The emphasis of this second series of tracts on the basic principles of Mormonism probably reflects the counsel he received from Brigham Young as he was publishing The Seer in 1854. See the letter of Orson Pratt to Brigham Young, 14 February 1854, MS in HDC. The material that appeared in his second set of pamphlets that had previously appeared in The Seer includes: “Faith,” The Seer 2 (January, February, 1854):198–204; 209–12; “Repentance,” ibid. 2 (February, March, April 1854):218–24; 233–40; 252–54; “Baptism for the Remission of Sins,” ibid. 2 (April 1854):254–56; and “Preparations for the Second Advent,” ibid. 2 (August 1854):305–20.

91. The major pamphlet works are listed in notes 29 and 38, above. There are also scores of editorials and sermons in which he pursued these themes.

92. In general, Orson Pratt fits the definition of an intellectual detailed in Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1963), pp. 26ff. When Leonard J. Arrington surveyed fifty Mormon scholars in 1968 concerning who were the major intellectuals in the history of the Church, Orson Pratt ranked behind B. H. Roberts for the top position. Orson even received more votes than Joseph Smith or his own brother Parley. If what we argue here is true, then we must raise doubts about the abilities of Mormon scholars today to judge accurately their own intellectual heritage. Arrington’s survey was reported in Dialogue 4 (spring 1969):22. Of course, even Pratt’s contemporaries judged his influence within Mormonism to be very great, although each probably had his own reasons. Thus, the Westminster Review [England] 59 (January 1853):118 (“History and Ideas of the Mormons”) judged both the quantity of his publications and their influence in Mormon proselyting, and recognized the need for others to produce works to counter them; while T. B. H. Stenhouse’s tributes to Pratt in Rocky Mountain Saints (1873) (ex. pp. 9–10) owe as much to Stenhouse’s use of Pratt as a foil against Brigham Young as to any objective evaluation of Pratt’s work and influence in Mormonism. Stenhouse was also paying tribute to the pamphleteer who was so influential in helping convert so many Britishers like himself to Mormonism. Edward Tullidge, in the New York World (25 September 1870) did suggest that both Parley and Orson were key figures in the development of Mormonism, but he too may have had special reasons for so claiming.

93. Letter of William Clayton to Brigham Young, 4 October 1852. MS in HDC.

94. An enlightening essay on the problem of tracing the sources of a person’s thought is Gilbert Chinard, “Jefferson Among the Philosophers,” Ethics 53 (July 1943):255–68, much of which could apply to Orson Pratt. Even with the material yet to be presented, we must remember the comments of Constance Rourke, who wrote the “‘seeds of influence’ may fall but not germinate, they may germinate but yield very different fruit amidst altered circumstances, or they may combine into hybrid forms that are essentially new and historically unprecedented.” Cited in Lawrence Cremin, American Education: The Colonial Experience (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), p. 265.

95. What is suggested here is based, in part, on Peter Crawley, “The Passage of Mormon Primitivism,” Dialogue 13 (winter 1980):26–37. I appreciate Dr. Crawley providing me with an advanced copy of this essay.

96. See “Relief Society Minutes,” 28 April 1842. MS in HDC.

97. Parley P. Pratt, The Millennium and other Poems, to which is annexed A Treatise on the Regeneration and Eternal Duration of Matter (New York: Printed by W. Molineux, 1840), pp. 105–48. Orson probably benefited from the 7 April 1843 discourse of Joseph Smith. See “Joseph Smith Diary” for that date. MS in HDC.

98. The broadside was dated San Francisco, 13 July 1852 and titled Mormonism! Plurality of Wives! An especial chapter for the especial edification of certain inquisitive news editors, etc. Photocopy in HDC. It provided a curious defense of polygamy without admitting to its practice. See also Parley’s 1855 speech to the Utah Territorial Legislature, published as Marriage and Morals in Utah (Liverpool, 1856).

99. Letter of Orson Pratt to his wife [Sarah], dated 6 January 1840, in Times and Seasons 1 (February 1840):61.

100. Times and Seasons 2 (1 August 1841):502; see also pp. 518 and 534. Three of the four works advertized were by Parley.

101. Letter of Orson Pratt to Parley P. Pratt, 12 September 1853. MS in HDC.

102. Letter of Orson Pratt to Parley P. Pratt, 2 November 1853. MS in HDC.

103. See the comments of B. H. Roberts in Improvement Era 9 (July 1906):712–13. Orson was more a disciple of the first type than of the second type.

104. Life of Brigham Young, Appendix, p. 74.

105. James E. Talmage, during his testimony at the Reed Smoot Hearings in 1905, spoke of Orson Pratt in these terms: “Many of Orson Pratt’s works are of great value . . . that is to say they present the views of a man who was a careful student and one whose utterances are worthy of consideration.” Reed Smoot Hearings, vol. 3, p. 25.

106. See, for example, M. G. F. Bitterman, “The Early Quaker Literature of Defense,” Church History 42 (June 1973):203–28.