Notes
1. The Heart of Mormonism (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., for the LDS Department of Education, 1930), pp. 411–12.
2. History of the Church, 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., rev. ed., 1954), 7:434–35. Originally published in New York Sun, 6 August 1845.
3. Rocky Mountain Saints (New York: D. Appleton and Co., 1873), pp. 9–10.
4. Life of Brigham Young (New York: n.p., 1876), Appendix, p. 74.
5. Latter-day Saint’s Millennial Star 43 (7 November 1881):707.
6. T. Edgar Lyon, “Orson Pratt—Early Mormon Leader” (Master’s thesis, University of Chicago, 1932), p. 104.
7. Ibid., p. 99. Cf. Orson F. Whitney, “Orson Pratt, Apostle, Pioneer, Philosopher, Scientist, and Historian,” Improvement Era 15 (January 1912):195–206.
8. Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 4 (spring 1969):22–23.
9. The manuscript sources for his life are somewhat limited. Few of his diaries have survived, due possibly to both purposeful and accidental destruction. His first wife Sarah is said to have burned several of his diaries (Nauvoo period?) in 1864 while Orson was on a mission to Southern Utah. In addition, T. Edgar Lyon told me several years ago that several of the diaries, which were in private hands in Salt Lake City, were lost when a fire destroyed the individual’s house while he was not at home. Orson had prepared a “public” history in March 1858, which was published in the Deseret News 8 (2–9 June 1858), which in manuscript covers only 16 pages (pp. 192–208 in Book G, “History of Brigham Young,” MS in Historical Department, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. Hereafter cited as HDC). This “History of Orson Pratt” was reprinted in the LDS Millennial Star 27 (14 January to 11 February 1865), and in Utah Geneological and Historical Magazine vols. 27 (1936) and 28 (1937). In addition to the Pratt Collection in the HDC, the best description of the Orson Pratt holographs is in Davis Bitton, comp., Guide to Mormon Diaries and Autobiographies (Provo: BYU Press, 1977), pp. 281–82. These include diaries covering June 1833 to May 1834 (Book A); February 1835 to November 1837 (Book B); February to July 1846 (Book E); May to June 1847; January to December 1868. There are also numerous letters to and from various Pratt family members.
There are 125 sermons by Orson Pratt in the Journal of Discourses (Liverpool, 1854–1886), and a few others in other early Mormon periodicals. There are letter files in HDC, many in the Brigham Young Collection. Many of his letters were published in early Mormon newspapers. In addition to his own publications, the HDC has many of the voluminous records of his co-workers in the early Church. There are also letters that are still in the hands of the Pratt family.
Major published sources on Orson Pratt include the following: Elden J. Watson, comp., The Orson Pratt Journals (Salt Lake City: By the compiler, 1975); N. B. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, or a Compilation of the Astronomical Writings of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: By the compiler, 1937); Lundwall, comp., Exodus of Modern Israel [the pioneer journals of 1847] (Salt Lake City: N. B. Lundwall, n.d.); Lundwall, comp., Masterful Discourses and Writings of Orson Pratt (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1962, reprinted, 1981); Orson Pratt’s Works (1851; 1891; 1945; Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm Co., 1966); Pamphlets by Orson Pratt (1857; Salt Lake City: Modern Microfilm Co., n.d.); and Jerry Burnett and Charles Pope, comps., Orson Pratt, Writings of an Apostle (Salt Lake City: Magazine Printing Co. for Mormon Heritage Publishers, 1976). In addition, most of his pamphlets have been reproduced in numerous editions, as has The Seer (Washington, D. C.; reprinted Liverpool and London, 1853–1854). Many of his pamphlets appeared in whole or in part in the Millennial Star before they appeared in pamphlet form.
The best secondary study to be done on Orson Pratt was T. Edgar Lyon, “Orson Pratt—Early Mormon Leader” (Master’s thesis, University of Chicago, 1932). Most of this study was published by Lyon in “Orson Pratt: A Biographical Study,” The Instructor 82 (January to December 1947). See also his “Orson Pratt, Pioneer and Proselyter,” Utah Historical Quarterly 24 (July 1956):261–73. Other important studies include Milando Pratt, “Life and Labors of Orson Pratt,” The Contributor 12 (November 1890 to October 1891); “Orson Pratt,” in Andrew Jenson, comp., LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, vol. 1 (Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson History Co., 1901), pp. 87–91; Orson F. Whitney, “Orson Pratt, Apostle, Pioneer, Philosopher, Scientist, Historian,” Improvement Era 15 (January 1912):195–206; Donald Skabelund, “Cosmology on the American Frontier: Orson Pratt’s Key to the Universe,” Centaurus: International Magazine of the History of Mathematics, Science, and Technology 11 (1965):190–204; and Edward R. Hogan, “Orson Pratt as a Mathematician,” Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (winter 1973):59–68. There is some interesting comparative material in the two articles by Junius F. Wells, “The Three Orsons [Spencer, Hyde and Pratt],” Improvement Era 22 (November 1918):13–22; and “Homes of the Three Orsons,” ibid., 22 (February 1919):279–87.
10. A valuable look at the Pratt sons is Steven Pratt, “The Five Sons of Jared and Charity Pratt,” Ensign 9 (October 1979):52–57.
11. Parley P. Pratt, Autobiography (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Co., 6th ed., 1964), p. 19.
12. As cited in Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 8–9.
13. Doctrine and Covenants (Salt Lake City: 1921 ed.), 34:6.
14. Journal of Discourses, 12:85 (speech of 11 August 1867). Hereafter cited as JD with appropriate volume and page following.
15. JD 12:85–86. Orson Pratt received his patriarchal blessing on 29 April 1835. See Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 507–8.
16. Orson Pratt eventually, in plural marriage, married nine additional women, by whom he fathered forty-five children. There were twenty-three sons and twenty-two daughters. Appendix 1 in Lyon’s Master’s thesis lists his wives and their respective children by Orson Pratt. While it is not pursued in this essay, Orson left a sizeable amount of written and spoken material on the duties and responsibilities of the members of the family. See, for example, his twenty-seven rules for the polygamous family in The Seer 1 (November and December 1853):174–76; 183–87. Some of his counsel on family matters has been collected and published in Improvement Era. See Victor A. Christopherson, “Timeless Principles of Family Relationships,” ibid. 58 (October 1955):710ff; and the material in ibid. 49 (March 1946):147f.
17. The context is provided in Louis C. Zucker, “Joseph Smith as a Student of Hebrew,” Dialogue 3 (summer 1968):45. References to Orson’s study of Hebrew in the History of the Church include 2:326, 356–357, 397, and 406.
18. An excellent overview of the changing status of the Quorum of the Twelve during Joseph Smith’s lifetime is provided in two fine essays by D. Michael Quinn, “The Evolution of the Presiding Quorums of the LDS Church,” Journal of Mormon History 1 (1974):21–38; and “The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844,” BYU Studies 16 (winter 1976):187–233.
19. The original is in the Special Collections, Harold B. Lee Library, Brigham Young University, Provo, Utah. It was written by Warren Parrish, and Pratt’s signature is authentic according to Dean Jessee, an authority on early Mormon holographs. Pratt’s actions are also mentioned in a letter of Mary Fielding Smith to Rachael Thompson, dated ca. 15 June 1837. MS in HDC. The larger setting of the last days in Kirtland is presented in Max Parkin, “Conflict at Kirtland” (MA thesis, BYU, 1966); Marvin S. Hill, “Cultural Crisis in the Mormon Kingdom: A Reconsideration of the Causes of Kirtland Dissent,” Church History 49 (September 1980):286–98; and most completely in Ronald K. Esplin, “The Emergence of Brigham Young and the Twelve to Mormon Leadership, 1830–1841” (Ph.D. dissertation, BYU, 1981), pp. 224–319.
20. Much of the story is told in James B. Allen and Malcolm R. Thorp, “The Mission of the Twelve to England, 1840–41: Mormon Apostles and the Working Classes,” BYU Studies 15 (summer 1975):499–526. See also Andrew Jenson, The Historical Record 6 (September 1887):348–51; and Orson Pratt’s letters in LDS Millennial Star 1 (December 1840):213–14; and 2 (May 1841):10–12.
21. Some information on the textual background of the “Articles of Faith” is provided in John W. Welch and David J. Whittaker, “‘We Believe’. . . : Development of the Articles of Faith,” Ensign 9 (September 1979):51–55.
22. See the overview in Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 30ff; and, more recently, Danel Bachman, “Plural Marriage among the Mormons before 1844” (MA thesis, Purdue University, 1975), pp. 233–38. See also the material collected in Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 179ff, and pp. 558ff.
23. This can be followed in the “History of Brigham Young,” in the Deseret News 9 (17 March 1858), p. 2.
24. The Wasp 1 (12 November 1842):[3], carried a notice of a scheduled lecture by Orson Pratt entitled, “Is there sufficient evidence in the works of nature to prove the existence of a Supreme Being?” Such a topic at such a critical time in his life suggests the role of natural theology in organizing his own religious views. While the evidence is indirect, it seems clear that Orson must have read Bishop William Paley’s Natural Theology: or Evidences of the Existence of the Attributes of the Deity, Collected from the Appearances of Nature (1802), from which he probably obtained his ideas of the Great First Cause. Paley’s ideas were available in America through such authors as John Mason Good and Josiah Priest.
25. See the overview in Quinn, “The Mormon Succession Crisis of 1844,” as cited above, and the “Message” of Orson Pratt in N. Y. Messenger as reprinted in Times and Seasons 6 (15 August 1845): 995–99.
26. Quoted in Milando Pratt, “Life and Labors of Orson Pratt,” The Contributor 12 (January 1891):85–87.
27. Orson Pratt’s pioneer journal has been published in several places, including the LDS Millennial Star 11 (1849) and 12 (1850); and the Utah Genealogical and Historical Magazine vol. 15 (1924) to 17 (1926). It is more conveniently available in N. B. Lundwall, comp., Exodus of Modern Israel (Salt Lake City: n.p., n.d.); and Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, pp. 316–463. The material covering 11 July to 24 July 1847 was also published in Improvement Era 15 (August 1912):934–48.
28. See the overview in T. Edgar Lyon, “Orson Pratt, Pioneer and Proselyter,” Utah Historical Quarterly 24 (July 1956):261–73. The funeral sermon was given on 11 August 1847 for Milton H. Thirlkill.
29. A convenient overview of the British mission during this time is found in P. A. M. Taylor, Expectations Westward (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1966), esp. pp. 18–85.
30. The fifteen pamphlets he issued during this time (1848–1851) include: Divine Authority, or Was Joseph Smith Sent of God, 16 p. (dated 30 September 1848); The Kingdom of God, Part I, 8 p. (dated 31 October 1848); Pt. II, 8 p. (dated 30 November 1848); Pt. III, 8 p. (dated 14 January 1849); Pt. IV, 16 p. (dated 14 July 1849); Reply to ‘Remarks on Mormonism’, 16 p. (dated 30 April 1849); Absurdities of Immaterialism, or a Reply to T. W. P. Taylder’s Pamphlet, entitled ‘The materialism of the Mormons or Latter-day Saints examined and exposed’, 32 p. (dated 31 July 1840); New Jerusalem or the Fulfillment of Modern Prophecy, 24 p. (dated 1 October 1849); Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon, 96 p., No. 1 (dated 15 October 1850); No. 2 (dated 1 November 1850); No. 3 (dated 1 December 1850); No. 4 (dated 15 December 1850); No. 5 (dated 7 January 1851); No. 6 (no date given in first printing, probably 15 January 1851); and Great First Cause, or the Self-Moving Forces of the Universe, 16 p. (dated 1 January 1851). These were published under one cover with some additional material added in 1851. Bibliographical information on these and the other published works of Orson Pratt, including foreign language editions, can be obtained in Chad J. Flake, ed., A Mormon Bibliography, 1830–1930 (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1978).
31. LDS Millennial Star 13 (1 February 1851):43–44.
32. These were published in the Deseret News, but are more conveniently found in N. B. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe.
33. See T. Edgar Lyon “Orson Pratt,” pp. 62–63. On several occasions Orson or his wives went to Brigham Young asking for temporal assistance. See for example, the references in “Brigham Young Office Journal,” MS in HDC under the dates of 14 April 1860 and 22 April 1861.
34. The Conference Minutes were published in a Deseret News, Extra (14 September 1852) and in a LDS Millennial Star, Supplement (1853), 15. In addition, Pratt’s speech can be found in JD 1:53–66. The larger story and detailed examination of all of Orson Pratt’s polygamy defenses and their impact in LDS thought is told in Chapter 6.
35. See his series on “Celestial Marriage,” in The Seer 1 (January 1853 to December 1853).
36. So far, the best overview of this work in early Mormonism is in Howard C. Searle, “Early Mormon Historiography: Writing the History of the Mormons, 1830–1858” (Ph.D. dissertation, UCLA, 1979), pp. 358–428. See also Orson’s letter to Lucy Mack Smith, dated 28 October 1853, MS in HDC.
37. Letter of Orson Pratt to Brigham Young, 31 December 1852. MS in HDC, and the material presented in Chapter 6.
38. Originally published in the Deseret News 5 (1 August 1855):165–172, it was reprinted in other LDS periodicals; St. Louis Luminary 1 (13 October 1855):185; The Mormon [New York City] 1 (27 October 1855); and LDS Millennial Star 17 (15 December 1855):792–97. It also appears as Chapter 3 in his Key to the Universe.
39. His second series of pamphlets, eight in number, included the following, each of which were issued separately and then were bound into a book, Tracts by Orson Pratt . . . (Liverpool and London, 1857). They were issued between 25 August 1856 and 15 March 1857: The True Faith, 16 p. (25 August 1856); True Repentance (8 September 1856); Water Baptism, 16 p. (22 September 1856); The Holy Spirit, 16 p. (15 November 1856); Spiritual Gifts, 16 p. (15 December 1856); Necessity for Miracles, 16 p. (15 January 1857); Universal Apostasy, or the Seventeen Centuries of Darkness, 16 p. (15 February 1857); and Latter-day Kingdom, or the Preparations for the Second Advent, 16 p. (15 March 1857). The pamphlet on the Holy Spirit had its origin in essays published in the LDS Millennial Star 12 (15 October 1850): 305–9; 12 (1 November 1850):325–28. Since Pratt acted as the editor of the Star during his Presidencies of the British Mission, much of the material that later appeared in pamphlet form was first printed in the Millennial Star.
40. The full story is presented in Richard Cracroft, “Liverpool, 1856: Nathaniel Hawthorne Meets Orson Pratt,” BYU Studies 8 (spring 1968):270–72.
41. See D. Michael Quinn, “The Mormon Hierarchy, 1832–1932: An American Elite” (Ph.D. dissertation, Yale University, 1976), p. 107. In the same year Brigham Young’s was placed at $52,250.
42. New and Easy Method of Solution of the Cubic and Biquadratic Equations Embracing Several New Formulas . . . (Liverpool and London, 1866).
43. For a good overview of his involvement with the Deseret Alphabet, see Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 75–79. The idea of the Deseret Alphabet seems to have originated with Parley P. Pratt.
44. The text of the debate was published in pamphlet form in 1874 under the title The Bible and Polygamy. See also Frank T. Benson Jr., “An Analysis of Orson Pratt’s Invention in the Pratt-Newman Debate” (Master’s thesis, University of Utah, 1950); and Robert D. Hatch, “The Pratt-Newman Debate” (Master’s thesis, BYU, 1960).
45. Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” p. 81.
46. Space does not permit a discussion of the problems regarding the right of Orson Pratt to succeed to the leadership of the Church at the death of Brigham Young. See Reed C. Durham Jr. and Stephen H. Heath, Succession in the Church (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1970), pp. 73ff.
47. For the best discussion of Orson’s involvement with the Doctrine and Covenants, which went back to the 1844 edition, see Robert J. Woodford, “The Historical Development of the Doctrine and Covenants” (Ph.D. dissertation, BYU, 1974), vol. 1, pp. 54–92.
48. See Jeffrey R. Holland, “An Analysis of Selected Changes in Major Editions of the Book of Mormon, 1830–1920” (MA thesis, BYU, 1966).
49. See James R. Harris, “Changes in the Book of Moses and Their Implications upon a Concept of Revelation,” BYU Studies 8 (summer 1968):361–82; and James R. Clark, The Story of the Pearl of Great Price (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1955).
50. The report of their trip appears in LDS Millennial Star 40 (9 and 16 December 1878):769–74; 785–89. Originally published in Deseret News.
51. Available in JD 22:223–26.
52. Cited in Milando Pratt, “Life and Labors of Orson Pratt,” The Contributor 12 (October 1891):462. A photo of the home in which he died is in Improvement Era 22 (February 1919):286.
53. Levi Edgar Young, The Founding of Utah (New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons, 1924), p. 320. Lundwall and others have continued to repeat the claim. The origin of these claims seems to have been a letter that Orson himself wrote to his wife Marian from Liverpool, 23 December 1878, in which he told her, in regard to his Key to the Universe, that he hoped “to distribute a few hundred copies among the Universities, Colleges, Acadymies, and the great mathematicians of both Europe and America. I do not expect that such a work would sell, excepting now and then a copy. But my object is not speculation, but to preserve the mathematical propositions which cost me so much time and labor to discover, from falling into oblivion.” MS in HDC. Leonard J. Arrington called this letter to my attention.
54. In February, 1861, he submitted to the Mathematical Monthly (Cambridge, Mass.) a series of problems concerning the mathematical laws relating to the origin of the solar system. He later recalled: “In the month of May [February], 1861, I prepared a series of problems relating to this subject, and forwarded the same to the editor of the Mathematical Monthly, . . . But in the consequence of the war then pending, the paper ceased its publication, and I heard nothing further from the manuscript. But as it was hastily and somewhat imperfectly prepared, it is perhaps better that it remained unpublished” (N. B. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, p. 175). In a letter to the editor, dated 22 February 1861, Pratt noted that his work was done without the aid of “any mathematical works.” MS in Orson Pratt Papers, HDC. See also his letter to the editor of the Analyst (Des Moines, Iowa) 18 September 1876. Also “Six Original Problems,” 3 (November 1876): 186–87; “Problem 154,” 4 (March 1877):63; and “Problem 221,” 5 (September 1878):159. These are identified in Edward R. Hogan, “Orson Pratt as a Mathematician,” Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (winter 1973):62 n. 8. As Hogan suggests, most of this type of mathematical activity was an outlet for amateurs, as the first serious mathematical periodical did not appear until 1878, and the American Mathematical Society was not founded until 1888.
55. In the Orson Pratt Collection, HDC, there are two unpublished mathematical works: “Differential Calculus” (224 p.—pages 79 to 103 are missing) and an incomplete text book on “determinants” (40 p.) for junior students. According to Orson Pratt’s 1 March 1878 letter to G. Rand (typescript in HDC) he wrote the book on differential calculus after he published Cubic and Biquadratic Equations (1866).
56. Hogan, “Orson Pratt as a Mathematician,” p. 66. This essay is the best evaluation available of Pratt’s mathematical work, and my comments have greatly benefited from it. Hogan notes that Pratt’s work, even when he claimed “originality” or “new discovery,” was really only slight modifications of well-known existing theorems (p. 64). See also William J. Christensen, “A Critical Review of Orson Pratt Sr.’s Published Scientific Books” (Master’s thesis, University of Utah, 1929).
57. Proctor’s comments can be found in Orson F. Whitney, History of Utah, vol. 4 (Salt Lake City: George Q. Cannon and Sons, 1904), p. 29. See also Hogan, op. cit., p. 63; and Lyon, MA thesis, p. 96 n. Lyon suggests that Proctor used Pratt’s work on the Pyramid of Gizeh in his own The Great Pyramid (London: Chatto and Windus, Picadilly, 1883).
58. The growing use of the inductive method and all Baconianism implied in early nineteenth century is presented in George H. Daniels, America Science in the Age of Jackson (New York: Columbia University Press, 1968), esp. ch. 3; Theodore Dwight Bozeman, Protestants in the Age of Science, The Baconian Ideal and Ante-bellum American Religious Thought (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1977); and Herbert Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, 1800–1860 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1978).
59. Hovenkamp, Science and Religion in America, p. xi.
60. See the notice in The Wasp 1 (12 November 1842):[3].
61. Pratt functioned in Mormonism like Benjamin Silliman did for New England audiences during the same period. While evidence is lacking, it is quite possible that Pratt attended some of Silliman’s lecture in the 1830s while doing missionary work in the Boston area and thus may have been influenced by Silliman. This is what Jules Remy, A Journey to Great Salt Lake, 2 (London, 1861), pp. 12ff claimed. For the fuller picture see Margaret W. Rossiter, “Benjamin Silliman and Lowell Institute: The Popularization of Science in Nineteenth-Century America,” New England Quarterly 44 (December 1971): 602–26. The growing professionalization of science in America during the same time is told in John C. Greene, “American Science Comes of Age, 1780–1820,” Journal of American History 55 (June 1968):22–41; and George H. Daniels, “The Process of Professionalization in American Science: The Emergent Period, 1820–1860,” Isis 58 (summer 1967): 151–66. Also valuable is Donald Zochert, “Science and the Common Man in Ante-Bellum America,” Isis 65 (December 1974):448–73.
62. These include the Bennett affair, the challenge of plural marriage, the succession crisis of 1844, and his numerous disagreements with Brigham Young, during which contemporary records show his increased study and concern with things scientific.
63. See the notice in Times and Seasons 2 (16 August 1841):517.
64. “Halos and Parhelia,” Times and Seasons 4 (1 April 1843): 151–52; The Wasp 1 (5 April 1843):2. This piece was dated 23 March 1843, and it described for Mormons the comet first seen from earth in late February and March 1843. Its appearance added to the already interested public awareness of astronomy—an interest that was pricked by the 1835 return of Halley’s Comet. Like the Times and Seasons, newspapers all over America were telling their readers about what they were observing. The continuing popularity of Pratt’s writings and lectures on astronomy among the Mormons should be viewed in the context of the larger American interest in such matters. Some valuable background material is provided in John C. Greene, “Some Aspects of American Astronomy, 1750–1815,” Isis 45 (December 1954):339–58; and D. J. Warner, “Astronomy in Antebellum America,” in Nathan Reingold, ed., The Sciences in the American Context (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institute Press, 1979), pp. 55–75.
65. Both were twenty-four pages in length and were published in New York in 1844 and 1845 respectively. In addition to articles on religious matters (see the material from the 1846 Almanac in Watson, pp. 242–58), his calculations and observations went back to 6 April 1830 the day the Church was founded. In his 1879 Treatise on the Egyptian Pyramid of Gizeh (Liverpool, 1879) he argued that the date for the organization of the Church was recorded in the chronology of the floor lines in the Grand Gallery of the Great Pyramid. See also the LDS Millennial Star 41 (5 and 12 May 1879):280–82, 296–98. Cf T. B. H. Stenhouse, Rocky Mountain Saints, pp. 482–83 and Orson Pratt, Conference Address, 8 April 1880. See also his thinking on the true dating of Christmas in Millennial Star 28 (22 December 1866):808–11. This kind of literalness also carried over into other areas. For example, he interpreted the creation accounts of Genesis so literally that he had little to say that was positive about the “theories” of geologists when it came to dating the age of the earth. See his 12 November 1879 discourse in JD 21:197–206. Cf. The Seer 2 (April 1854):248–51; ibid. 1 (September 1853):136; and his comments on “The Mastodon of the Book of Ether,” in LDS Millennial Star 28 (8 December 1866):776–77. Pratt did admit that without revelation the exact age of the earth could not be known, but consistently argued that human history began with Adam about 4000 BC. See, for example, his comments in Millennial Star 28 (8 September 1866):561–63, and the report of a talk he gave on 18 May 1845 as reported in the Diary of James J. Monroe, pp. 126–27 (film copy in Yale Library) as cited in Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, p. 525.
66. See his letter to Reuben Hedlock, dated 20 August 1845, in New York Messenger 2 (30 August 1845):67. Pratt says that he published 5,000 copies of his 1846 Almanac.
67. Several early sources report his work and thought in astronomy: History of the Church 7:554 (27 December 1845); HC 7:352 (12 January 1845); Watson, The Orson Pratt Journals, p. 478 (19 December 1846); “Mormon Philosophy, Space, Duration, and Matter,” New York Messenger 2 (13 September 1845):81; “The Immensity of the Universe,” in Lundwall, comp., Masterful Discourses and Writings of Orson Pratt, pp. 208–209 (1 January 1851); and “General Reflections on Eternal Existence,” LDS Millennial Star 10 (1 November 1848):332–34.
68. Deseret News 4 (26 October 1854), p. 3 and issues following. The popular support of these presentations is reflected in a story Lyon tells of Pratt’s audience raising $5,000 (in money and commodities) to give to him at the end of the lectures. Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 62–63.
69. Published in 1879 in Liverpool and Salt Lake City. It is most conveniently found in Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, pp. 214ff.
70. JD 7:157 (discourse of 12 February 1860).
71. Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, p. 36.
72. Ibid., p.75.
73. Ibid., p. 193. A Lecture of 11 August 1875.
74. See the discussion, from which I have drawn, in Hovenkamp, Religion and Science in America, pp. 97ff.
75. The full implications of this must await a separate essay, but for good discussions of the issues, etc., see, in addition to Hovenkamp and Bozeman, Lorin Eisley, Darwin’s Century (Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1958); John C. Greene, The Death of Adam: Evolution and its Impact on Western Thought (Ames: Iowa State University Press, 1959); Paul F. Boller Jr., American Thought in Transition: The Impact of Evolutionary Naturalism, 1865–1900 (Chicago: Rand McNally and Co., 1969); William Coleman, Biology in the Nineteenth Century (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977); Michael Ruse, The Darwinian Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); Neal C. Gillespie, Charles Darwin and the Problem of Creation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1979); and James P. Moore, The Post-Darwinian Controversies . . . (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979). Shorter overviews are in Bert James Lowenberg, “Darwinism Comes to America, 1859–1900,” Mississippi Valley Historical Review 28 (December 1940):339–68; and Richard Sherlock, “A Turbulent Spectrum: Mormon Reactions to the Darwinist Legacy,” Journal of Mormon History 5 (1978):33–59. Pratt did suggest a kind of spiritual evolution in man’s pre-mortal existence in The Seer 1 (March 1853):37f.
76. I summarize here from Donald Skabelund, “Cosmology on the American Frontier: Orson Pratt’s Key to the Universe,” Centaurus: International Magazine of the History of Mathematics, Science, and Technology 11 (1965):190–204. Cf. Lyon, “Orson Pratt,” pp. 87ff. The best published history of Pratt’s conflicts with Brigham Young is Gary James Bergera, “The Orson Pratt, Brigham Young Controversies: Conflict Within the Quorums, 1853 to 1868,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 13 (summer 1980):7–49. Bergera does not, however, consider the larger epistomological and cosmological questions which must be examined to fully understand both Pratt’s position and Young’s reactions. Actually, The Holy Spirit is quite in line with nineteenth century Mormon speculation on the subject of the Holy Ghost. Cf., for example, his own brother’s chapter on the subject in The Key to the Science of Theology (1855 ed.). See also the relevant material in Thomas G. Alexander, “The Reconstruction of Mormon Doctrine . . . ,” Sunstone 5 (July–August 1980):24–33. At their base, both The First Cause and The Holy Spirit were defenses of Mormon materialism. They also were, like his other scientific work, refutations of the deterministic atomism of Pierre Simon de LaPlace whose Celestial Mechanics (1799) argued for a completely mechanistic cosmos. See Ronald L. Numbers, Creation by Natural Law: Laplace’s Nebular Hypothesis in American Thought (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1977).
77. Originally published in the Deseret News 5 (1 August 1855): 165–72, it was reprinted in other LDS periodicals: St. Louis Luminary 1 (13 October 1855):185; The Mormon [New York City] 1 (27 October 1855); and LDS Millennial Star 17 (15 December 1855): 792–97. There are many similarities with Orson Pratt’s “Law of Planetary Rotation” and Daniel Kirkwood’s theories which were introduced to the American scientific community in 1849, several years before Pratt announced his. On Kirkwood’s ideas see Ronald Numbers, Creation by Natural Law, pp. 41–54.
78. Thus, as Skabelund points out, he calculated the diurnal period for Mercury at just over twenty-four hours—today it is estimated at about eighty-eight days. No universal law can be found. Cf. Lyon, Master’s thesis, pp. 91–92. Examples of Pratt’s mathematical literalness applied to his theological discussion include his calculations of the number of children promised to Abraham whose seed was to be as “numerous as the sands of the sea shore,” (JD 1:61–62); and his figures on the total number of spirit children created by God the Father (The Seer 1 [March 1853]:38).
79. Ibid. As Hovenkamp points out, this kind of exactness reveals a strong belief in mathematics as the key to the underlying structure of the universe. Pratt came close to doing what Benjamin Pierce, a Harvard Mathematician, was doing with math. See Hovenkamp, Religion and Science in America, pp. 103ff; and Russel Blaine Nye, Society and Culture in America, 1830–1860 (New York: New American Nation Series of Harper and Row, 1974), pp. 236–82.
80. A photo of his telescope and his observatory is in Lundwall, comp., Wonders of the Universe, p. 225 (telescope) and Deseret News (14 November 1931) and Utah Historical Quarterly 41 (winter 1972):66 (observatory). See also Improvement Era 15 (January 1912):200.
81. These are summarized from Skabelund, “Cosmology on the American Frontier.” The recent study of the cosmic symbolism in the architecture of the Salt Lake Temple greatly over-emphasizes Orson Pratt’s role and brilliance as a scientist. In addition, it fails to suggest the possible influence of nineteenth century masonic astronomy on the symbolism. See C. Mark Hamilton, “The Salt Lake Temple: Symbolic Statement of Mormon Doctrine,” in Thomas G. Alexander, ed., The Mormon People, Their Character and Traditions, Charles Redd Monographs in Western History, No. 10 (Provo: BYU Press, 1980), pp. 103–27. The larger story of the study of astronomy in the nineteenth century is told in Bessie Z. Jones, Lighthouse of the Skies . . . (Washington: Smithsonian Institution, 1965). Since astronomy was the queen of the physical sciences in the nineteenth century, public interest was broad-based.
82. See the discussion in Sterling M. McMurrin, The Theological Foundations of the Mormon Religion (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1965), esp. Parts One and Two. See also Lyon, Master’s thesis, pp. 88f.
83. Pratt argued consistently that authority from heaven was the key to the correctness of the Mormon message. See JD 8:101–06 (24 June 1860); JD 12:352–62 (24 February 1868); JD 14:289–99 (27 November 1870); JD 14:137–47 (19 March 1871); JD 15:178–91 (22 September 1872); JD 17:278–88 (20 September 1874); JD 17:264–77 (15 November 1874); JD 18:41–57 (11 July 1875); JD 18:264–71 (20 August 1876); JD 18:222–29 (26 August 1876); and JD 22:27–38 (10 October 1880).
84. Orson’s essay on the Kingdom of God was an extended treatment (in the same order) of the material presented in chapter three of Parley P. Pratt’s Voice of Warning (1837). Joseph Smith’s teachings on this subject are presented in D. Michael Quinn, “The Council of Fifty and Its Members, 1844 to 1945,” BYU Studies 20 (winter 1980):163–97; and Andrew F. Ehat, “‘It Seems Like Heaven Began on Earth’: Joseph Smith and the Constitution of the Kingdom of God,” Ibid. 20 (Spring 1980):253–79.
85. The Kingdom of God and Zion, were regular topics in Pratt’s writings and speeches. See The Seer, pp. 147ff; JD 3:70–74 (8 July 1855); JD 7:210–27 (14 August 1859); JD 13:124–38 (10 April 1870); JD 15:67–76 (4 February 1872); The Seer, pp. 261–71; JD 14:343–56 (10 March 1872); JD 15:44–53 (7 April 1872); JD 15:329–41 (26 January 1873); JD 16:1–8 (7 April 1873); JD 16:78–87 (15 June 1873); JD 17:24–36 (6 April 1874); and JD 17:289–306 (7 February 1875).
86. These pamphlets were Reply to a Pamphlet Printed at Glasgow, with the “Approbation of Clergyman of Different Denominations,” entitled “Remarks on Mormonism” (Liverpool: R. James, 30 April 1849) and Absurdities of Immaterialism, or, A Reply to T. W. P. Taylder’s Pamphlet, entitled, “The Materialism of the Mormons or Latter-Day Saints, Examined and Exposed” (Liverpool: R. James, 31 July 1849).
87. Cf. the material in The Seer, pp. 265–71.
88. For Orson Pratt, the Book of Mormon was the key to Mormonism. His pamphlet on the Divine Authenticity of the Book of Mormon was an extended defense of modern revelation. He argued that to establish the truth of the Book of Mormon it must first be shown that continuing revelation is necessary, scriptural, and reasonable. The organization of the work follows a logical format: he states a proposition and then presents numerous sub-proofs for the position. Orson presents seven main propositions: (1) to expect more revelation is not unscriptural; (2) to expect more revelation is not unreasonable; (3) more revelation is indispensably necessary; (4) without further revelation, the Bible and tradition are insufficient guides; (5) the evidences of the Book of Mormon and Bible are compared; (6) the Book of Mormon is confirmed by miracles; and (7) the prophetic evidence in favor of the Book of Mormon. All of these themes appeared regularly in sermons: JD 21:128–36 (21 September 1879); JD 20:62–77 (25 August 1878); JD 7:22–38 (2 January 1859); JD 16:209–20 (28 September 1873); and JD 13:124–38 (10 April 1870). See also The Seer, pp. 257–61. Orson ended his pamphlet with his own testimony: “And I now bear my humble testimony to all the nations of the earth who shall read this series of pamphlets, that the Book of Mormon is a divine revelation, for the voice of the Lord hath declared it unto me.”
89. Throughout his work on Divine Authority he posed either/or and if/then questions.
90. The emphasis of this second series of tracts on the basic principles of Mormonism probably reflects the counsel he received from Brigham Young as he was publishing The Seer in 1854. See the letter of Orson Pratt to Brigham Young, 14 February 1854, MS in HDC. The material that appeared in his second set of pamphlets that had previously appeared in The Seer includes: “Faith,” The Seer 2 (January, February, 1854):198–204; 209–12; “Repentance,” ibid. 2 (February, March, April 1854):218–24; 233–40; 252–54; “Baptism for the Remission of Sins,” ibid. 2 (April 1854):254–56; and “Preparations for the Second Advent,” ibid. 2 (August 1854):305–20.
91. The major pamphlet works are listed in notes 29 and 38, above. There are also scores of editorials and sermons in which he pursued these themes.
92. In general, Orson Pratt fits the definition of an intellectual detailed in Richard Hofstadter, Anti-Intellectualism in American Life (New York: Vintage Books, 1963), pp. 26ff. When Leonard J. Arrington surveyed fifty Mormon scholars in 1968 concerning who were the major intellectuals in the history of the Church, Orson Pratt ranked behind B. H. Roberts for the top position. Orson even received more votes than Joseph Smith or his own brother Parley. If what we argue here is true, then we must raise doubts about the abilities of Mormon scholars today to judge accurately their own intellectual heritage. Arrington’s survey was reported in Dialogue 4 (spring 1969):22. Of course, even Pratt’s contemporaries judged his influence within Mormonism to be very great, although each probably had his own reasons. Thus, the Westminster Review [England] 59 (January 1853):118 (“History and Ideas of the Mormons”) judged both the quantity of his publications and their influence in Mormon proselyting, and recognized the need for others to produce works to counter them; while T. B. H. Stenhouse’s tributes to Pratt in Rocky Mountain Saints (1873) (ex. pp. 9–10) owe as much to Stenhouse’s use of Pratt as a foil against Brigham Young as to any objective evaluation of Pratt’s work and influence in Mormonism. Stenhouse was also paying tribute to the pamphleteer who was so influential in helping convert so many Britishers like himself to Mormonism. Edward Tullidge, in the New York World (25 September 1870) did suggest that both Parley and Orson were key figures in the development of Mormonism, but he too may have had special reasons for so claiming.
93. Letter of William Clayton to Brigham Young, 4 October 1852. MS in HDC.
94. An enlightening essay on the problem of tracing the sources of a person’s thought is Gilbert Chinard, “Jefferson Among the Philosophers,” Ethics 53 (July 1943):255–68, much of which could apply to Orson Pratt. Even with the material yet to be presented, we must remember the comments of Constance Rourke, who wrote the “‘seeds of influence’ may fall but not germinate, they may germinate but yield very different fruit amidst altered circumstances, or they may combine into hybrid forms that are essentially new and historically unprecedented.” Cited in Lawrence Cremin, American Education: The Colonial Experience (New York: Harper and Row, 1970), p. 265.
95. What is suggested here is based, in part, on Peter Crawley, “The Passage of Mormon Primitivism,” Dialogue 13 (winter 1980):26–37. I appreciate Dr. Crawley providing me with an advanced copy of this essay.
96. See “Relief Society Minutes,” 28 April 1842. MS in HDC.
97. Parley P. Pratt, The Millennium and other Poems, to which is annexed A Treatise on the Regeneration and Eternal Duration of Matter (New York: Printed by W. Molineux, 1840), pp. 105–48. Orson probably benefited from the 7 April 1843 discourse of Joseph Smith. See “Joseph Smith Diary” for that date. MS in HDC.
98. The broadside was dated San Francisco, 13 July 1852 and titled Mormonism! Plurality of Wives! An especial chapter for the especial edification of certain inquisitive news editors, etc. Photocopy in HDC. It provided a curious defense of polygamy without admitting to its practice. See also Parley’s 1855 speech to the Utah Territorial Legislature, published as Marriage and Morals in Utah (Liverpool, 1856).
99. Letter of Orson Pratt to his wife [Sarah], dated 6 January 1840, in Times and Seasons 1 (February 1840):61.
100. Times and Seasons 2 (1 August 1841):502; see also pp. 518 and 534. Three of the four works advertized were by Parley.
101. Letter of Orson Pratt to Parley P. Pratt, 12 September 1853. MS in HDC.
102. Letter of Orson Pratt to Parley P. Pratt, 2 November 1853. MS in HDC.
103. See the comments of B. H. Roberts in Improvement Era 9 (July 1906):712–13. Orson was more a disciple of the first type than of the second type.
104. Life of Brigham Young, Appendix, p. 74.
105. James E. Talmage, during his testimony at the Reed Smoot Hearings in 1905, spoke of Orson Pratt in these terms: “Many of Orson Pratt’s works are of great value . . . that is to say they present the views of a man who was a careful student and one whose utterances are worthy of consideration.” Reed Smoot Hearings, vol. 3, p. 25.
106. See, for example, M. G. F. Bitterman, “The Early Quaker Literature of Defense,” Church History 42 (June 1973):203–28.


