Lucy Mack Smith experienced the full spectrum of life’s challenges and pleasures in her lifetime. The woman who became the mother of Joseph Smith had the personality and the mental acuity that would mold her individuality as a female member of the Church of Christ. Born in July 1775 in Gilsum, New Hampshire, Lucy Mack matured, because of the influence of her mother, in a deeply religious home where the Bible and education were central. This emphasis and their familial tradition produced children who tended to focus their lives spiritually. The Macks were believers in visions, healings, and miracles. The example of Lucy’s mother and her own near miss with death generated her firm desire to provide a comparable spiritual environment in her home to teach her family to serve God.1
Lucy Mack Smith. Courtesy Church History Library.
Lucy Mack met Joseph Smith Sr. in Tunbridge, Vermont, where she was visiting her brother. They were married in 1796. Joseph Smith was an inwardly religious man but, from his familial tradition, was suspicious of organized religion. However, he supported Lucy and thus spirituality and religion occupied a premier position in Lucy’s [39] life despite her own adherence to no particular church.2 She was introduced to the Restoration through her third son, Joseph, and although older than most of the other women included here, her testimony is strikingly similar. Despite whatever initial response she may have had to Joseph and his experiences, she adapted her stores of spiritual experience to encompass the new realities she discovered daily through the articulations of her son and became a zealously devoted follower. She was officially united with the Church at her baptism in 1830 at the age of fifty-four.
Lucy was unfailingly strong-willed, knowledgeable, and willing to admonish and share her beliefs with those around her. She was also courageous. As a protective mother and an ardent believer in her son, Lucy once professed to a Presbyterian deacon, “If you should stick my flesh full of faggots, and even burn me at the stake, I would declare, as long as God should give me breath, that Joseph has got that Record [the Book of Mormon], and that I know it to be true.”3 A few months later, Lucy Smith led a group of Saints from upstate New York to Kirtland, Ohio, under extreme circumstances. She had her company board the boat in Buffalo as they watched the ice separate on Lake Erie to allow their passage. When the other groups of Saints did not follow, Lucy chided the leaders and their groups’ lack of faith.
As the mother of the Prophet, Lucy was not immune to the privations suffered by the Saints throughout their experience. She was subjected to the trials of Kirtland, Missouri, and Nauvoo. In Nauvoo she lost her husband of fifty-four years, and within [40] four years she also witnessed the passing of four of her five sons, two of whom were violently taken. Although she expressed her support of Brigham Young and the Apostles who went west, she stayed in Nauvoo after the Saints left. She died in Nauvoo, under the care of her daughter-in-law Emma in 1856, still consistent in her testimony of her son.4
Lucy’s 1831 letter to her brother, Solomon Mack, portrays her knowledge and zeal regarding the work of her son, Joseph. The letter itself is a buff-colored folded sheet written on three sides in black ink which has faded to sienna brown. The letter measures 31.8 by 38.4 centimeters and is included in the collection of the Church History Library.5 Lucy’s handwriting is petite and precise. Abounding in Book of Mormon vernacular, she testified of her beliefs and admonished her brother and his family to come to the light of the restored gospel. Her writing sets a theme for several of the letters: taste the love of God and share it.
Lucy Mack Smith to Solomon Smith, 8 January 1831. Courtesy Church History Library.
Although we are at a great distance from each other and have not had the pleasure of seeing each other for many years,8 yet I feel a great anxiety in your welfare, and especialy [41] for the welfare of your souls. and you yourselves must know that it is a thing of the greatest importance to be prepared to meet our God in peace. for it is not long before he is to make his appearance on the earth with all the hosts of heaven for to take vengance on the wicked & they that know not God. By searching the prophecies contained in the old testment we find it there prophecied that God will set his hand the seccond time to recover his people the house of Israel.
He has now commenced this work. he hath sent forth a revelation in these last days, & this revelation is called the book of Mormon. it contains the fullness of the Gospel to the Gentiles, and is sent forth to show unto the remnant of the house of Israel what great things God hath done for their fathers that they may know of the covenants of the Lord & that they are not cast off forever, and also of the convincing of both Jew and Gentile that Jesus is the <Christ the> Eternal God and manifests himself unto all nations.9 it also contains the history of a people which were led out of Jerusalem o six hundred years before the coming of Christ in the flesh.10 God seeing the wickedness of the inhabitants of Jerusalem he sent out a prophet named Lehi and commanded him to declare [un]to the people that unless they repented of their sins that the City would be destroyed but they would not hear him but sought to take away his life. therefore the Lord commanded him to take his family together with another man o named Ishmael and his family and flee out of the City and they were led by the hand of the Lord on to this continent. and they became very numerous and were a peopple highly favoured of the Lord, but there arose contentions among them and the more wicked part of them being led by one of the sons of Lehi named Laman arose up in rebellion against their bretheren and would not keep the commandments of God. therefore he sent a curse upon them and caused a dark skin to come over them. and from Laman our Indians have descended. the more righteous part of them were led by another of the sons of Lehi named Nephi he being a prophet of the Lord.11 I can not give you much of an insight into these things, but I write this that when you have an opportunity of receiving one of the books that you may not reject. for God has pronounced a curse upon all they who have an a chance to receive it and will not for by it they will be judged at the last day.12
There are many in these parts who profess to know God and to be his humble followers that when this thing is offered them they say we have bible enough and want no more but such are in the gaul of bitterness and in the bonds of iniquity and understand not the bible which they have.13 for all the holy prophets speak plainly of the gathering of the house of Israel and the coming forth of this work, and God says he will give us line upon line [42] precept upon precept here a little and there a little.14 there are more nations than one and if God would not reveal himself alike unto all nations he would be a partial. we need not suppose that we have all his words in our bible neither need we think that because he has spoken once that he can not speak again.15
Perhaps you will enquire how this revelation came forth. it has been hid up in the earth fourteen hundred years. it was placed there by Moro[ni,] one of the Nephites. it was engraven upon plates which have the appearance of gold, he being a prophet of the Lord and seeing the wickedness of the people and knowing that they must be destroyed, and also knowing that if the plates fell into the hands of the Lamanites that they would destroy them. for they sought to destroy all sacred writings therefore he hid them up in the earth, having obtained a promise of the Lord that they should come forth in his own due time unto the world.16 and I feel to thank my God that he hath spared my life to see this day. Joseph after repenting of his sins and humbling himself before God was visited by an holy Angel whose countenance was as lightening and whose garments were white above all whiteness and gave unto him com[m]andme[nts] which inspired him from on high. and gave unto him [power] by the means of which was before prepared that he should translate this this book.17 and by <reading> this this our eyes are opened that we can see the situation in which the world now stands. that the eyes of the whole world are blinded, that the churches have all become corrupted, yea every church upon the face of the earth that the Gospel of Christ is no where preached.18
this is the situation which the world is now in, and you can judge for yourselves if we did not need something more than the wisdom of men for to show us the right way. God seeing our situation had compassion upon us and has sent us this revelation that the stumbling block might be removed, that whosoever would might enter. He has now established his church upon the earth as it was in the days of the Apostles. He has now mad[e] a new and everlasting covenant with and all that will hear his voice and enter he says they shall be gathered together into a land of promise and he himself will come and reign on earth with them a thousand years. he is now sending forth his servants for to prune his viniard for the last time and wo be unto to them that will not hear them.19 there are many who think hard when we tell them that the churches have all become corrupted, [43] but the Lord God hath spoken it and who can deny his word. they are all lifted up in the pride of their hearts and think more of adorning their fine sanctuaries than they do of the poor and needy. the priests are going about preaching for money, and teaching false doctrines and leading men down to destrusction by crying peace peace when the Lord himself hath not spoken it.20
When our Saviour was upon the earth he sent forth his disciples and commanded them to preach his Gospel and these signs he said should follow them that believed, in my name the[y] shall do many wonderful works; they shall cast out devils; they shall take up serpents and if they drink any deadly thing it shall not hurt them; they shall lay hands on the sick and they shall recover.21 now where can we find these signs following they that call themselves preachers of the Gospel and why they do not follow? it surely must be because they do not believe and do not teach the true doctrine of Christ.22 for God is the same yesterday today and forever and changeth not.23
We read that at the day of Pentacost people being pricked in their hearts began to cry, saying men and brethren what shall we do. and Peter being filled with the Holy Ghost stood up and said repent every one of you and be baptised in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ for a remission of your sins and you shall receive the Holy Ghost.24 [The prom]ise was not to them alone for he goes on to say this [promise] is to you and to your children and to all. [All] are afar off [and] as many as the Lord our God shall call: therefor the promise extends unto us if we will obey his commands. Peter did not tell them to go away and mourn over their sins we<e>ks and months and receive a remission of them and then come and be baptised, but he told them first to repent and be baptised and the promice was they should receive a remission of their sins and the gift of the Holy Ghost. and this is the Gospel of Christ, and his church is established in this place and also in the Ohio. there has been three hundred added to the church in the Ohio within a few weeks and ther are some added to this church almost daily.25 the work is spreading very fast.
I must now close my letter by entreating you as one that feels for your souls to seek an interets in Christ and when you have an opportunity to receive this work do not reje<c>t it but read it and examine for yourselves. I will now bid you farewell and I want you to some of you come here or write immediately for we expect to go away to the Ohio early [44] in the spring.26 If you write this winter you may direct your letters to Waterloo Seneca County. I want you to think seriously of these things for they are the truths of the Living God. Please to accept this from your Sister Lucy Smith.
Advertised July 1 To be left at Keen[e]27 post office
In June 1830, amidst harassment, a young widow was baptized a member of the newly formed Church of Christ in a dammed river in Colesville, New York.31 Phebe Crosby was born in March 1800 to Elisha Crosby and Susan Lowell at Unadilla, Otsego County, New York.32 Phebe married Benjamin Peck about 1819 and had five children before his death in 1829.33 They lived in Bainbridge, New York, and after her husband was gone she remained close to his extended family living nearby.34 Benjamin’s family comprised a good portion of those baptized with Phebe and who became known as the Colesville Saints. They were persecuted from the time of their baptisms until the oppression reached an apex and they left New York the following April.
Phebe left Colesville with the other Saints for Thompson, Ohio, in search of a reprieve from the persecution. Thompson held just a brief recess for them from troubles and tribulations. The original good will of Leman Copley, inviting the worn-down group to his farm to live, was short lived. After Copley’s disenchantment with the Church and [46] the personal difficulties of the Colesville Saints, they were on the move again within a couple of months. With hopes of Zion fresh in their minds, they were some of the first Saints to settle in Jackson County, Missouri.
The Colesville group was an integral part of the first migration to Zion. Phebe and her family were active members of the Kaw Township congregation in Missouri where she taught her children the principles of the gospel and supported her family as a tailoress.35 Then, after fourteen years of providing for her family alone, Phebe married Joseph Knight Sr., following the death of his first wife, Polly Peck Knight, Phebe’s sister-in-law.36 They had two children together for a total of sixteen, though most of Joseph and Polly’s children were already living outside the home at the time of their marriage. Joseph was twenty-eight years Phebe’s senior.37
Phebe experienced the expulsion of the Saints from Jackson County, the later difficulties in northern Missouri, the move to Nauvoo and life there, and the martyrdom of Joseph and Hyrum Smith. Joseph Knight Sr. died in 1847. After his death Phebe [47] married Cornelius P. Lott in another custodial relationship.38 Thereafter, Phebe spent her time with her children and their families until her death in 1849.39
The historical record does not supply us with many specific details of Phebe’s life, but her 1832 letter provides a detailed account of her experience and fervor for the restored gospel during a time of reflection and relative peace in Zion. She was candid as she shared her beliefs and plainspoken in her censure and admonition to her non-Mormon family members who had not accepted the message of the Restoration. The location of the original letter is unknown, although the Church History Library possess a fine photocopy of it.40 The photocopy suggests that the original document was one folded sheet, 27.5 × 38 centimeters, written on three sides in meticulous penmanship in dark ink.
I received your letter Jan. 22 which gave me great pleasure.43 I esteemed it as a blessing to have the priveledge of hearing from you. once more you must forgive my negligence in not writing before as I have been busily engaged in business, but I shall now attempt to writte you the sentiments of my heart in the fear of my God. I can realize that I am seperated a great distance from you, but yet my mind will often tra[v]el back to the place of your abode. but Anna, it is not because I wish myself back, but it is because of the feelings I have for <you> and the rest of my relatives in that part of <the> world.44 yes, we are seperated by roling bellows of water but the Lord’s protecting hand has been over us through all of our travels and has brought us safely to this land where I shall spend the remainder of my days and if I ever see you again it will be upon this land and I will assure you it would be a joyful meeting to us all.45
I well remember the last time I saw you when I took my leave of you the sensations of my Heart at that time I think will never be forgotten by me. although I did not know when I left that I should be called to come thus far and I presume it has bee[n] that which has caused you to <almost> wonder, but did you know as I know—concerning our leaving Ohio46—you would not but you do not. neither can I tell you but this much I can say, that did you know of the things of God and <could you> receive the blessings I have from the hand of the Lord you would not think it a hardship to come here.
for the Lord is revealing the misteries of the heavenly Kingdom unto his Children.47 and these blessings in your state of unbelief you can not enjoy but you may yet have the priveledge if you have not entirely heardened your heart against these things. and I would exhort you not to regect annother call you have been called to repent of your sins and obey the gospel. you have been convicted from time to time but you could not give [49] up all for christ and now I feel to say that if you do not give up all and follow your Lord and and Master you will not be made worthy to partake of the Celestial glories in the kingdom of our God.48 I hope you will think of <these> things and ponder them in your Heart for they are of great worth unto the Children of Men.
I must tell you the joyful news of the workings of the <Lord> among the Children. we have had the pleasing view of beholding eleven Chldren from 8 years old to 14 go down into the water in obedience to the commands of God, among whom was my three oldest.49 can we not rejoice in seeing the rising generation growing up in the knowledge of the Lord. and I think by giving them good instructions they will grow up and be strong in faith. they will arise and testify what the Lord has done for them in the pre<s>ance of a congregation of people.50 Hezekiah says he enjoyes himself well. he will take up his cross and pray in the family when asked.51 My Children are all con[t]ented and I am very thankful for it.52 Henrietta and Sarah express a great desire to see you.
I have not gone to kepping house as yet but I expect to next fall. My h<e>alth is tolerable good and also the health of all our friends. I must draw to a close by requesting you to give my love to your Husband and Miss Pollard53 and all enquireing friends. Phebe Peck
it is with a thankful Heart for the preservation of my life and <for> the priveledge of writing to you that I desire to improve these moments. I often think of you while in my lonely meditation and sometimes it will cause a deep sigh to burst forth from my bosom thinking that perhaps I never shall see you again while in this world. and again <when> I think I have forsaken all for Christ, it bri<n>gs consolation that surpasses the grief. on the other hand, you must realize, my sister, that nothing but the mercies of God and his consolating spirit that has upheld me while passing through the trials of parting with my near and dear friends.55 and could you but see and believe as I do the way would be opened and you wold come to this land and we should behold each other and rejoice in the things of God for this is A day of rejoiceing and also a day of mourning.56
We rejoice when we realize the wonderful works of our Heavnly Father and his dealings towards his children. yes, I rejoice in the commands and revelations57 that has be<e>n given in these last days. and again I feel to mourn many times because of the unbelief of the children of men. I feel to rejoice with those that rejoice and to weep with those that weep.
Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon made us A visit last spring and we had many joyful meetings while they were here and we had many misteries unfolded to our view which gave me great consolation.58 we could view the condeseendsion of God <in prepareing> masions of peace for his children and whoso will not receive the fullness of the gospel and stand as valient soldiers in the cause of christ cannot dwell in the preasence of unintelligible the Father and <the> Son. but there is a place prepared for all who do not receive, but it is a place of <much> lesser glory then to dwell in the Celestial kingdom.59 I shall not attempt to say anny farther concerning these things as they are now in print and ar[e] going forth to the world and you perhaps will have an opportunity [51] of reading for your self and if you do I hope you will read with a careful and a prayerful heart for these things are worthy of notice. and I desire that you may search into them for it is <that> which lends to our happiness in this world and in the world to come.
You perhaps would like to know something about my situation—I can tell you I have plenty to eat, drink, and to wear and enjoy as good health as I did in Bainbridge. we have good water and this is a delightful country. we can raise <our> own cotton and flax and all things that the heart can wish. Hezekiah is now at work with one of the Brothers in the church and has earned seven dollars in five weeks. the rest of the Children live with me. they often speak of their cousins in that place and wish me to send their best love to you and your children. I must finish my letter but I would warmly requst you to write for my anxiety is great to hear from you. please to give my respects to my Brothers and tell them not to forget that they have A sister in Missouri.60 I add no more. P Peck
Independence Mo. Aug. 11th Mr. Stephen B Pratt South Bainbridge, Chenengo County, NY [52]
Almira Mack Scobey Covey
Almira Mack was born in April 1805 in Tunbridge, Vermont, eight months before the birth of her cousin Joseph Smith Jr.61 She was the youngest child of twelve children born to Temperance Bond and Major Stephen Mack.62 As a young girl she was educated in New England private schools. Then in 1822, Almira moved with her family to the frontier of Michigan.63 Her father founded Pontiac, Michigan.
Almira Mack Scobey Covey. Courtesy Church History Library.
In 1831, Almira went to visit her aunt Lucy Mack Smith. She quickly accepted the message of her cousin and was baptized as the thirty-sixth member of the Church. In Kirtland, Almira married William Scobey in 1831. William returned with Almira and Lucy Mack to Michigan. They had one child together, Stephen Henry, who died after two months. Then just a few months later, her new husband, William, died.
Three years later, the young widow married Benjamin Covey in October 1835. They had four boys together, though the third, Andrew Almon, died after less than a year.64 In Nauvoo, Almira cared for several people in addition to her own family.65 She frequently took in children and older women. The martyrdom of her cousins, Joseph and [53] Hyrum Smith, in 1844 devastated Almira. She lamented to her sister Harriet as she described the deaths, “Your trouble you think is a[s] much as you can bear, but it is not like Aunt Lucy’s. . . . There two of the noblest men on earth were slain and for what? Was it for crimes that they had committed? I answer no: but it was because they professed the religion of Jesus Christ.”66 After their deaths, Almira remained dedicated to their cause.
In Winter Quarters, Nebraska, Benjamin was accused of attempting to seduce two young girls and, as a result, was excommunicated from the Church. Although he quickly cleared himself and was reinstated, the charges surely had great effect on Almira.67 Meanwhile, they were both also coping with difficult health problems. After a year at Winter Quarters, they crossed the plains in the Lorenzo Snow company, arriving in the Salt Lake Valley in 1848. In Utah Almira continued to have difficulties with her health. She had some sort of nervous disorder, but she maintained her grip on life for several more years. She held the distinction of being the longest member of the Church for a considerable number of years. She finally died in Salt Lake City in 1886 at the age of eighty-one.
The location of the original letter is in the University of Michigan Archives at Ann Arbor.68 In her letter, Almira shares her experience of life in Missouri. She demonstrates some of the initial differences with the Latter-day Saints and the Missourians—differences that provided a basis for the forthcoming problems in [54] Missouri. She also shares with Harriett her conviction of the “old story” of Mormonism. Almira demonstrates an assurance in her decision to leave her family in Michigan and follow the Mormons despite her present disheartening circumstances.
I received you letter together with Johns and Mrs Coopers with much satisfaction being very glad to hear from you all.71 I have also received one from Almon and Mr. Dorts family;72 when I wrote to you last my health was poor but I think that it is gaining slowly. I feel well satisfied with this country and am well contented but still I should like it much better if my relatives were all here and I hope that we shall see the day when we shall meet again.
I think you would be pleased with this country, it is pleasant, and it is a good place to get a living there is plenty of grain of all kinds a plenty of meat, milk, and butter, etc. and we have a plenty of Hackberries, blackberries, strawberries, gooseberries, mulberries, blue grape, little wine grape and frost grape, priscimons, black and red haws, paupaus, raspberries, wild plums, hickory nuts, walnuts, chinkipins, pickans, and some apples and sweet potatoes: but I must say that the society of the Missourians is not so agreeable as I have seen. When I speak of the Missourians I mean the old Inhabitants which are mostly southern people, and their living is mostly bacon and dodgers; perhaps you may be as ignorant about the dodgers as I was, but I will tell you what they are. They are a sort of Johnny cake made of corn meal, this They eat in prefferance to wheat which makes it much better for our eastern people which like wheat best.
Our people that came from Michigan are all well except some of Bro. Fosdick’s family which have the ague. Mary is with them and I am with L. Curtis.73 I saw a man a few days since that saw N[oss] W Mack a short time ago at Boonsville about 100 miles from this place, he mentioned our family to him he said he was well acquainted with us and Father was his own uncle, and he told him that he should write to me soon.74 and when I [55] get the letter I will send you the news. He said Mr. Mack was trading in that place and doing well.75 Bro. O’Houghton started last week for Michigan and he promised me that he would call and see you all.
Remember me to Richard and tell him his Aunt Almira often thinks of him and was much surprised to hear that he was again married so soon.76 If you have heard from Stephen I wish you would let me know where he is for I have heard nothing from him and do not know where he is so that I can write to him.77 Tell Mr. Whittemore that I should like when you write to have a line from him if he can afford it and also from the children: tell James I want to know how his leg gets along and if he can walk without his crutches, and ask George if he wants to see somebody.78 Tell Mother that I should like another letter from her, and tell her I hope to see her on this land if the Lord spares our lives.79 I have learnt by the papers that Michigan has declared war against Ohio but I do not know as this information is correct, if it is so you will probably know and I wish you to write me about it.80 Charlotte wishes to be remembered to you and enquiring friends and I presume that Mary would if she knew I was writing.81 Charlotte says if you know anything about Delia she wished you to write it when you write to me. Give my respects to Mr. Stanley’s and Mr. Buckland’s familys—and also to Mrs Comstock, Mrs. Newcome, and all who take the trouble to enquire for me.82
Now Harriet I do not know what else to write about unless it is about Mormonism (as many call it) and perhaps you will think this to be an old story, but if it is with you it is not with me, my faith is as strong as ever in this thing, and I rejoice that the Lord has suffered me to live in this day when this word has come forth to the children of men. for [56] it ever has been my desire since my remembrance to be prepared to enter into the kingdom of heaven, but how to attain to this blessing I did not know until I heard the ways of salvation proclaimed by this people who are reproached freely called Mormons. and if I hold out faithful unto the end I shall have reason in Eternity to praise the Lord for sparing my life to this day. but I am liable to go astray and I may yet prove unfaithful and be numbered with the foolish Virgins and be cast out of the kingdom; but if I am, I alone shall be to blame for I have had great privileges, and the Lord has given me much light and bestowed many spiritual blessing upon me.
therefore it depends upon my faithfulness if I obtain a crown of Celestial Glory.83 Perhaps some may think me deluded and feel to pity me, but will soon know the truth of these things, for great things await this generation; and it is for this reason that I feel so anxious for you and the rest of my friends, for behold the coming of our Saviour is nigh at hand, and this generation will not pass away until he will appear in his glory and we ought to be prepared for that day, although we may not either of us live to see that day; yet if we wish to be happy we must be prepared for it whether in life or death we may abide the day. for when he comes his Saints who have slept in death will arise and come with him and live on earth a thousand years, while the wicked have to remain in their graves until the thousand years are expired. then they will have to appear before the judgement seat of Christ.
Harriet, I want you to write me about what you think about these things, for I do no think it is time that you were preparing for death, judgement and Eternity, for we do not know how soon we may be called to leave this world.
Remember me to Mrs Bent if there, tell her Mary is well.84 Tell Sister Kellogg that I am looking for a letter from her every mail, she requested Mary to write about little Bathia Fordham tell her she is with me and is well and a good girl and often speaks of her and little Mormon.85 I should like very well to have you here to eat strawberries and mulberries with us for they are very are now ripe and a plenty of them. the mulberries grow on very large trees and look and taste like blackberries. I wish you to write me often and accept this from your sister.
Harriet Whittemore Almira Scobey
P.S. The Church in this land live in peace at this time. The inhabitants of this and the surrounding countries are friendly except the people in Jackson. They are now selling their slaves thinking that this will soon become a free state.
Almira
[Postmark] 13 June Liberty, MO [57]
Rebecca Swain Williams Kimball
Rebecca Swain was the youngest of the nine children of Isaac Fisher and Elizabeth Hall Swain, born in Loyalsock, Pennsylvania, in 1798.86 Her mother died while she was young, and the family moved around the Northeast until they settled in Niagara County, New York, where her father remarried. When Rebecca was seventeen, as she crossed Lake Ontario to visit her sister Sally Clark in Detroit, she met the tall, dark-eyed pilot of the ship, Frederick Granger Williams. Frederick called often at the Clark home, and he and Rebecca were married in late 1815.87 Frederick and Rebecca, who had four children, moved around the great Western Reserve of Ohio before finally settling in Kirtland Mills, Ohio, in 1828 or 1829. There, Frederick took up the practice of medicine.88 As Frederick worked, Rebecca aided him with his patients and learned medical terms and treatments.
On their journey west in the fall of 1830, Oliver Cowdery, Parley P. Pratt, Ziba Peterson, and Peter Whitmer Jr. stopped in Kirtland. Rebecca and Frederick were members of Sidney Rigdon’s Campellite congregation in the community. Like many other followers of Rigdon, they listened with interest to the missionaries. Rebecca attended all of their private meetings with her four children, accompanied by her husband when his work schedule would permit. She was convinced of the truthfulness of [58] Mormonism and was soon baptized. Frederick needed more convincing. He decided for a time to leave it alone but could not and was eventually baptized after Rebecca.89
Frederick was very enthusiastic about his new religion, and the day after his baptism, he left on a mission to Missouri with Oliver Cowdery. Though he planned to return after three weeks, Rebecca did not see him for ten months. Between her husband’s calling in Joseph Smith’s First Presidency and his missionary efforts, for Rebecca, like many early Mormon women, this would be the beginning of many long months of caring for her family without the aid of her husband. Rebecca’s youngest son, Ezra, was her support during his father’s absence and throughout the rest of Rebecca’s life.
With the missionary zeal of a new convert, after her baptism Rebecca eagerly wrote to her father to inform him of her new-found faith. She was devastated when only a thin letter of response came back to her. Her news infuriated her father, and he insisted that she leave the Church. When she would not, she was disowned and her father vowed to cut off all communication with her.90 Evidenced by the remnant of this 1834 letter to her half-brothers and her father, the threat was not carried out. In her 1835 patriarchal blessing Rebecca was promised, “in consequence of thy prayers and tears, thou shalt yet prevail, and the Lord will give thee thy father’s family who are far from the way of [59] Salvation. But the Lord will bare his arm and show mercy unto them in making thy husband a Savior unto them.”91 She held hope for this throughout her life.
Frederick and Rebecca gave liberally of their time and means to the building up and protecting of the Church in Kirtland. Before Joseph and Emma Smith’s own home was finished in Kirtland, they lived across the street with the Williamses. One day, as a mob came and surrounded the home, Rebecca astutely dressed Smith in her bonnet and cloak, and he was able to leave the house and pass through the crowd to safety. In March 1832 Rebecca and Frederick spent the night removing the tar from Smith’s body after he was mobbed in Hiram, Ohio, allowing him to be ready to preach before a large congregation the next morning.
According to historian Andrew Jenson, during the difficulties in Kirtland in 1837 Frederick succumbed to “improper influences.”92 As a result he was rejected as a counselor in the First Presidency at Far West, Missouri, in November 1837, and subsequently excommunicated. Although there is no record of Rebecca and Frederick’s relationship or Rebecca’s feelings during this time of strain, Rebecca remained stalwart in her defense of Joseph Smith and the Restored Church. Rumors of Frederick’s dissent reached her father in Niagara, and he promptly wrote her a letter to welcome Rebecca back into the family. When Rebecca’s reply arrived, Isaac took the letter, sat in a corner, and after reading her response slowly shook his head and said, “Not a word of repentance!”93[60]
Frederick was eventually rebaptized and died in full fellowship in 1842 at Quincy, Illinois. Rebecca lived the rest of her life as a faithful member of the Church. She received temple ordinances alongside her son Ezra and was sealed by proxy to Frederick 7 February 1846 in the Nauvoo Temple. Shortly before the journey to Utah, she married Heber C. Kimball as a plural wife, though she was considered a wife in name only.94 She initially lived in Salt Lake City, helping her son Ezra with his medical practice before moving to Mill Creek. She later helped colonize Utah’s Cache Valley with her children and grandchildren. Her life ended there when she died of consumption at Smithfield, Utah, on 25 September 1861.
Rebecca’s 1834 letter to her father and step-brothers, only a fragment of which survives, portrays a woman who feels and knows what she is witnessing. She greatly desired to see her patriarchal prophecy come to fruition, provoking her to do whatever was in her power to aid it. In the face of adversity she did not cower. Her strength and conviction are unambiguous. The original letter is one buff-colored sheet, 19.4 × 31.1 centimeters, written with chestnut ink, presumably the last page of the letter. Her elegant script flows with small flourishes. The original is housed in the Church History Library.95
Rebecca Swain Williams Kimball to Isaac Fisher Swain, 1834. Courtesy Church History Library.
. . . he got on [h]is jo<ur>ney, I have been reading over your letter of May the 23 which I have read over again and again.96 it gives me pain to here that your mind is so much [61] disturbed about the Book of Mormon and the Star.97 I feal <a>fraid my Father is in some degree gitting into the same Spirit you charge the Editor with, as it regaards to the origen of the Book of Mormon. their their is no disagreement in the Book betwin the Author and the witnesses.98 the Book pla[i]n[l]y shoes for it self Pa 547 and 548 and unto three shall [page torn] be shone shown by the power of God.99 there is no con[tra]diction. the plaits was found in the same manner that the Auther sayes they was in the town of Manchestor, Ontario County. I have heard the same storry from several of the family and from the three witnesses them Selves.100 I heard them declair in publick meeting that they saw an Holly Angel come down from heaven and brought the plaits and laid them before their eyes and told them that those was the plaits that Joseph Smith was translation the Book of Mormon from. they are men of good character and their word is belived ware they are acquainted in eny thing excep[t] when they declair to this unbeliveng Generation that they have seen an angel of God and conversed with him.
my Father, I hardly know what to say to you. did you and Mother know the Circumstances as we do in relation to this work, I am persuaded you would bele belive it. my heart morns for my relation acording to the flesh, but all I can do is to commend them to God praying that he would enliten your minds in the way of truth. [62]
there is one of our Breathern who expe[c]ts to go to Canada soon.101 I have talked with him about going to see you, if he does I hope you will have aplesant visit with him as he is a man of information capable of teaching the Gosple as it is in Jesus.
my Dear Father do you belive that all the Churches are of the Lord? the Lord has said by the mouth of [h]is Serva<n>t Joseph that this is the only Church upon the face of the whole earth with which the Lord was well pleased with, speaking unto the Churches collectively and not individually. for I the Lord can not look upon sin with the least degree of allowance. nevertheless he that repenteth and doeth the commandments of the Lord shall be forgiven and he that repenteth not from him shall be taken even the light which h he hath received. for my Spirit shall not always strive with man saith the Lord of hosts.102as <so> than we see all that are pure in heart the Lord will bless.
I want my Brothers to write to me.103 I pray the Lord to comfort you in your last day witth his holy Spirit and may they be your best days.104 my Children join me in love to you. I must close my letter to ever remember the instruction matter <that> I have received from my beloved Father. yours <in love>, R. Williams
do write to us soon, I hope your mind will be composed concerning this work. be asureard that we feal firm in the cause knowing that the Lord is at the helm and will th turn and over turn tell all things shall be brought <to> pass and Iseral shall again rejoice in the Lord.
Rec’d June 12. 1834 Mr Isaac Swain, Youn[g]stown, New York Ni[agara] Co106[63] [Editor’s note: page 64 is blank in the original thesis.]
Lovina Fairchild Wilson
Lovina Fairchild was born to Eunice and Stephen Fairchild on 10 February 1773 in Arlington, Vermont.107 She married Deliverance Wilson Jr. in 1789 when she was sixteen. They had twelve children together, yet only four reached adulthood. Her husband was a prosperous farmer. They provided an ample education for their children, and several became teachers.
As a young man of twenty-seven, George, Lovina’s fifth child and second son, became seriously ill with consumption. He heard of Joseph Smith and sought him out. Upon introduction, Smith gave him a Book of Mormon. George read the book, believed what it taught, and decided to unite with the small group of Saints. At the time of his baptism, he was in the final stages of consumption; his clothes hung on his body. After his baptism he recovered from the consumption. He and his family considered it a miracle directly related to his baptism.
After George’s conversion to the Church of Christ, he returned to his family and taught them of his new religion. Lovina and her family then moved with George to Kirtland. In February and March 1836 Lovina, Deliverance, and Paul were also baptized. Lovina was sixty-three. The Wilsons journeyed with the Saints through the difficulties of Missouri and then escaped to Nauvoo. She died of a fever in August 1843 in Nauvoo at the age of seventy.108[65]
The location of the original letter is unknown. The Church History Library has a typescript collection of the Wilson’s letters.109 This particular letter is written by Lovina, though probably penned by Paul, her youngest son, and is included in the collection with notes from her husband and Paul. She writes to Edmund Waite, a relative in Vermont. In the letter, she characterizes her conversion experience after the return of George. She focuses on gifts of the Spirit such as prophesying, speaking in tongues, and healing that she believed existed in the Church of Christ because Joseph Smith possessed the authority of God to restore such gifts.
To you whom I have left in St. Albans—much beloved and desired may this meet in the bonds of the same friendship as they left the author of them. I remember the engagement to you whom I have left in Vt. I still feel an ardor of a Mother’s love growing in my heart. It is not the distance of miles, no, nor, the distance of time that can ever extinguish that warmth of feeling, that anxiety for your welfare which seems to be inherent in my heart. I am in better health now than when I left Highgate, having found faith and sustainence by the numerous trials and applications that have attended me all my past life. which I doubt not are so many “blessings in disguise” to bring me to obey the Gospel commands and call is well. which may the burning Love assist me to do before I go hence and am numbered among the dead.111 The “times of prophesing” has truly come from the Lord. May we all pass into it and be really acquainted with the freedom of truth that we may go on our way rejoicing.
March 19, 1836 this day I have taken upon me the Baptismal—now having been baptized for the remission of my sins. And I verily trust “tis ratified in heaven”. I have had a very tryin winter; have been gracioulsy protected by the Father of Mercies in [66] which I do and will rejoice. We expect to move to the village Kirt 2-1/2 miles in a few weeks.112 I have no need of gifts and blessing from God, for such gifts could come no other way. I heard a man speak in tongues soon after I moved here. He was an elder in the Church—was convinced pretty much that it was the work of God. I comtemplated on it with my heart lifted up in prayer to know these things, saying in my heart “how is it, Lord?” As I was musing and seeking with my while heart on Saturday eve Dec. 13, it was said to my mind “you can speak in tongues if you do but believe”. I reflected and said in my heart, “I do believe”. I tried and was filled with words I understand not—language in many tongues I know not. I cannot understand much of it myself.
April 5 I had feast to the Lord and it was a blessed meeting—we had prophesying, speaking with tongues, interpretation of tongues to the astonishment of many present.113 I can only hint at grandure and sublimity of the scene. Suffice it to say the blessings of the Lord was there in very deed (It was in our neighborhood).114
Many things were prophecyed among other it was told that your whole family would come into the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, in which I do rejoice.115 May the Lord bless you all and may you all bless the Lord and obey him. “To obey my voice and live” says the good word of God.116 We have had many witnesses of healing (the gift of healing). Have a man who has been crazy for years, kept chained, was continually raving, crying, &c &c, was recently restored to his right mind by faith &c of th Church (he lived in town).
A young man in our house was taken violently ill with extreme headache, stomach sickness, dizziness attended with high fever, cold chills, loss of appetite. Soon after was seized with dreadful pain all over, but kept courage and strength to set up and walk some | _____ | till from Friday till Sunday, when growing worse sent for the elders who came in the evening (April 30, prayed and laid hands on him when his pain left him instantly his (just before morning) fever left him in a profuse sweat, got up off his bed immediately and has not suffered any from pain since & is able to work. May the Lord open your hearts to understand the truth.
April 19. I now continue my letter. We are all well as usual. Pa and Paul make sugar.117 George has gone to Toldeo, way Lake Erie 100 mo.118 Marcia is very well.119 We have [67] left the use use of Tobacco and Tea agreeable to the “Word of Wisdom”, which is a revelation with promise &c.120 I could write much concerning worldly affairs, likewise concerning relation which are all well for aught I know. ’Tis hard times in this place, so many moving in.121 We have been mercifully preserved through the winter which is said to be the hardest known to the oldest settlers (yet robins and blue birds have been about in every month through the winter, so warm and spring like—Paul) We have had great concern for your welfare, expecting the winter to be much harder with you than it ever has been according to newspaper accounts | _____ | .122 But I must close for present. With regard to our journey here, we had every blessing we could hope for or expect. We still hope that He blessed you as we are blessed | _____ | farewell, do not grieve for me | _____ | I am happy in[?]c.
Lovina Wilson [68]
Mary Ann Angell Young
On 8 June 1808, Phebe Ann Morton and James William Angell had their third child and their first daughter, Mary Ann Angell, in Providence, Rhode Island.123 As a youth Mary Ann worked in a factory in Providence and taught Sunday school at a Free-Will and a Baptist Church. In her mid-twenties she listened to Thomas B. Marsh, a Mormon missionary and obtained a Book of Mormon.124 Although her interest was initially casual, she said that even before she read the book, she felt a deep imprint on her soul that told her the book was true. She said this feeling was so powerful that she never doubted the truth of the Book of Mormon after that point.
Mary Ann Angell Young. Courtesy Church History Library.
She circulated the Book of Mormon among her family and friends and was baptized by John P. Greene in 1832. Her parents also joined with the Mormons, as did several of her relations. While her parents were content in their familiar surroundings, Mary wanted to continue her search for more truth, and she believed that for this she must gather with the body of the Saints in Kirtland.
When Mary Ann arrived in Kirtland she worked in the homes of some of the wealthier Saints. She first met recent convert Brigham Young at a particular fast and testimony meeting in Kirtland.125 By all accounts, through some spiritual experience at this meeting, they both left knowing that they were to be married. Brigham was widowed [69] two years previously and had two little girls.126 After a short courtship, they were married 18 February 1834. Mary Ann faithfully cared for the girls. Brigham later said of Mary Ann, she “took charge of my children, kept my house, and labored faithfully for the interest of my family and the kingdom.”127
Six days after their marriage, Brigham left Mary Ann to go with Zion’s Camp to Jackson County, Missouri. In the weeks before leaving, he hurried to provide for Mary Ann and the two girls. Mary Ann spent her first years of marriage essentially without a husband. Throughout that time, she consistently took in others in need.128 She had her first child, Joseph Angell Young, shortly after Brigham returned from Missouri.129
Brigham was called to the Quorum of the Twelve apostles in 1835 after Zion’s Camp. He then left on a mission to the eastern states for five months. Similarly, the next year he was gone for six months. His earliest extant letter was written to Mary Ann, “My whife my Companion in tribulation and in the Kingdom,” in June 1836. He wrote:
What shal I say to you to comfert your hart. I Pray for you and I feele that the Lord will bles you and keep you from danger and bare you upon the arms of faith. Tell the Children that I remember them in my Prares. I Pray the Lord to giv you streng[t]h and wisdom in all things. Let me say to Elizibeth be a good girl and mind your mother and be good to Vilate and letle Joseph and I [k]now you will be. Vilate be a good girl and mind your Mother and studdy your book. . . . Mary Kiss that lettle son of ours and tell him to make hast[e] and groe so he can goe with me. . . . When I shall see you is unknown to me. If enney [of] the Brethern inquire about me tell them I am doing as well as I can. So Fair Well. The Lord bless you.130[70]
Brigham’s love and concern for Mary Ann and the family is plainly manifest, though constancy of this love does not erase the constant strain on Mary Ann of life without a husband physically at her side. Amazingly, Brigham was there for the births of their children amidst a constant pattern of missions and traveling for the Church. Then in 1837, as a result of the apostasy and anxiety in Kirtland, Brigham fled without his family. Mary Ann had to provide for herself and the children and they hovered close to starvation. A mob blitzed the home, tore it apart, and terrified the children. Mary Ann was also worried about Brigham and searched for him. This all deeply afflicted her—emotionally and physically. She called it the “severest trial of [her] life.”131
Again, during the extermination from Missouri, Mary Ann was left to fend for herself and her children. Brigham was responsible for an orderly exodus from Missouri and alone Mary Ann acquired her own wagon and hired a brother in the Church to help her prepare for the move. She sat in the front of the wagon holding one baby in each arm, Brigham Young Jr. and Mary. They were the youngest of five at the time. During the trip, the wagon hit a rut causing Mary Ann to lose her hold on Mary. She flew and landed on the ground and the wagon wheel rolled over her head. The driver picked up the baby and decided she could not live. Mary Ann responded, “Don’t prophesy evil, brother, take the other child.” While she prayed she pressed the little head back into shape. The baby Mary lived and healed quickly.132[71]
Mary Ann had six children, five who lived to adulthood. While Brigham would marry a total of thirty-seven other women, Mary Ann always maintained a chosen position. In a letter to Mary Ann, Brigham expressed, “I think that the Lord has blessed me with one of the best famelyes [families] that eney [any] man ever had on the Earth.”133 Her three sons were ordained as apostles as teenagers to maintain the primacy of Brigham’s first family and ensure that his posterity would be in the upper echelons of church leadership.134 She died in Salt Lake City in 1882, five years after Brigham’s death, at the age of seventy-four.
Mary Ann wrote this letter during one of Brigham’s many absences. In May of 1835 the Twelve Apostles, of which Brigham was head, traveled on a mission to the eastern states. The original letter is found in the Church History Library and is in excellent condition. The letter measures 38.8 x 31.3 centimeters and is written in charcoal ink in lightly scripted petite penmanship. Mary was consistently positive despite her material hardships and the absence of Brigham. She continually worked to provide an optimal situation for her family and to support Brigham in his duties despite the suffering that surrounded them.
Mary Ann Angell Young to Brigham Young, 31 August 1835. Courtesy Church History Library.
I set down a few lines to you this morning to let you know we are all in good health and that I received your letter Dated August the 1. I much rejoiced to receive news from you that <you had> even arrived to the place where I have spent the scenes of my child hood and that you Were in Good health and Spirits.136 you wrote that home looked sweet to you. I need not tell you that your society is would make home much more pleasant to me. But I well <know> the Lord has called you to go far away to proclaim his everlasting gospel so through his assisting <grace> I do not feel to repine att my lot. I herd of your long jorney you had to travel on foot from Canady.137 I think you have been ble<s>t with ranging the country with great speed.
We was all very thankful to hear from Valentine folks & to hear that you had the privilede of warning the people in that vicinity.138 I hope there will be many that will come in to the kingdom of our Lord & his Christ in that place. I hope [you] [w]ill remember to tell me all about the people there. give my best love to all that enquire after me. you wrote to me if there was any thing I wanted to let you know—Id like to have you buy one ounce of Nutmeggs or any thing else that would be useful. if you see any Silk that you would like for a winter <Bonnet> for me you may get it if you please. but do just as you think best about getting any thing. I dont want you to have any trouble about any such things while you are abroad proclaiming this great work to the World. I was much rejoiced last thursday evening by receiving two letters from you—one from Bradford and the other wirtten in Boston.139
I have not seen Brother Caraco or Sister Ramand but I have heard she is coming back this week to pay me a visit. You wanted I should write some news from kirtland. I have not time <to rite> much for little Joseph is very woresome as he is cutting teeth.140 he comes to me while I am writ<ing> and hangs hold of my cloaths and begs me to take him, so you must excuse all that is not agreeable to your mind. there are many things I wanted to say to you but cannot write them now. I trust a time will Come when we shall meet face to face and convers to gether before long.
Mr Bump has risen up in open rebellion against President Joseph Smith, but there was <not> many that had much confidence in what he said.141 there has some been labored [73] with and have confessed their faults.142 The house is improving by the work there is doing on it.143 there was a man that joined the church not long since since one thousands Dollars for the house, he proved a wolf in sheeps cloathing. he had no money to give.
Brother Joseph P. Young is expected to be in Mass[achusetts], about this time.144 Br Hyde Bishop has moved here from Lima he brought a letter from Truman, my Brother in wheetland.145 they were all in good health. Sister Angelina Works has come to this place and is teaching school to the Printing office.146 She and her Mother and Sister Bonney have all been Baptzed into this church.147 Br John Young has gone to assist his children in moving on here.148 I saw your father yesterday, he and Mother was in good health and Spirits.149 he Sends his best love to <you> and wants to see you very much. My father has calculated keeping for the cow. he bought hay and cut it. I payed two Dollars & a half of the Monney you sent. I could not have hay put by my Self for father is altering Barn.
You <wanted> me to tell you about my afares—I am comfortable for this two months or more to come. I am Spining a peace of cloath to cloathe my children for winter.150 your [74] two Daughters send their best love to you.151 Your litle son talks about his dady evry day more or less.152 allthough you complained of my letter being so short before when I wrote I must close with saying I have not Ma[r]veled because you have writen to me at any time. But I am very thankful to you for improving the opertunity of Senting few lines when you could. if you do not return soon to this place do not neglect to write to me. Faretheewell. I am yours affectionately.
Mary A Young
To Brigham Young
Mother wants you should tell Valentine & Mama that she is very [happy] to hear they are in good health and well off.153 tell them our folks all send their best respects to them & want they should be shure and write often. I hope you will excuse my letter and receive it from yours.
Mary A Young to Brigham Young
Kirtland Mills 25 Sept 2 Brigham Young North Providence Fruit Hill To the care of Valentine Young R I Kirtland Aug 31, 1835 Mary A. Young [75]
Mary Fielding Smith
Mary Fielding was born on 21 July 1801 in Honidon, Bedfordshire, England.154 She was the sixth of ten children born to John Fielding and Rachel Ibbotson. Her parents demonstrated great religious devotion and taught her faith in God as prominent members of Wesleyan Methodist church. Her father prayed often. Mary’s sister Mercy commented that sometimes he prayed when he should have been working. Her mother led prayers at the local rectory. This religious atmosphere shaped the Fielding family. Mary lived in Honidon in this faithful environment with her family until she was thirty-three. She then journeyed to Toronto, Canada, to join Joseph and Mercy, her brother and sister.155
Mary Fielding Smith. Courtesy Church History Library.
In Toronto, the Fielding siblings met a well-educated Methodist preacher, John Taylor. They joined his congregation and began to search for revelation and the authority of Christ. In the spring of 1836 the three Fieldings, along with many of Taylor’s congregation, met Parley P. Pratt, a Mormon missionary with a new word from God. After an initial negative reaction to Pratt and his message, the Fieldings believed and were then baptized that May.156
Mary, Joseph, and Mercy moved to gather with the Saints in Kirtland in 1837. Shortly after their arrival, Mercy married Robert Thompson, and they were called on a [76] mission to Canada. Then Joseph was called on a mission to England. The rest of the Fielding family still lived in Bedfordshire, England, and their older brother James was a minister. This was a perfect opportunity for the Mormon missionaries. James was willing to allow them to preach to his congregation, although the welcome was shortlived. After an overwhelmingly positive response from his congregation and the desire of some to be baptized, James retracted his support. From this point the Church membership of Mary, Mercy, and Joseph constantly put a great strain on their relationship with the rest of the family and at times harsh sentiments were exchanged. The three Fieldings continued to attempt to share their faith for years with their brothers and sisters, but were consistently unsuccessful. It was a difficult disappointment.
Although her sister and brother were far away and Mary was lonely in Kirtland, she enjoyed the benefits of being near church leadership. She was able to meet and become friends with the Smith family, in particular Joseph and Hyrum. She was grateful for what she considered spiritual blessings despite her difficulties in providing for herself temporally. Work was not consistent for Mary. She worked as a live-in governess and teacher, trusting that when one job finished another would come, so she could provide for herself.
When Hyrum became a widower in October of 1837, his brother Joseph counseled him to marry Mary Fielding.157 Though under some criticism, Hyrum married Mary just two months after the death of his first wife, Jerusha. With great difficulty, at the age of thirty-six Mary became a wife and the stepmother of five the day before Christmas. [77]
As Mary finally realized her goal of marrying and settled into the role of mother, the peace began to unravel around her and her young family. Joseph Smith called it “the bitterness of the spirit of apostate mobocracy.”158 During the problems in Kirtland, Mary wrote to her brother Joseph, “The Lord will support us and give us grace and strength for the day if we continue to put our trust in Him & devote ourselves unreservedly to His service.” Mary continued to live by this maxim throughout her life. She trusted that if she did what the Lord desired, he would protect, sustain, and strengthen her.
Under great duress Mary and her family left Kirtland in March of 1838. The eight-hundred and seventy mile trek to Missouri took two and a half months. Finally they arrived in Far West in the middle of June. Though a significant contrast to the spirit they left in Kirtland, the peace in Missouri did not endure. Amidst great trauma, Hyrum was taken from Mary and led off to jail at the capture of Far West.159
Thirteen days after Hyrum was taken, Mary’s first son, Joseph Fielding Smith, was born. Her health was delicate and without the help of her sister Mercy, she could not have taken care of all of the children and little Joseph.160 At one point, the house was broken into by a mob, and as Mary lay bedridden and helpless, a mattress was thrown over the baby. Mary considered it miraculous that the mattress did not smother him and he was saved. Shortly thereafter, they were able to go to visit Hyrum in Liberty, enabling him to meet his new son.161[78]
Mary slowly regained her health as the family settled in Nauvoo. Mary and Mercy organized women of the Church to raise funds for the Nauvoo Temple and worked in the temple after they received their endowment.162 In June 1844 came the terrible shock of the death of her husband with Joseph Smith at Carthage. Mary was the most composed of the Smith women as they viewed the bodies. Although this was a terrible ordeal for many, she maintained strength through her faith.
Mary gave the temple six hundred dollars that Hyrum was saving to build her a brick home. Mary continued a practice of giving what she could to help the Church and others throughout her life. Mary prepared herself and her children to leave Nauvoo. They left in the fall of 1846 and had to live in temporary cabins in Winter Quarters at present-day Florence, Nebraska, through two winters. She did all she could to prepare for the trip westward and just as the preparation time drew to a close, Cornelius Peter Lott, the captain of their company, following the instructions given by Brigham Young, told her that she was not prepared and would be a burden to the rest of the company and should wait until the following year. Mary’s defiant response was that she would not burden the company and she would beat him to the Great Salt Lake. She took much risk in so doing.
Mary relied on the help of her sons and the other men in the company much along the way. The depth of Mary’s faith was made evident several times during the trek. She prayed for lost oxen and found them and had enough faith that her oxen would be healed when administered to. Mary’s son Joseph later described the continuation of the very [79] strained and harsh relationship with Lott throughout the travel, but in the end they did make it to the valley a day before Lott.
Mary and her contingent of children, relatives, and friends settled at Mill Creek near her brother Joseph. Though at times Mary felt forgotten by the leadership of the Church, she enjoyed her home, aided those that she could and taught her children of faith in God by her example. Providing for those in her home was difficult, but she trusted that God would provide. At one point a church leader told Mary that she need not worry about paying tithing to the Church since she had enough to worry about. Mary responded that he would not deny her the blessings that she needed. She knew that she would be blessed because she paid her tithing.163
Although Mary died at the young age of fifty, her son Joseph remembered the example of his mother throughout his life. A few years after Mary’s death, fifteen-year-old Joseph was called on a mission to the Sandwich Islands. During this mission he said that he was sorely tempted. He remembered that among other things it was the example of his mother that gave him the strength not to succumb to the powerful temptations. He became the sixth president of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.
Mary’s first letter included in this collection is written to her sister Mercy shortly after her arrival in Kirtland. The original of the letter is found in the Church History Library in the Mary Fielding Smith Collection.164 It measures 40 x 31.3 centimeters and is on wheat colored parchment in russet ink with several water spots. It is one sheet [80] folded in half written on both sides. Mary described the surety of her course despite a local cloud cover that obscured her immediate path. She exemplified this surety—“comfort and peace of mind”—to enjoy “in the midst of all the confusion and perplexity” throughout her life.
Mary Fielding Smith to Mercy Fielding, [August–September 1837]. Courtesy Church History Library.
[Aug–Sept 1837]
My dear sister
I have this day received a very short note from you and am glad to learn by Brother Babbit that you are well and comfortably situated.165 he tells me he is expecting soon to return to Canada so that it is unnecessary for me to say much as he can inform you of the state of things here verbally better than I can by writing. but still I can hardly refrain from sending a few lines, I am now in <a> School which I took for one month the time expires tomorrow when I expect again to be at Liberty or without imployment. but I feel my mind pertty much at rest on that subject. I have called upon the Lord for direction and trust he will open my way. I hope you will not fail to remember me at a throan of grace.
I have no doubt but you have many trials, but I am inclined to think you have not quite so much to endure as I have. be this as it may, the Lord knows what our situations are and he will support us and give us grace and strength for the day if we continue to put our thrust in him and de[v]oute ourselves unreservedly to his service. I do thank my heavenly father for the comfort and peace of mind I now enjoy in the midst of all the confusion and perplexity. and rageing of the devil against the work of God in this place. for although here is a great number of faithful precious souls. yea the Salt of the Earth here. Yet it may truly be called a place where Satan has his seat he is frequently stering up some of the People to strife and contention and dissatisfaction with things they do not understand.
I often have of late <been led> to look back <for the> circumstances of Korah and his company when they roase up against Moses and Aaron. if you will turn to and read 16th Chapter of Numbers you will there find the [feelings] and conduct of many of the People and even the Elders of Israel in these days exactly described.166 wheather the Lord will comeout <in> a similar way or not I cannot tell. I sometimes think it may be so, but I pray God to have mercy upon us all and preserve us from the power of the great [81] enemy who knows he has but a short time to work in. we have had a terrible stir with Wn. Parrish the particulars of which I cannot here give you at length.167 we are not yet able to tell where it will end. I have been made to tremble and quake before the Lord and to call upon him with all my heart almost day and night. As many others have done of late I believe the voice of prayer has sounded in the House of the Lord some days from morning till night and it has been by these means that we have hitherto prevailed and <it is> by this means only that I for one expect to prevail.
I feel more & more convinced that it is through s<u>ffering that we are to be made perfected and I have already found it have <the> effect of driving one nearer to the Lord and so has become a great blessing to me. I have sometimes of late been so filled with the love of God and felt suchasence [such a sense] of <his> favour as has made me rejoice abundantly. indeed my heavenly Father has been very gracious unto me both temporally and spiritually. Since I commenced this letter a kind Sister has proposed my going to stay for a while with her to take charge of 2 or 3 Children who have been in my school. they propose giving something besides my board & I think this will suit me better than a publick school if it is but little. I expect to go there in a day or too and hope to be quite comfortable as I know the family to be on the Lords side. the Mother is a Cousin of Brother Joseph and took care of him when a Child, their name is Dort.168
I felt much pleased to see Sisters Walton and Snider who arrived here on Saturday about noon.169 having left Brother Joseph S. and Rigdon about 20 miles from Fareport to evade the Mobbers they were to come home in Dr Avards Carrage and expected to arrive about 10 Oclock at night, but to their great disappointment they were prevented in a most greavous manner.170 they had got about within 4 miles of home after <a> very fatueging <journey> which pleased with their visit to Canada & greatly antissapating <the pleasure> of seeing their homes and familys. when they where surrounded with a Mob and taken back to Painesville and secured as was supposed in a Tavern where they intended to hold a mock trial but to the disappointment of the wretches the Housekeeper was a Member of the Church who assisted our beloved Brethren in making their escape. but as Br. JL <says> not by a basket let down through a Window but by the Kitchen Door no doubt the hand of the Lord was in it or it could not have been effected.
the day had been extremely whet and <the> night was unusually dark and you may try if you can conceive what their situation was they hardly knew which way to the store as it had by that time got to he[re] about 10 Oclock. the first step they took was to find the Woods as quick as possible where they thought they should be safe. but in order [82] there to they had to171 laydown in a swamp or by an old log just were they happened to be. so deteriminately were they pursued by their mad enemeys in every direction sometimes as closely that Br J was obliged to entreat Br. Rigdon after his exertion in running while lying by a log to breath more softly if he ment to escape when they could run or walk they took each other by the hand and covenanted to live and die together. owing to the darkness of the night their persuers have to carry lighted torches which was one means of the escape of our beloved suffers as they could see them in every direction while they were climbing over fences or traveling through bush or corn fields–until about 12 Oclock.. when after traveling as they suppose in this manner 5 or 6 miles they found the road which led homeward and saw no more of their persuers. after traveling on foot along muddy slippery roads til near 1 am <in> the morning they arrived safe at home almost finting [fainting] with fatuage [fatigue]. he Bro. J told us that he decread in his heart when first taken that he would see home before Sun rise and thank God so it was.
And not withstanding all he had to endure he appeared in the House of the Lord throughout the Sabath in excellent Spirits and spoak in very powerful manner and blessed the congregation in the name of the Lord. and I so assure you the Saints felt the blessing and left the House rejoicing abundantly returning their blessing opon him. Brother Rigdon through his great weariness and a sma<ll> <hurt> received from a fall did not attend the House but is now well. I suppose all these things will only add another gem to their Crown. I did not think of takeing up so much room in relating these circumstances but I have been as brief as possible.
I must now give you an account of [a ve]ry affecting event which took place in Kirtland Sunday before last. you will of course remember a Mr. Clarke a Miller who has been a greater opposer of our Church.172 as he and his wife with some of their Children and other Friends where returning from the Prespetearan Meeting House in a very nice carrage. About one minuit after they passed the House of the Lord their Horses took fright and started off the side of the hill overthrew the Carrage and hurt Mr. C. and one Child considerably. But Mrs. C so seriously as to prove fatal. she was burryd on the Wednesday following she has left 6 weeping Children and a mourning Husband. indeed on the day preceeding the accedent She was heard to speak very unfavourably of <our> Church but is now gone to prove whether <it> is the Church of Christ or not. I greatly desire that <the> visitation may be sanctified to the Family. I believe it is not quite a year since Bro. JS told Mr. C that the <curse> of God would be upon him for his conduct towards him and the Church. you may remember that our People wished to purches his place, but he would not see it on any reasonable terms and therefore kept it. and has been a trouble in the place but has prospered in business so much as to say he never prospered <better>, and old a Person some time ago [said] that he was ready for another of Joseph Smith’s curses. I feel inclined to think he will never be heard to utter such words again may the Lord for give and save him. and all others who raise their hand against the Lords anointed for I see more clearly than ever that this is No trifling sin in the sight of God. no [83] it is as great as ever it was in any age of the world. I sincerely wish that all the members of the Church had a proper sence of their duty and privelege in this respect.
I expect to hear from you soon and also from England I hope I shall not be disappo[int]<ed> tell if you and Brother Thomson have any idea of coming to Kirtland this fall. (if the Field of labour remains open there unless a change should take place in the state of affai<rs> here for the better I should not advise it. however much I might [want] to see you. here are course of Men out of employ even in the summer and how it will be in the winter I cannot tell, but I fear for Kirtland. O that we as a people may be faithful this173 is our only hope and all we have to depend upon. Give my love to Brother Thompson and all other Friends particularly Brother & Sis Laws though this for there kindness to you.174
I thank Brother Thompson for his last kind letter. I should be pleased with [a]nother I remain your very affectionate Sister M.F.
Mrs. R. Thompson Mr. Laws Churchville
Sister Kimball desires her love to you Both.175 Dadeus Perkins has married a Widdower 5 children . . .176[ellipsis in original][84]
Jennetta Richards
Jennetta Richards was the youngest of seven children born to John Richards and Ellen Charnock.177 She was born on 21 August 1817 in Walkerfold, Lancashire, England. John Richards was a minister in Walkerfold, and he and Ellen taught Jennetta a strong belief and trust in God. Her family was financially well off, and Jennetta was very well educated through private schools.
Heber John (left), Willard Richards (center), and Jennetta Richards (right). Courtesy Church History Library.
Jennetta first met the Mormon missionaries in August 1837 at the house of Thomas Walmsley, an acquaintance, when she was twenty years old. She there met Mormon missionary Heber C. Kimball, who began to speak about religion.178 Heber described her as “very intelligent.” He told her of an engagement to preach on the following evening, and she attended both that night and the following. According to Heber, after those two evenings, she was “fully convinced of the truth,” and she was baptized in the River Ribble. She was the first to be confirmed with the gift of the Holy Ghost in Great Britain, and in her confirmation Heber promised her that “the Lord will soften the heart of your father.”179 Though not supportive of Jennetta’s decision, her parents continued to allow her to live in their house and tirelessly attempted to dissuade her from her beliefs. [85]
Unknown to Jennetta, the day of her baptism Heber wrote to his fellow missionary Willard Richards, “I baptized your wife today.”180 Willard was not yet married. For months each would hear of the other without meeting. When they finally met the following March, they walked together and Willard mentioned, “Richards is quite a good name; I never want to change it; do you, Jennetta?” Jennetta responded, “No, I do not.” Willard wrote in his journal, “I think that she never will.”181
Willard and Jennetta were thirteen years apart. Jennetta’s parents did not only object to her baptism, but also to Willard. However, after several months of courtship Jennetta and Willard were married just after her twenty-first birthday on 24 September 1838, without the consent of her family. Although newly married and his wife was with him, Willard was still a missionary and had duties to fulfill while in England. Jennetta stayed with a member family much of the time.
Married life was very lonely for Jennetta. Health problems plagued her throughout her life. Members of the Church were critical in their judgment of Jennetta and her fine clothing and accused her of misusing Church funds to fund her fine attire, when in reality she owned the clothing prior to her marriage. The Church members held a public meeting to ensure that Jennetta did not use their funds for new clothes. Her family was all but absent in her life. Her first son, John Heber Richards, died after five months. Only one of Jennetta’s brothers attended the funeral. One year later, her second son was born without the presence of Willard and without any aid from her family. [86]
Willard was a missionary in England for five years. As the apostles arrived for their second mission in Great Britain, he was ordained an apostle, filling one of the vacancies left after apostasy in Kirtland and Missouri. When Willard finished as a missionary in England, he, Jennetta, and their young son left Britain for the United States. Upon arrival, Jennetta and John moved in with Willard’s family in Massachusetts. Willard immediately left on another mission, and Jennetta had a difficult time fending for herself amongst Willard’s unfamiliar family for the following year.
She continued frequent communication with her family despite their objections to her path and continued to admonish them to believe and be gathered with the Saints. She assured them, “My beloved friends, do come you will never repent if you do come.”182 Nauvoo was a welcome change for Jennetta, though she was still disturbed by the absence of her husband. In June of 1842, she penned a feisty letter to Joseph Smith explaining that Willard had been gone for too long and she needed him at home. Smith tactfully responded to her, acknowledging her needs and the essential assistance of her husband, promising that she would soon have him home. She had her second daughter Rhoda Ann Jennetta Richards on 15 September 1843 at great risk to her health.
Jennetta had particular difficulty accepting the principle of plural marriage, but she maintained her belief in Joseph Smith as a prophet. After his martyrdom she praised Joseph and Hyrum Smith: “They never taught me anything but what was the most virtuous principles.” Willard was in the jail with Joseph and Hyrum when they were murdered. She was grateful he was not murdered with them: “I think I can never praise my Heavenly Father sufficiently for his mercies to me in preserving Mr. Richards safe and sound again.” She died just a year later on 9 July 1845 in Nauvoo of “general [87] debilitation” and per her request she was buried in her garden. She was twenty-eight years old. Her husband said of her, “She dies as she lived, an heir of heaven. She was one of whom the world was not worthy, and our Heavenly Father has taken her to himself.”183
The location of the originals of the letters here utilized is unknown. The Church History Library acquired photocopies of the original letters.184 As noted in the document’s catalogue entry, it appears as though the letters were reduced in size as the copies were made. Both letters were written during Willard and Jennetta’s courtship as her family attempted to persuade her to leave Willard for a variety of interesting reasons. During this personally difficult time Jennetta demonstrates her determination and her faith that would last throughout her lifetime.
Walkerford185 August 11th 1838 Saturday 9 O Clock P M My Dearest Willard,186
Saw Brother Kay this evening and feel very sorry to hear that you my dearest love are so poorly that you are obliged to stay at Clitheroe.187O that I could come to see you though it is so wet I should not think it wise for me to walk this evening. if I could leave home but you k<n>ow my Dear I cannot have. when I would therfore I will endeavor to be content and pray My heavenly father to give you health and strength so that you may be able to go to Preston this <next> week.188 if the child continues as [88] she is at present. I shall take her to preston on the 18th this month and expect to remain there one week. and if her Mother is not able to keep her nor does not get her a wet nurse I shall be obliged to bring her back to Walkerfold and stay with her until Mother gets a servant for it. I leave home she cannot do without one and I do not like to name it until I come of age lest it should cause us some trouble.
I anticipated the pleasure of seeing you my Dear. Yesterday or today but am dissapointed I got ready to go to Bro Parkers yesterday, but being so wet I did not go because I thought you would not come.189 I began to fear this afternoon when I made enquiry and found you was not come this morning (because it was quite fair and dry until one). that you were poorly and could not come. I fear my Dear you begin to labour to soon after your sickness. <I think> it is too far for you to walk from Ribchester to Waddington on one day when it is so very wet. I felt quite uneasy on Monday when I heard you were gone in the wet. I enquired if you had your cloak they said no and they thought you had only one umbrella between you. you must know My Dearest Willard that I feel as much for you as I do for myself and why not when I believe you to be part of myself and a very Dear part I assure you. I was with you most of last night in my dream I thought you were yet quite well and stout <I thought> I never saw you look so well before. I thought we were quite comfortable and happy in each other’s company. I believe we shall be when that time comes Sunday 9 A M I hope my dear enjoys a comfortable degree of good health this morning for I can truly say that I feel quite well and have done so for some time. I feel that I could like to take a walk to Clitheroe this morning to see you my Dear love, but you know I must not. therefore I will try to be content and m<a>y my heavenly father be with you this day and bless you and give you a good and comfortable degree of health is the earnest prayer of your Jennetta.
Saw Bro. Kay this morning and he told me that Bro Fielding which wished Bro Smiths and him to go [to] Warrington this evening.190 I told him I should like him to go to Chitheroe to see you but it will be too far for them to go to Chitheroe and there to Dading Warrington before evening Service unless they could go this afternoon. but are engaged at Bro Parker’s this afternoon and will go to Washington this evening. I will seal this and endeavour to see Bro Kay on his return and give it to him hoping that he may have an opportunity to send it unto my Dearest love by a safe hand. so that you may receive it this evening and know that your Jennetta is still the same hoping to see you before long. if you think it will be wisdom for you to call at Walkerford, I shall be happy to see you. but I think if you should call it will prevent us from having any favorable conversation and I should like very much to see you if you be able to come to morrow I shall have to go with tracks so that I may get the opportunity of seeing you at Bro Parkers. I should go to-day but will not go until to-morrow hoping to meet [89] you. My Dearest, My Father has been informed this morning that you were left in Chiltroe by Bro Fileding poorly. on Friday night I wish it had not been named by Bro Fielding for it makes my parents more uneasy. My Mother says this morning you are gone far in a consumption and that will make them more against you than ever knowing that I have always been very delicate. they think we are two very unfit persons to go together but let them say what they will. they cannot make me uneedy about it for I believe this of Willard—that if he thought he was consumptive he would never think of being married to a young person like me whom he knows will have no support from any of his friends or relatives if he should soon have her which undoubtly if he has consumptive he soon will.
11 A M My parents are just gone to meeting so I will with pleasure assume my pen to write a few lines more to My Dearest Willard hoping that he will not think that I have written the above believing that he is trying to cheat me. so my Dear love you must ask for once think any such thing for I do not feel the least fear of that, but I should like you to take more care of your self. Bro Kay informed me this morning that you were without umbrella on Monday when you were talking with him. I hope my Dear Love you will be more careful and of getting wet if not for your own sake do it beca[u]se it is the earnest request of your Jennetta who loves you most dearly andwhowishes to have the same tender care of over you as herself. and why not when she loves you as tenderly as she does herself?
In the letter I received from Bro Kay on Friday night you say if I be desirious of staying at home a few d longer I may please myself. I have only a day or two in Preston and return home. and he requested at Clithere if I bring <take> the Child to Preston on Saturday I shall stay a week there. and if her mother is not able to take her I shall be obliged to bring her here again if she is poorly and cannot go on Saturday. I do not know how. I must go to Preston on s[unday]. if I go, it will be against my parents will. I should like to know about it. you may wishe before you leave Chitheroe and give it to Bro Kay as you come for hear you do not see me. for if you do not come to-morrow I fear I shall not see you as to be requested up & I shall not like it. for it is made public there to every one who goes to the office in it is as a book [in a] Stationers Shop and is put in a glass case oposite the door so that all may see it as they pass. Father has been telling me you are at Clitheroe. Mother said I had better go see you. I have no objections. I said the sam[e] and she did not think I had the thought. I would rather go there than any where else. I said have you any objections so if he should ask your consent? she said yes she had. I assure you my Dear, there will be a great deal of uneasiness such as had not hear lately in this country. therefore I had better beat Preston if it be delayed a few weeks longer. I hope you will not be weary and think the time long. we had better be a little longer and do it justly then cause a great deal of uneasiness as it would do—I assure you if it we be [together] at Chitheroe—I must close it is school-time. pray for Jennetta.
I have had no time to look over it must erase all mistakes. pray for Jennetta. If from home please forward it as soon as possible. Forwarded by Bro Ray From Preston August 11 [90] Mr Willard Richards Mrs. Dawson Bº 21 Pole Street Preston Lancanshire Carriage paid from Langston To Preston With Speed of importance
Kirkham September 7th 1838 My Dearest Willard,
I fear you will accuse me of very great resem remissness in not wirting sooner according to promise, but I assure you my Dear this is the first opportunity and I do not know that I can finish this to send today. I have had much more to contend with since I came to Kirkham than ever I had before. My Brother is uncomonly kind and affectionate and will reason, but Sister has no more reason than a stone.191 Sister and I were at the Ministers house at Elowich on Mondays. I never was so insulted in my life than I was then by no one. Sister and Mr. Edwards were at me as soon as I got there just like two lions.
After I left you on Saturday Mother told me Mr. Foster said he would take an oath that you told his mother when first you came that you were a widower and Sister heard so too by some one she sayes not through Foster but moon saw you told him that you were now my Dearest Willard. you know that do not believe that you are and either Moon or Lowe one must be soiling question but am satisfied from you r own mouth that you are not.192
I can as soon believe that the gospel you preach is fake as believe that you have a wife and a family in America or that you are a widower. for if you will deceive in one thing you will in another. My Brother wishes me to wait a little longer and he will try to enquire and know of a truth whether the report be true or not. I told him I was satisfied. he loves me as a Sister and wishes to be satisfied also. and if the report be false he will have no objections say nothing against us being Married.
I have not told him that we are rejestred neither shall I do until I leave.193 I do not know when I shall be in Preston whether next week or the week following. hoping to [91] hear from you <this> next week if convenient. hoping your health is improving I should like to write much more but Sister is upstairs and I expect her down every moment I must conclude, and hope you will believe me the same. even Yours Affectionately,
Jennetta Richards
Give my love to Sister Dawson.194 I feel in good health at present. I took cold on Saturday was ill wet but am quite well today. burn this as soon as you have read it.195[92]
Temperance Bond Mack
The early life of Temperance Bond is somewhat enigmatic.196 Although the date is unclear, she was born in Marlow, Chesire County, New Hampshire to Mary Yemmons and Stephen Bond.197 She married Stephen Mack in Gilsum, New Hampshire in 1783. They moved to Tunbridge, Vermont, after the wedding. He was a large-framed Revolutionary War soldier who had enlisted three separate times and explored at sea with his father and brother for a number of years.198 They had twelve children together.199 In 1807, Stephen left Temperance and his children for the frontier of Michigan. There he excelled in business ventures—with a brief respite for the War of 1812. He founded Pontiac, Oakland County, Michigan, and was instrumental in many significant developments including the first turnpike between Detroit and Pontiac.200
Because Stephen was consistently successful in Michigan, Temperance and the children were well cared for financially, despite his absence. For years, Temperance cared for her family alone, and Stephen visited every year or eighteen months. Temperance chose to educate her children in private New England schools and raised [93] them near their extended family. Then in 1822, after the birth of her youngest child, Temperance moved the family to Michigan. They moved initially to Detroit and then on to Pontiac when a home was prepared. The twelve children of Temperance included three sets of twins. All of her children lived to maturity—an anomaly in the nineteenth century.
Stephen suddenly died after a stomach illness of a few days, widowing Temperance in late 1826. He left a significant estate of $50,000 “without encumbrance.” However, the estate became involved in the collapse of the Bank of Michigan, and a majority of the wealth went to settle debts. Temperance was left with a small amount of property that provided for her throughout the rest of her life.
In 1831 Temperance’s youngest daughter, Almira, went to stay with her aunt Lucy Mack Smith in Manchester, New York. In New York Almira learned of the religious experiences of her cousin Joseph and the founding of the new Church. As explained previously, Almira quickly believed and was baptized. In 1832 she returned to Michigan accompanied by William Scobey, her newly acquired husband, her aunt, and the first missionaries to Michigan. It was then that Temperance heard firsthand of the Book of Mormon and the calling of Lucy’s son to be a prophet.
In accordance with Lucy’s personality, it is sure that she utilized every opportunity to boldly testify to Temperance and her family. Lucy pounded the topic until Temperance grew weary and asked for a reprieve because the subject agitated her. Later in the evening, after a hiatus, she instigated a return to the topic. Lucy recorded that it was that conversation which drew Temperance to her conversion. She then decided to be baptized. [94]
Lucy Smith stayed for a month and continued her enthusiastic stream of testimonials including one to Reverend Isaac W. Ruggles, the minister of the Congregational Church.201 In their exchange she shook her finger at him and prophesied that within three years her son’s church would have a third of the reverend’s church including the deacon. The deacon’s name was Samuel Bent.202 In early 1833, Bent was baptized and became a successful Mormon missionary.
Temperance remained in Pontiac for a number of years, but by May of 1838 Temperance had traveled to Kirtland with her son-in-law David Dort. Temperance lived with Almira and her husband of two years, Benjamin Covey, and their new baby, Enoch. They moved with the Saints to Missouri and there experienced the many difficulties of mob action and eventual expulsion including the imprisonment of Benjamin for three weeks. They eventually left Missouri, moving east to Illinois. Throughout this time, both Temperance and Almira consistently communicated with their family, admonishing them to believe and gather with the Saints. Temperance penned, “O how much more pleasing would it be to me to see all those who are flesh of my flesh and bone of my bone to be gathered with me here; for this I shall not cease to pray.”203 She was steadfast in her hope that all of her children would be converted.
New doctrine had a significant effect on all early women, and Temperance was not alone in her joy in hearing the new doctrines introduced by Smith. She described her excitement at the introduction of baptisms for the dead in a letter to her daughter Harriet [95] Whittemore, the same daughter to whom this letter is directed. Temperance explained that she was baptized for her father, her mother, and her husband, “thus releasing them from Prison. . . . I think how much you would have rejoiced to have done it yourself, could you see the order instituted by heaven.”204
In Nauvoo, Temperance alternated living with Lucy in Joseph Smith’s home, and with Almira and Benjamin. After the martyrdom of the Smith brothers, Temperance traveled to Michigan, staying with Harriet for a year and missing the turbulence which followed their martydoms. Temperance often spoke of going to the West to California despite the injunctions of her children.205 In her first letter after she returned to Nauvoo, she detailed the Saints’ plans to leave the United States the next spring: “We know not where but we intend going until we can find a country where we can have the privilege of worshipping God according to the dictates of our own conscience and agreeable to the Commandments of Heaven, where there may be none to molest us or endeavor to make us afraid.” In contrast to her sister-in-law, Lucy, who was unable to make the trip west, and against the wishes of her children in Michigan, Temperance risked her health and cheerfully followed Brigham Young and his company to Utah in 1848. She was resolute in her decision, “My dear children I have no wish to return. My course is onward.” She died in Utah on 8 September 1850. [96]
Shortly after arriving in Far West, Missouri, Temperance wrote the letter included here to Harriet. She expresses resolve in her decision to gather with the Saints, a resolve that she exemplified throughout her life. She knew her course was correct and she was prepared to endure to the end. The original letter is located in the collection of the University of Michigan Archives.
I am well and in good spirits. David and his family are well.207 I received your letter which is all the news we have had from any of you since I left there. Almira and her child are out of health in some measure.208
Knowing your anxiety for me I will endeavor to in form you of an item of the scenery that has past around us. Brother Joseph and Hyrum and Sidney Rigdon and a number of them are now in jail and have been in irons.209 They will have their trial in March if they don’t call a special court. They are prisoners of war. They are an offering from the church to save the lives of others. They suffer themselves.210 The church have agreed to leave here in the spring but where to go they know not.
We don’t know but we must flee from the haunts of men to the caves and dens in the rocks like that saints of old, but none of these things move me. Neither do I regret that I have left the eastern states for where the Lord says go. I must obey although my heart is with my children and they are near and dear to me, yet I am no better than the martyrs—they had to suffer the loss of all things to be an incorruptible crown and so must I, and I do it cheerful knowing I shall reap in due time. if I faint now fearing the truth will yet reach there and will be published in the papers and you will do well to search them. [97]
I wish you would show this letter to Sister Williams and daughters. and I would just say my mind is the same and if the scriptures are fulfilled the saints must suffer persecution and although we have suffered much and it looks dark ahead of us yet none of these things move me neither in my life dear if so be I can obtain a crown of glory. I am very anxious to hear from all my children and friends and I wish you would all write me and let me know all the doings there.
Father and Mother Smith are well.211 their family is well but you may well suppose their minds are troubled. There has been many slain of our friends and some whipped and some can’t obtain anything but threats for their labours. Carloss Buckland was sent there with a company of troops against the Mormons.212 He made us a visit. Almira and I spoke very plain to him respecting his coming to drive us out of our habitations. He did not stay long and we don’t know but he was offended with our plain dealing. I want you should tell Olin if he could send me some money it would delight me very much.213
I don’t write because I am in a suffering condition for I am amongst friends that will assist me all in their power as long as they have anything to do with. I wish you would tell Harriet I wish her much joy in her new situation in life and I wish she and her companion would become good mormons and be willing to suffer the loss of all things for an incorruptible crown that fadeth not away.214 I want to know some thing respecting the wars and lamentations in the east as well as in the west. The sword is unleashed and war desolation will cover the land. The Mormons are not the only people that will see trouble. Judgement must and will begin at the house of God. but if they hardly escape where will the wicked flee for safety? for the scriptures truly say there shall be wars and rumors of wars and we know by experience that perilous times have some and we see the prophecies both ancient and modern fulfilling daily.215
and we are rejoicing that we are found worthy to suffer persecution for the name of Christ. although the chaff is a scattering off to the four winds yet their remains some wheat in the granary we have been sifted and if we should be [faithful] what remains will [98] be so much the better and it would be what we are daily looking for.216 We see the things that many have desired to see and have not seen them and what if the sup is bitter. The Saviour partook of the same and shall we refuse to taste of it. Be assured it is enough for the servant to be as his master.
Brother Bent was here yesterday He and his family are well. Mary Bent is married.217 Lest I tax your patience I will close my letter. I desire your prayers that I may be patient in tribulation and that I may be found with my lamp trimmed and burning when the Saviour comes to make up his jewels that I may enter into his heart rest. I wish to be remembered to all my acquaintances accept of my love yourself and I wish to be remembered in love to all my children and grandchildren even to Mary Louisa.218
N.B. Almira says her boy will whip all your boys and girls too.
Eliza Roxcy Snow was a poetess, prophetess, priestess, and presidentess during her lifetime. She maintains her own unique position among the women gathered in this study. Her collection of personal writings is abundant, and many have studied and written about her life. She held a position in Mormon society that was unequalled by any other woman during her lifetime. Early on in her life, she gained a voice uncommon among women of her time through her poetry. Yet in spite of all the prose that sprang from her and about her, she consistently remained a very private person. She does not allow one to gain much insight into her feelings, other than what she felt for Joseph Smith and the Restoration. In that, her feelings and beliefs are well exhibited.
Eliza Roxcy Snow. Courtesy Church History Library.
Eliza was the second daughter born to Rosetta and Oliver Snow on 21 January 1804, in Becket, Berkshire County, Massachusetts.219 Sometime before 1806 the Snows moved to the wilds of Mantua, Portage County, Ohio. There they had five more children amidst the difficulties of life on the edge of the frontier.220 The Snow children were strictly disciplined and educated. Eliza and her younger brother Lorenzo were particularly close throughout their lifetimes. The two shared an incomparable closeness and an insatiable appetite to learn. [100]
The Snows were Baptists, although closely associated with a wide range of religious inclinations. In particular, Alexander Campbell, leader of the “Disciples” Church and theologian, and his associates Walter Scott and Sidney Rigdon frequented their home providing a candid atmosphere of religious discussion. Sidney Rigdon was probably responsible for a visit that Joseph Smith made to the Snow home in 1831.221
After some consideration, Eliza decided that Smith had an honest face. She later described:
The most impressive testimonies I ever heard were the witnesses of the Book of Mormon. To hear men testify that they had seen an angel—that they had listened to his voice bearing testimony of the work that was ushering in a new dispensation, thrilled my utmost soul.222
Later in the year, Eliza’s mother and sister were baptized. Worried that it was too good and could not last, Eliza herself was hesitant with the ordinance of baptism. She was determined to wait to see if Mormonism was just a “flash in the pan.”223 She did not decide to be baptized for another three years, but when she did her path was cemented, and she did not doubt her choice. By April 1835, she said her “heart was fixed” and she decided to be baptized. Eliza was single until she was thirty-eight: she believed that she [101] did not marry early—despite offers—to enable her to accept and exercise freely “the religion which has been, and is now dearer to me than my life.”224
Eliza was known for her uncommon intellect. As a girl in her school studies, she would often write her assignments in verse to escape criticism of the information included. She could craft the poetry intricately to avoid the corrections of lesser poets, her professors. Eliza started a literary career early. Under a variety of pseudonyms—Narcissa, Tullia, Cornelia, and Pocahontas—she utilized poetry as an opportunity for free public expression not readily afforded to most women in the first half of the nineteenth century.225
In the fall of 1835, Eliza moved to Kirtland to gather with the Saints. She moved into the home of Joseph and Emma Smith and taught their children in a school. She then moved with her family to Adam-ondi-Ahman, then to Caldwell, and after four months they were driven to Illinois in the middle of the winter. As Eliza walked over the frozen ground, a Missouri militia member taunted her that this walk “would cure her of her faith.” She responded, “No, Sir, it will take more than this to cure me of my faith.”226
Once in Nauvoo, Eliza began to publish on the Missouri experience of the Saints and became very active in Nauvoo life. She was the secretary of the Female Society of Nauvoo and continued roles in women’s Church organizations. In 1842 she was sealed [102] to Joseph Smith as a plural wife though sworn to secrecy.227 She later referred to Smith as “my beloved husband, the choice of my heart and the crown of my life.”228 It was difficult for Eliza to transition from the advantages of a single life to a plural marriage relationship and was able to maintain much independence as she developed a need for relationships. She consistently attempted to be submissive to what she felt was the will of God. Throughout her lifetime, she held a central role in teaching the women of the Church of their exalted position in the eternities. She penned the hymn “O My Father” in Nauvoo and through the hymn was the first to publicly teach the doctrine of a mother in heaven in 1845.229 The doctrine made such a deep impression on a young Bathsheba Smith that years later she could still remember the room they were in and the moment when she learned it as she read a draft of “O My Father.”230 Eliza was best known for her essential function in expounding upon the role of women and “enlarging Mormon women’s abilities and influence.”231
She was sealed to Brigham Young for time after Smith’s death and had deep feelings for him. In Utah in 1866 she became the General President of the Relief Society and tirelessly worked to improve the experience of women in the Church. Her no-nonsense way at times was less than tactful when reminding the sisters of the Church of [103] their duties, though many considered her as “the Mother of these people.”232 She actively supported and expanded home manufacture, grain storage, silk production, medical training, and political activism for women through Relief Society economic programs. She ardently defended plural marriage and fervently opposed anti-polygamy legislation and thoroughly taught women of their chosen role in the kingdom of the Saints. She died 7 December 1887 and was then respectfully honored in her funeral service. She directed that her funeral be without tears. She did not want sympathy or sadness at her passing. She believed her life lived was enough.
Eliza’s letter included in this collection is distinct from many of her writings. It is written to Isaac Streator, who appears to be an acquaintance of the family. Streator lived in Portage County, Ohio, the last residence of the Snows before the move to Kirtland. Her father had previously corresponded with him concerning their situation in Missouri. Rather than utilizing the poetic flourishes she cherished, this letter is an example of polite, spartan eloquence. The starkness of the letter only augments the severe reality of the Missouri experience of the Saints. In 1973 the Western Reserve Historical Association held rights to the original letter. The Church History Library holds an enlarged negative photocopy of the original.233 Eliza’s lettering is minute and meticulous, mirroring her strict and precise nature.
You have so long been reliev’d from my preaching, as you sometimes call’s it; I think you may well afford to endure a little interruption. You need not anticipate another intrusion very soon, for as yet we have no continuing city or sure abiding place, and one week more will probably find us on our journey from this State. We wish to give you some few items of the movement here before we leave, for we find from the reports, which go, and come, thro the Newspaper medium that you get nothing correct: and as you are a Politician and fond of Politics, perhaps you will take some pleasure in contrasting those of Missouri with your own. Father is so busy preparing for our next move, that he has not a moment to spend in writing; this is my apology for addressing you. Probably, before you receive this, you will have seen a letter which father wrote judge Atwater two or three weeks since in which he gave some few of the particulars, respecting which has transpir’d since our arrival; but it would require a volume to give a full account.
Things have mov’d with such rapidity, and of such a nature as might well allay doubts, are yet remaining in the mind of any, that these are indeed the last days, and that the inhabitants of the earth are, in some of them at least, beginning to be in haste to fill up their measure, before the Lord shall come forth from his hiding place.236 The nations of the world can never fill the cup of their iniquity without shedding innocent blood, and the blood of the “Latter Day Saints” will <that of> many of them be required of the present generation. The Lord has commenc’d a work that is destin’d to try the sincerety and the strength, yes, and the legality too, of every Creed and Profession, both political & religious, upon the face of the whole earth. The religionists of the day who have been crying “do as you would be done by,” will have ample opportunity to see if they will put their own excellent precept in practice; and those who sit in the halls of justice, as the dispensers of rights between man and man, will be put to the test, whether they judge righteously, for righteousness’ sake. It is comparatively an easy matter <to act> uprightly, when public opinion and the weight of influence favor the act; but it requires some courage when a man is obliged to bid defiance to popular feeling, in order to do right—when a man must place his life in jeopardy in order to decide with impartiality between man & his fellow man.
This has been fully proven in the State of Missouri. There are those who, actuated by the spirit of republicanis<m> and without any partiality to the religious views of our society; have risqued their reputation, and endangered their lives by pleading the cause of the innocent, while judges and lawyers have dispersed with high dignity of their profession and while Preachers, and Deacons have laid aside the Sacred insignia of their office to wield the word against a people whose only crime was in believing in “the times [105] of restitution” (not descruction) “of all things,” and proving their faith by their works. In perpetuating[?] up & driving us from city to city & from state to state, no doubt, like Saul of Tarsus, they think they are doing God service. And so they are, for as a Pharoah was necessary to the establishment of Israel in the land of Canaan, so are the persecutors of the Saints in the last days necessary in bringing about the great purposes of God. They mean it for evil but the Lord means it for good. “Offences must needs come.”
We have a copy of Gen. Clark’s concluding speech, which was delivered to our brethren at Far-West a few days after the surrender, which will give some idea of the spirit of the times. Our brethren have not taken up arms except in self-defiance. Expecting you have seen father’s letter refer’d to above I shall not say anything about what transpir’d previous to the last of Oct. When an army of 35 hundred encamp’d about Far-West threatened immediate massacre.237 Soon as our people ascertained that they were authorized militia they surrender’d, the leaders of the church delivered themselves up, and went to the camp of the Militia with the promise that they should return to their families in the morning. Gen Lucas was first in command;—the prisoners, 7 in number,238 instead of returning home the next day were tried by a Court Martial & 13 generals out of 17, condemned them to be shot, a company was chosen to execute the sentence—the hour was appointed and the place chosen which was to be the center of the City, in sight of their families, Those who were chosen refused to perform, and a second company chosen when Gen. Doniphan told them that they were acting illegally and if they proceeded he would expose them.239 Then they concluded to take them to Jackson County thinking that the mob spirit there would furnish executioners without ceremony, but they were mistaken. Our people found warm friends in that Co. who even invited Joseph Smith and S. Rigdon to bring their families and settle there. They were then taken back to Richmond and put in chains where they were kept four weeks when prejudice was so strong it was thought wisdom to remove them to Liberty where they were considered more safe.240
They were tried about the last of Jan.241 The excitement was great, about 250 mob collected and seeing that nothing could be brought against the prisoners, threatened to shoot both judge and jury if the verdict was given, and the prisoners were hurried back to prison. One of our neighbors was there on the day of trial, who said he should judge no less than 1000 people gathered in, and when he was returning home, met 300 arm’d men, who swore that if the prisoners were releas’d, they would kill every “Mormon” in [106] the State. But to return to the surrender at F. West. After the 7 were taken, the City was kept with a strong guard, the men called together to lay down their arms and were compell’d at the point of the sword to Deed away all their property both real and personal estate to a committee chosen for the purpose, all of which was done so cheerfully that the Militia were quite angry. Three or four days after this, General Clark came with several hundred who ratified the treaty made by Gen. Lucas, I will send a copy of his address to you in his own words, the “list of names” refer’d to in the speech are those of between 60 and 70,242 who were driven to prison soon after like sheep to a market most of whom were released after confinement of a month, the rest are in prison now,243 unless they have been privately set at liberty for the Mob law is the law of this State and but few dare act except in accordance with it. A copy of the General’s Speech: . . . The General’s assertion that our people had been the “aggressors” is too false to pass without some comment; for we have been driven from Jackson, Clay, De-Witt, and Daviess; yet as a people have always been in “subjection to the powers that be”; not that there has been no wrong done by those that are call’d “mormons” for we profess the “ancient order”, of course our greatest perils are those we have to encounter among false brethren, for we have those among us who have not only tasted the “good word of God” but also the “powers of the world to come”, who, concerning the faith have become reprobates.244 These constitute the post powerful earthly ally, which Satan has to boast. But be assured these are not the followers of Joseph Smith, for so long as they conform’d to his teaching, they were righteous men.
I now anticipate your question, Do you believe that Joseph Smith is a prophet? I have not seen or heard anything which caused me to doubt it even for a moment: If possible I have better testimony that J. Smith is a prophet, then Jeremiah was one, altho’ he has not been kept in prison quite as long. S. Rigdon is liberated,245 I do not know whether he is let down the wall in a basket, but his keepers thrust him out privately for fear of the people, and then circulated the report that he was bail’d out in two thousand dollar bonds, but this is only to appease the wrath of the multitude. He has gone clear, and the others are only kept for our safety, for it is suppos’d the mob will either revenge on us or on those who hold them in confinement, if they are liberated before most of us get out of the State.
The Gov. of Illinois says our people may come there—they have been going all winter, and move very fast—A man just arrived from Ill. Who said he counted 220 wagons between this and the Mississippi. It has been judged there were eight thousand of our people in this county but the season has been a stormless one = the most favorable for [107] moving we could wish, and the word impossible has become obsolete with us, therefore I think we shall get out in pretty prompt compliance with the orders of government. Those who will deny the faith have the privilege of staying. Some will accept the terms.
Lorenzo left us in the forepart of Oct. we received a letter from him which commenc’d in Ill; it was mail’d in Kentucky where I suppose he is now,—had but partially recover’d from an attack of the fever and ague when he started.246 I will transcribe as much of his letter as my paper will admit, which is as follows, . . . I have no room to transcribe all of his letter. I wrote him & directed to Washington Co. Kentucky, have receiv’d no reply as yet. Letter-conveyance is very uncertain here for which reason I intend mailing this, in Illinois. Please let cousin Pease and wife see this. I propose writing to Uncle Granger’s family after we get located, for now I could not tell them where to write to us.
Confiding in the Lord’s protecting care, We go, as Abra’n did, “not knowing where”. I have not written half that I want to say to you, but my paper is full, and it would be superfluous to tell you I have written in too much haste to keep my pen in order—we have so much to do, to prepare for the journey.
Respectfully, Eliza R. Snow
To Esqr. Streator, Mrs. Streator, Charity and all the rest.
I find upon folding my letter a little more room—The Missourians had commenc’d mobilizing in Daviess Co. previous to our arrival; but were very friendly at the time and were very anxious to sell to us. Our people purchas’d their farms—they remov’d their families away, and rais’d a mob—painted their faces like Indians, and came directly back to drive us from the lands we had purchas’d of them, calculating to chase us away & repossess the country. This, we suppose, because when we did leave by order of the Militia, we were hardly out of our houses before the former owners occupied them. When the Militia came, the mob volunteerd and join’d them. You will understand from this the character of the Militia. I will transcribe a pass which every man was required to carry for his own protection, and that of his property. “I permit Oliver Snow and sons to remove from Daviess to Caldwell County, there to remain during the winter or to pass out of the State”. (Signed R. Wilson, Brig, Gen.)247
Nov. 9th 1838
It astonishes our enemies that our people suffer no more while passing thro’ these scenes of suffering. They say the Mormons have always rejoic’d in tribulation, but they will do something now that they will not rejoice in. I fear them not, but know not what new torture they may invent. They have not burnt any of us at the stake, yet,—they have [108] imprison’d, whip’d, ston’d, and shot some but death does not terrify us enough to suit them, for they say that the Mormons are so d—d sure of going to heaven, they had as lief die as not. The Lord maketh the wrath of man to praise him. Let his name be magnified.
E.R.S.
Isaac Streator, Esqr. Streetsborough, Portage County, Ohio [postmark] Quincy Mar 21 [109]
Mary Fielding Smith, letter 2
Mary Fielding Smith was thirty-seven at the time of this letter. (See her previous letter for complete biographical information.) The original letter is owned by the Church History Library, and it measures 31.3 × 38.4 centimeters folded in half and written on both sides in russet ink. She and Hyrum were married a year and a half previously, and Hyrum was currently in Liberty Jail. Between her own health problems, those of her children, misunderstandings with Hyrum that were exacerbated by his absence, and the privations of the Saints in general, this was an exceptionally difficult time for Mary. Despite all of these things, she remained steadfast in her belief in the restoration, her trust in God, her love for Hyrum, and her willingness to sacrifice all things. She explained to her brother two months later, “I have, to be sure, been called to drink of the bitter cup; but you know my beloved brother, this makes the sweet sweeter.”248
Mary Fielding Smith to Hyrum Smith, 11 April 1839. Courtesy Church History Library.
I received yesterday a large packet of Letters be from you which took nearly all my leasure time to read through the day.250 which I did with mingled feelings of pleasure and grief. I assure you I had thought it very long before I heard from you. [110] your first letter only came to hand a little more than a week ago. and this was while Brother Brunson was as I supposed on his way to Liberty with a fixt determination never to return without you.251 as I knew this to be the case and had sent a message by him I thought it would be useless for me to write as my Letter might be going whilst you were coming homeward. but I was not a little disappointed to <a few days ago> find him returned without having seen you and bringing us intelligence respecting you that was any way satisfactory.
I know begin to feel dissatisfie<d> with myself and especially since I read all your Letters. I cannot but repro<a>ch myself <with> a degree of neglect, notwithsan<d>ing the hindrances that stood in my way. and the flattering prospects that have from time to time been held out to me respecting your being at home. which I hope you will consider as a sufficient apology for such neglect. I am sure if I could have known that you would be in confinement so long I should by no means have omitted to write you often.252 altho I might have to do it while others slept as I am now doing not knowing that it <will> ever come to you. but as you request is me to write on the receipt of yours I feel disposed to do so even if you should come home before I can finish it a Letter.
the report is now here that you are out of prison, but as so many false reports have been circulated on that subject I know not what to believe. if you are done according to your expectation in davise County253—you are indeed in the midst of a haste of ferocious enemys who like gready Wolves are thirsting for your blood. if indeed there was no God I should never expect to <see> you again in this world. but in him is all my trust and I hope and believe that you will be delivered out of their cruel hands and be restored to society and bosom of your Family, who greatly desire to see you, once more in the flesh.
I must here my beloved Companion advert to some remarks You make in your last [letter] relative to my having forsaken you, which gave me feelings not to be described.254 I cannot bear the thought of your having any such suspision. surely you had [111] not, if so you are yet unacquainted with the principles of my heart. what should I forsake a Friend and a bosom Friend in the time of adversity and affliction when all the sympathy and affection I am capable of feeling is called for to sooth and comfort as far as possibel under such circumstances. as you are placed in? no. reason, religion, and honor and every feeling of my heart forbids such a thought to enter there. How? I cannot help asking can things have been represented to you so as to indicate any such thing, surely an enemy must have done this, for if you had known the truth and the endeavors and intentions of my heart towards your family from the time you left me to the present moment, you would I do assure you have had no cause for anxious thoughts or sleepless nights on there account.255 it has been my desire to aim to do in your absence both by them and for them as in your presence or even more knowing your great carefulness and concern for our general well fare.
How could Brother Rogers say he call[e]d no [on] me and receiv<ed> no answer & this is the first word I ever heard of his having called upon me. I sent repeatedly for him to come before he left here and was greatly disappointed when I heard that he was gone without my having seen him.256 O Hyrum, I am obliged to stop here and take a view of the passt. so many things crowd upon my mind which I should like to tell you but cannot in this way. that I long to see you that I may explain all things to you as I wish to do. As Elder Rigdon told me some time ago thet he <had> given you an account of our situation so I shall pass over many things and leave them to be explained when I have the pleasure of seeing you.257 I will now endeavour to give you some information respecting our present situation and circumstances. I am now through the great mer<cy> of God towards me enjoying good health. [I] am fast recovering my strength which is greatly needed after near 5 months sickness in which I have been intirely unable to take care of household affairs.258
all the rest of the family are in excelent health except little Sarah. she has a severe cold and cough. she has gone alone for <the> last month and begins to talk. she calls the baby Joedo. she and all the Children seem very fond of him he grows fast and is very strong. he had 2 teath when a little more than 3 months old. you may no think him [112] handsom but to me intelligence seems to beum forth in his age and countinence. he begins to shew signs of a good mind which in my estmation is of much greater importance than beauty. I think you will be supris<ed> to see Jerushe. she has gown very strong and stout but she says she shall sit on Fathers knees when he comes. John & Hyrum also grow very fast. they often talk of doing great things to the mob for keeping Father away so long. Lavina often expreses a gret desire to see you. Sister Greenald, Clarinda & she seemed much affected when I read what you addressed to them. Clar has behaved herself much better than common ever since.
Brother and Sister T[hompson] are still with us.259 we all live in a small House in Quincy for which we pay 8 Dollars per month. Brother T[hompson] is in a good situation waiting in the Courthouse. I suppose his pay will be good. my means can not yet quite run out. I hope I shall see you before this is the case. I often think of your advice respecting going into the Country to take a farm, but this appears to me is quite impracltable before I received yours.
James Standrug had left this place for Springfield without one dollar to take him there he had laboured amorst us until he had become entirely destitute. and <you> know Brother T is no farmer and we could not hire a Man and keep him under 30 Dollar per month. another thing is in the way we have no Waggon Horse or Ox. Father says he shall call the Waggon his till you come as he redeemed it.260 he also borrowed the Mair which we had left and Brother Williams has taken and sold her.261 Brother Miller has settled about 100 miles from here so that we should not know how to go about getting either Oxen or money all these things considered.262 I feel discouraged about trying to get into business before you come. I have mentioned the subject to several of the Bretheren but they all seem to think that you will not be able to attend to farming your self and if you could it seems uncertain yet when you will be at home so that upon the whole I think we had better decline it.
Now my dear Husband I must draw to a close once more adverting to some thing contained in yours. Where you say if you have forsaken me—you might write and let me know it be this [that] produced feelings of a peculiar nature. I thought if I had not proved to you in the course of the 9 or 10 months <I had> lived with you that I cared for your own and the welfare of family I would in future endeavour to do so. and notwith standing you speak way or do in some parts of your Letters. I desern a Spirit running through the whole which seens to strengthen my attachment to you. and if I should again be permitted to enjoy your society I hope to prove to you that I am a never failing Friend. I now feel to long to see you. [113]
My dear Husband, I had finished my letter and sent it off by a Brother but as no one knew where you would be it was sent back to me. I was sorry but am now glad and have this day received a Letter from you dated April 6th and I wish to make a few remarks in answer to it. In the first place I would say that your Wrapper is safe at home also your saddle bags which were sent home before we left farwest. the Brethern told me I might bring him with me as you would they expected be here as soon as we were but in this I was disappointed. in the next place I must beg of you to say no more about my having forsaken you or the Family it gives me so much pain of mind that I can hardly bear it. I again [assure] you that such a thought never entered my heart. Dont my dear be uneasy about any of the Children. Little Joseph F. lies too near my heart to be neglected but I will take the finest [care].
And I promise you if <this> is necessary—that [thy] mind may be easy respecting the Family that they should continue to receive all the care and attention I am capable of showing them untill your return and afterward it shall not be lessened. We are all quite well in health at this <time> excepting Brother Thompson who has been so closely confined to writing during the sitting of the Court that he is now quite laid up. he desired <me> to give you his particular love to you and to say that if he had not been so much engaged he would have written. My Sister also with all the family send their sincere love to you263 and I subscribe myself your most affectionate & faithful Friend and companion in tribulation. Mary Smith
[pg 3 overwriting]
Father told me last week that he went to buy us a cow and since that I have heard that he had bought one but he has not sent her to us. yet they did not tell me that you had sent money to pay for one. I think it would have been as well, if you had sent the money here as Brother Thompson had previously bought a cow for which he gives 18 dollars and we have one with a calf which which came from Farwest. We have seen the Epistol to the Church and read them several times they seem like food to the hungry.264 we have taken great pleasure in perusing them. I believe all our afflictions will work together for our good altho they are not joyous while passing through them. Yours in affection in the fullest sence of the word. Mary Smith [114]
Melissa Morgan Dodge
Similar to that of many of these women, little documentary evidence survives to detail the story of Melissa’s life.265 This letter to her brother, William T. Morgan, is the only writing of Melissa Dodge known to exist. The shadowy outline of her life story is found in genealogical information and the records of her sons. Melissa Morgan was born to Nathaniel Morgan and Mary Wheeler in Jefferson County, New York, on 28 October 1798. She was the oldest of four children and blind.266 When she was twenty she married Erastus Dodge in nearby Henderson. Melissa and Erastus were baptized after meeting Mormon missionaries in 1832. Melissa’s oldest son, Augustus, described the healing of his mother’s eyes by David W. Patten and Warren Parrish at the time of her baptism. She was immediately able to work and experience the sights of the world around her. Augustus also explained that his crippled left elbow was healed instantaneously as well.
Melissa bore fifteen children in her lifetime, ten before she had sight. Only seven of her children matured to adulthood. The other eight all died before they reached their first birthday, several dying on or before the day they were born.
Melissa and her family moved to Kirtland in spring of 1834. Erastus and Augustus worked on the Kirtland Temple. Undoubtedly, Melissa also expended her time in aiding those working on the temple and in the completion of the temple itself. They arrived in Missouri during the initial troubles in Clay County, then settled in Caldwell [115] County on Shoal Creek near Far West. At the surrender of Far West in October of 1838, Erastus and Augustus were both held prisoner for eight or ten days. Once reunited, the Dodges were driven out of Missouri in the dead of winter and suffered much. They crossed the Mississippi River to Adams County, Illinois, where the family lived until they moved to Nauvoo. There they lived four blocks from the Prophet. Melissa’s son Seth was a mason on the Nauvoo Temple while the rest of the family also assisted in the construction of the temple and the Masonic Hall. Because of Melissa’s work to perform proxy baptisms for her ancestors while in Nauvoo, her descendants have a very complete record of their genealogical line. Erastus died in August of 1843, and after two years of widowhood, Melissa died in 1845.267
Though the view of Melissa’s life is limited, the best glimpse we have of her true motivation in life shines through this one personal record. Flourishes of poeticism demonstrate her appreciation of her environment. Meanwhile her lack of formal education is shown in her rough articulation. Likewise, she demonstrates her knowledge of the scriptures and Joseph Smith’s revelations. Melissa’s life was an intense struggle. She stood with those who were willing to sacrifice all for their belief. The original of Melissa’s letter is in excellent condition residing in the Church History Library.268 It is one tan sheet, 12 × 15¾ inches, written on three folded sides. Her script is almost scrawled in bold and broad strokes in russet ink. [116]
Melissa Morgan Dodge to William T. Morgan, 13 June 1839. Courtesy Church History Library.
With thankfull<ness> to the Lord We are yet alive and have this oppertunity of leting you no that We are in the land of the living. We have bin drove from our home and we are now in Illinois in Adams County, Whear we rented land.270 Seth Works out.271 he has 14 dollars a month. Sally Works out this Somer and is a doing well.272 the rest of the Children are at home.273
all though We have bin <driven> by a Cruel mob We can say—like paul—We take the Spoiling of our goods Joyfully, noing thear is a god in heaven Which Will <bring> them to Judgement in his one due time.274 and the day [is] soon a coming when his Saints shall not be driven and harrist about by a Cruel mob. but thanks be to my god. the day is night and the our is neer When he Will take vengenc[e] on all the ungodly and give his Children a reward, a crown of righteousness, While the Wicked must perish under his Wrath, for theay have dreve some from thear homes, and Some theay have kiled in a Shocking maner. Some theay Whiped, and Some theay put in prison. but all this is to show that the Scripture Shall be fullfilled and the time dray nigh When the Son of man will Come to reine With his Saints.275 for the time is Come that Judgement must begin at the house of God.276 and if it first begin at us, What shall the end be of them that obey not the gospel of God if Righ[te]ous Scarcely be Saved. Whear Shall the ungodly and Sinner appear though Wicked men and divels Strive to keep us from that land and from thear homes the Saints theay drive to try the Lord’s comand.
We are Still determind [to] maintain the faith wich once Was deliverd to the Saints and not fall away like Some have and deni <the> gospel of Christ. theay are thoughs [117] that fel on Stonny ground—Who When theay have h[e]ard the Word immediatly receive it with gladness and no root in them Selves and So endure but for a time afterward.277 When affliction or persecutions ariseth for the Words Sake immediately theay are offended. but We are determind by the grace of God our lord and Savor Jesus Christ to <endure> in faith to and that we may receive the crone that is prepared for his Saints.278
I prais my maker While I breath. if I am drove from place to place and serve the Lord for this I no he has no other Church Below. I do feel to rejoyce that it is as well with us as it is for God has bin our sheald and buckler.279 he has bin our Cove[r]t in the Storme. When We Weare drove from Missouri in febary aCrost the prearas [praries] you must realise your Self how you Wold have felt to have bin drove from your home for nothing but for the religon of Jesus Christ in <the> dead of the Winter on the open preras [praries] With your littles ones. but thanks be to the Almigty God, he has prepreveve [preserved] us and has <kep> us from <the> hand of our Cruel enemies Who Was threatning our lives daly & if Could See you and talk With you I could tell you all about it. We Want to See you all or hear from you. may god grant to give you his Spirit to enable you to See the thruth as it is in Christ Jesus that We may meet in the Celestel Kindom of God Whear parting is no more. thear we Shall sing our makers prais through out out relms of endlis days.280
<We> Weant you Should Write and let us no Whear our Brothers and Sisters all are So we can Write to them to let them no that We are a live.281 and writ as so[o]n as you Get this letter that I may hear from you once more for I cant express how I Want to see you all and talk With you and then I cold tell you this. from your Brother and Sister Erastus and Melissa Dodge
give our love all enquiring frends. Derect your <letters to> Adams County Pa[y]son post office Illinois I heard last summer that father was dead.282 thear fore I shant Said <not> much about him. blesed are the dead that die in the Lord.283[118]
Dont for git to let me no Whear you all are and writ[e] immeatly that I may no whear you all are and then I Will Write more particulars.
I See the little birds with Eas[e] fly ove[r] the hils and lofty trees. Could I but fly as well as theay I quicly Com and talk with the[e.]
Melissa Dodge
To Mr William T Morgan Of Henderson; County Of Jefferson; State of New York
On 1 June 1806, the youngest daughter of Boswell and Susannah Murray was born in Florida, Montgomery County, New York.285 They named her Vilate. She was the youngest of five. The family lived in New York as Vilate grew up. She was known as the “village belle” as a teenager. One day when the Murrays lived in Victor, Ontario County, New York, a young stranger passed by their house on horseback and stopped to ask for a drink of water. Vilate’s father proceeded to draw water from the well and asked her to get a glass from inside the house. The stranger drank and returned again and again for water until he began to call on Vilate—though initially he didn’t know her name.
Vilate Murray Kimball. Courtesy Church History Library.
The stranger’s name was Heber Chase Kimball, and after a few months’ courtship, later in the year they married.286 Vilate was sixteen and Heber was twenty-one. She and Heber moved to nearby Mendon, Monroe County, and lived there for several years. In Mendon, Vilate had her first child, Judith Narvin Kimball, at the age of seventeen.287 Judith died after less than a year, and Vilate had to wait for another child. Two years later Vilate gave birth to William Henry Kimball, and then in another two years, her second daughter, Helen Mar Kimball, was born.288
About this time, the Kimballs began to get caught up in the many ideas about religion then circulating. After a period of investigation, they initially decided to join a Baptist church in 1831. Three weeks later, they met Mormon missionaries. Their good [120] friends Brigham and Miriam Young and John and Rhoda Greene lived nearby, and all became interested in the message of the missionaries.289 To obtain more information about Joseph Smith, the couples went to visit a Mormon meeting in Columbia, Bradford County, Pennsylvania. They stayed a week in Pennsylvania, and soon after Heber decided on baptism. Vilate was baptized the following week. The Youngs and Greenes were also baptized.
The following fall Miriam Young died. With the death of Miriam, what remained of the Youngs and Kimballs united. Vilate cared for Miriam and Brigham’s two little girls, Elizabeth and Vilate. Brigham and the girls moved in with the Kimballs, and they all lived together for the next year until they moved to Kirtland in the fall of 1833. There they initially rented a home together and then built their own home. In Ohio, Heber began a long missionary career, and then he joined Brigham to go with Zion’s Camp to redeem the Saints in Jackson County. Heber would leave Vilate alone as he left on missions and other Church business for a good portion of their married life.290
Heber was gone from Kirtland for four months with Zion’s Camp. During Heber’s absence, Vilate cared for her children and worked to weave fabric to make clothing for the temple workers. A few months after returning from the march of Zion’s Camp, Heber was called as an apostle and then left again on a mission to the eastern states. He had been gone for one month when their fourth child Heber Parley Kimball was born.291 He returned to Kirtland and was able to attend the Kirtland Temple [121] dedication with Vilate, though again he left on a mission to the East. This time Vilate was not left without companionship. She visited her parents in New York. When Heber finished this mission, he joined her in New York, and they returned to Kirtland together.
Kirtland was a different place when they returned. A mob spirit ruled. Amidst severe internal dissention, Joseph Smith sent Heber on the first mission abroad. He left for Great Britain in 1837. Although Vilate was used to Heber being gone, she said that being apart this time was her most severe trial. Heber also felt the severity of the separation. He laid his hands on the heads of Vilate and the children to give them a father’s blessing before he left. At times during the blessings he was unable to continue for sobbing. Despite the obvious sadness before leaving, both felt that they were doing that which God wanted.
After the move to Missouri with Heber absent again, Vilate struggled to provide for her small children, and then just three weeks later the mobbing began in Far West. At one point after his return from England, Heber was taken as a prisoner. Vilate was frightened and exhausted, so she went to stay the night with her friend, Mary Fielding Smith. During her time in Far West, her husband and children were threatened. Finally in the middle of February 1839, Vilate left with Brigham Young’s family. Heber was asked to stay behind to help others evacuate.
The winter ground was so frozen that young William’s feet froze on the way to Illinois. The feet were saved by Dr. Levi Richards at the last moment before amputation [122] was necessary.292 Upon their arrival in Illinois, Brigham arranged for Vilate to stay with a Mrs. Ross for seven weeks until a room was ready to be rented in Quincy. There Vilate was reunited with Heber. He worked to make her and the children comfortable in Quincy and then went to Commerce to prepare a place for them.
In July, Vilate and her children moved to swampy Commerce to a log shack that Heber built from the remains of an old stable. Although Heber purchased land and built a fourteen-by-sixteen cabin, it was not done in time for the birth of their fifth child, David Patten. David was born in the middle of a rainstorm in ankle-deep water. About a week later, Vilate and the children moved into the cabin. Helen was without shoes, and then Heber left again on a second British Mission. When he left, Vilate had nine dollars, which settled a debt the following day.
Vilate was known among the Saints for her crackers that were sent to the sick.
The Saints all worked together to get through the fever and sickness. Many helped Vilate throughout Heber’s absence. The second winter passed without serious problems, and then Heber returned in July 1841. Heber Jr. ran out to greet him at the landing and Joseph Smith and the other brethren were already there. As they all came up the path to the Kimball’s home, Vilate “hid herself behind the door, where her husband soon found her in tears and confusion.” The group of men intruding on a moment that Vilate considered sacred was almost too much for her.
“I dream about you most every night, but always feel disappointed for when I awake, behold it is a dream and I could cry if it would do any good.”293 Heber and Vilate [123] had ten children together. Heber was consistent in demonstration of his love for Vilate. When in Washington, D.C., in June 1844, he longed for Vilate. He reflected, “When I see men and thare wives walking out two by two [from the Capitol] O that I had my dear Vilate with me, bless hur heart soul and body.”294 Though Heber eventually had forty-five wives before his death, almost without fail when he mentions his wife in his diaries, he speaks of Vilate.295
Vilate was known for her “intense sympathy,” “generous emotions,” and charity as her predominating attribute.296 On 22 October 1867, Vilate passed away leaving her husband of forty-five years. He was visibly distraught and over her casket spoke of being “not long after her.”297
Vilate’s letter, which follows, details one of the more difficult times of her life. Heber had just left on his second mission to Great Britain. They lived in a small cabin, she had recently given birth, had four children to care for, and all were ill. She does not want Heber’s pity, but communicates her wish to be strong and faithful in a difficult time. The original of the letter is in private possession; the Church History Library possess a photocopy of the letter in good condition that was made in 1957.298[124]
Vilate Murry Kimball to Heber C. Kimball, 21 September 1839. Courtesy Church History Library.
with a weak and trembleing hand I attempt to write you a few lines, agreable to your request to let you know how we do; which is very poorly I can assure you. as to my feelings I dont know but I am perfectly reconciled to your going. But I must say I have got a trial of my faith, as I never had before. the day you left home was as sick a one as I ever experienced, the pain in my back and head was almost intolerable. no doubt the pain in my head was worse on the account of my much weeping. but I did not weep any after you left, for my distress was so great I could not think of much els[e].
William moaned and cried about all day, and had a chill in the evening.300 Sister Bently [s]taid with me through the day, she was sick, but she did all she could do for me.301 Fanny Dort came over and stayed all night with me.302 I was a lone a little while before the[y] came. I then cralled out of bead and bowed before the Lord and pled with him to give us a good nights rest. and he did so. and be assured I did not forget to pray for you. the next morning I felt free from pain; [though I felt so light] headed that I couldnot walk without staggering. William and Helen was not able to do any thing so I was obliged to crall round and doing chores.303 And wash a little for the babe; no one to help me but a little Heber P.304 I soon got overdone and brought on my chill and fever, so that I had a very sick afternoon, and did not rest but little last night.
to day I havenot ben able to do any thing. I was taken early this morning with a shake and shook about an hour and a half as hard as I ever saw anybody in my life and then weltered under a fever and extream pain until almost night. William has just had the harvest chill that he has had in a number of days.305 Br Rogers has been here and left more pills for him, and he has taken them up, but they dont seem to do him any good.306[125] he offered to leave some for me, but I told him I would try what virtue there was in bone set first. But it has not done me any good. and what to dont now I have no care <to> get any thing for me, or to do any thing for my comfort. Br Bentley has moved in here but, but sister Ann is very feble hardly able to do her own work, she is very kind and would be glad to doctor us if she was able. Helen is complaining all the time, but is [ab]le to do some chores today.
Now I have given you a statement of our situation. not to make you feel bad, but because you requested it of me. thus you see that I have got a trial of my weak faith as I said before. but all that I can ask of you is to pray that I may have patience to endure to the end whether it be long or short. I feel as though if you ever see your famaly all alive again it will be through your faith.307 Saterday morning, dear Heber we are all alive and tolerable comfortable this morning, would to God we could remain so throughout the day. we will hope for the best. Mother Remon stayed with me last night. She said I [might] tell you she had slept with your little Prophet.
I must draw to a close for Br. George is waiting.308 unless my health should improve I shall not be able to write next week as you requested for i[’]m growing weak every day. You had better enquire for a letter at Newyork, perhaps I shall send there. To fare you well my dear Heber, I pray that it may be well with you.
Sister Ann sends love to you. the children all send love to you. [126]
Laura Clark Phelps
Laura Clark was born in New Fairfield, Connecticut, in 1807 to Polly Keeler and Timothy Clark.310 She was the third daughter of their twelve children. The family lived in Connecticut for several years and then moved west, first to Indiana and then on to Illinois. On the frontier, she and her siblings received little education.311
When she was about eighteen, she met nineteen-year old Morris Charles Phelps, who was visiting relatives in Illinois. They were married.312 Morris later said of Laura, “There never was a woman on earth that I thought more of and affection never was diminished.” They continued to live in Illinois for five years, and Laura had two daughters, Paulina Eliza and Mary Ann.313 Although it is not known specifically how, in 1831, Laura first heard of the Book of Mormon, she was captivated by the book which caused her to quickly write Morris who was away on business. He shared the information with his friend Charles C. Rich and others.314 After several weeks, Laura and Morris were baptized in the Dupage River.
Two months later, they moved to gather with the Saints in Jackson County, Missouri. Laura had her third daughter in a tent soon after they arrived in Zion.315 They [127] also cared for the son of fellow member John Murdock.316 His wife had died during child birth early in 1832. Joseph and Emma Smith took the newly born twins, and the Phelps cared for John Murdock Jr.317 Laura and her family endured suffering as they were driven from their homes to Clay County.
In 1834, Morris was called on a mission to Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio. Laura was left alone to care for her three girls. She taught school and acted as a midwife to support her family. As a missionary, Morris and his companion Charles C. Rich baptized Laura’s parents and other members of her family. The Clarks then joined Laura in Missouri and helped her with her family until Morris returned.
The Phelps bought a farm outside of Far West in 1837, and there Laura bore their first son, Joseph Morris. There were already problems in Missouri, and Laura personally had several run-ins with the Missourians. One day Joseph and Hyrum Smith rushed into Laura’s house to hide from the mob that was pursuing them. Laura hid them and then when the mob rushed in and asked where they were, she responded that she had not seen them, but if they desired they could look around. They quickly searched and left. When Smith emerged from his hiding place, he counseled Laura, “There are black lies and there are white lies and that certainly was a white one that came from your lips.”318
At another instance, a mob came into Laura’s yard to try to shoot their animals. Young Harriet, Laura’s youngest daughter, ran out of the house to protect her pet pig and they threatened to shoot her. Laura rushed out of the house and told them they could [128] shoot all the animals they wanted but demanded that they leave her little girl alone. In her patriarchal blessing, given in 1839 by Joseph Smith Sr. at Far West, it said “notwithstanding the many afflictions she has gone through, she holds her integrity and has not turned away from thee.”319
At the siege of Far West, Morris was taken with Parley P. Pratt and others to prison in Richmond. As Pratt described, they were in the “cold, dark dungeon” where they were “frequently insulted and abused by our dastardly guards, who often threatened to shoot us on the spot, and who made murder, robbery, and whoredoms with Negro slaves their daily boast.”320 After a few months, they were moved to Columbia jail, one hundred thirty-nine miles away from Far West. Laura visited Morris every two weeks throughout the spring and brought the children once.
After several months, Laura grew weary of her frequent visits and decided that she was the one who could help the prisoners escape. Joseph Smith Jr. blessed Laura prior to traveling to the jail. He prophesied, “Sister Phelps, perhaps you can accomplish more than we can, we have done our best to get those prisoners liberated, but all our plans have failed.”321 After eight months of confinement, the future appeared bleak to the prisoners. They were ill and distraught. Parley later said that just prior to Laura’s arrival, he had seen a plan of escape in a dream. Laura arrived with the same design.
Here was her plan to free them: She would secret three horses in some brush a short distance from the jail. As an excuse to get the jailer to unlock the prison door, she would suggest to the jailer that he open the [129] door and pass the coffee pot to the prisoners through the open door. . . . Should the jailer unlock the door, it would be the signal to get busy, pull the door wide open, grab the jailer, throw him to the floor and flee for their lives. . . . The scheme worked but not without difficulties. The second door was unlocked and King Follet pulled the door open and Parley P. Pratt was to follow and grandfather [Morris] Phelps, being an athlete and wrestler, was to throw the jailer down and he would follow. It proved to be an exciting event. . . . it was the fourth of July and nearly hundreds were celebrating.322
The men made their way to Orson Pratt and John Clark who were waiting with the horses. Although King Follet was quickly captured riding side saddle on Laura’s horse, the others eventually made their way back to Illinois, though Laura would not know of their success for several more weeks.
When the men left the jail, Laura was left with the jailer and his wife, who turned her outside to the group gathering around the jail. The group was very abusive to Laura, particularly upon the recapture of Follet. A young boy saw what was happening and ran to tell his mother, a Mrs. Richardson. She sent her husband to rescue Laura, saying she did not care who this woman’s husband was, she did not deserve to be treated in such a manner. They took Laura into their home, where she spent the next ten days. Mr. Richardson recovered her saddle and horse, and they helped her prepare to leave. She gave them a Book of Mormon, sang hymns with them, and left with a promise that if she learned of any great destruction to come upon the state of Missouri, she would warn them. She was finally reunited with Morris after three weeks.
After their reunion, Morris and Laura left the children with friends and traveled to Kirtland to recuperate with his parents. Laura’s youngest son was born on their return as [130] they stopped at the home of her sister in Indiana. They then moved to Macedonia, Iowa, after their ten-month trip and there built a home.323 In 1841, Laura believed she saw a vision that taught her she would not live much longer. She died of pneumonia on 2 February 1841. She was thirty-four years old with five young children. Joseph Smith Jr. and Heber C. Kimball preached at her funeral. Smith said that her exaltation was sure. In her obituary, Heber called her a “highly esteemed and worthy sister” and described how, in the midst of difficulties in Missouri, “she endeared herself to many of her friends by her acts of kindness and in many instances was truly heroic.”324
Laura Clark Phelps demonstrated her devotion to her beliefs and her family through her actions. Her letter is housed in the Church History Library.325 Laura wrote the letter with her brothers John and William from Lee County, Iowa. The letter is written on off-white paper with dark ink. It measures 19.1 x 30.6 centimeters, is folded in half and written on four sides. Her letter is not particularly verbose or eloquent, but she reveals her willingness to endure affliction because she knows that she is pursuing the course that God would desire.
Laura Clark Phelps, John Clark, and William Clark to Dear Friend, 1839. Courtesy Church History Library.
1839 early summer
Dear Friend.326 I will stop & try to pen a line to you we are all in good health this is hear. I got a letter from Morris today he is at Boon County Columby Jail & is Sick. he was only able to write a few lines. I understand they had to swim the waters as they came to [131] Boon. by his writing his heart was full. this he says I cannot ask you to come and se me. you allreddy have went through with so much visiting me in Prison.
I nedent try to express my feelings to you at this time. my heart is full from day to day tho I know theare is a God that Can deliver all his Servants. I expect to start in a few dayes to find Morris if possible.327 I tended the Cort at richman April 22. this was a Serious Time I asure you to leav a Companion in the Dungeon with half anough to eat. that morning i was thear, thear was 8 in Jail to Breakfast & thear was only anough brought for 3 to eat.328 a little before noon Morris Sent a half a dollar to by bread for us but none Coume till about 2 o’clock. then I had to take parting hand. I went holm 30 miles and eat my breckfast. I was thear 9 dayes & Spent the most of my time with Morris.329
all they brought against him was walters Stated that he heard him Say he went part way to the Battle.330 I talked with the Lawyers & Grand Jury they sed that they had no dout but he was <inisent> [innocent]. I have no doubt but Morris would hav Got Clear but they jest heard that Br Joseph & all the others Getting at liberty.331 it raised thear fury.332
I left our holm on the 26. I drove my waggon all the way, turned over once with my Children under my load but hurt them but little I think. I Can Safely Say I know what is trouble is to have my husban torn from the bosom of his family & then the having to part with our dear Mother.333 & had it not ben for the power of God I never Could hav born this Sean. hur words often rowls through my heart, O Sorry Be of Good Chear remember while you are pasing through trouble I your Mother is at rest for my work is don. whi Can you Say Stay any longer on earth.
I can Safely Say this day I am not sorry I ever joined this Church For is I recollect the Company that John Saw Came up through great tribulation.334 we have to be tried like [132] Gold Seven times tried. I will write again when I get back from Columby. write as Soon as you Can. Laury Phelps
Mr John Cooper or DK Cooper Will Co Dupage Ill [133]
Almira Mack Scobey Covey, letter 2
For biographical information, see her earlier letter. This original is held in the archives at the University of Michigan at Ann Arbor. The Church History Library possess a color copy of the letter. The parchment appears yellow and measures 24.1 × 19.4 centimeters written with charcoal-colored ink. Like to Almira’s first letter included in this collection, this letter is also written to her sister Harriet Mack Whittemore. Almira had been away from her extended family for a number of years. One year previously her mother, Temperance, made the journey from Michigan to Commerce (Nauvoo) to join Almira. Along with family news, Almira describes the challenging Missouri persecutions of the Saints.
After a long silence I once more take my pen to write a few lines to my absent friends, and it was not because I had forgotten you that I did not write, but it was partly through negligence, and also I had more cares involving upon my me than what I formerly had when I wrote you so often. Mother wishes me to acknowledge the receipt of twenty dollars which she received in you letter dated November 15th.
Your letter gave us much satisfaction as is always does to hear from our absent <friends> and to hear that they are well. As for our healths, they are all gaining. We have all of us been very sick through the summer.336 Mother has had several attacks of the chills and fever this winter but they did not last her long and now I think she is about as well as usual. My children have the ague every little while.337 Brother Dorts family are all well.338 He has a young daughter 5 weeks old. Fanny has lived with me most of the time [134] since they came here.339 She is now at home and is to be married a week from today to Matthew Casto.340 I am not acquainted with him but it is thought that she will do very well.
We have been requested in several letters to give a history of the proceedings of the mob in Missouri but this is more than I can do. It is more than I can do to point to you our feelings when surrounded by a wicked mob. Not allowed even to go out of town to our friends without leave from that wicked crew. You can better judge what my feelings were when seeing my husband taken away to prison with about 50 others and for what? Nothing but our religion. He was kept there three weeks and then released as they could find nothing against him.
Mother bore her trials very well. She said she never wishes herself back to Michigan. And I can say for one that I never as yet repented of uniting myself to this persecuted people but feel willing to suffer for Christ’s sake. But Harriet, it is no small trial to see your houses surrounded by a wicked mob threatning your lives and even killing some, and we not knowing when we laid ourselves down at night but we should all be massacred before morning for this was the orders of the Governor of Missouri.
I could not begin on one sheet of paper to give you an account of our suf the sufferings of this people, but there is a correct history from the beginning to be printed and then you can learn the right of the story for I presume you hear many things that are not correct.341 I have not heard anything from Henry and have not had time that I could write to him but should like to have him come and make a visit. Carlos Buckland has been to see us twice.342 The last time he came as a commander of a company belonging to the mob. I talked very plain to him about coming to drive his Grandmother, Uncle and Aunt from their home. He did not like it much. He has been in the place since but did not call to see us.
I want you should remember me to all of my Brothers and Sisters as one for I think of them all and want to see them, but I do not know what to say about going there next summer for we have so many disappointments that I do not know what calculations to make.343 By your writing I see that you feel uneasy about us for fear that we suffer for the wat necessarys of life. Give yourself no trouble about us that way for we have enough to eat, dro drink, and to wear. Mother says remember her to Mrs Williams and Harriet and all enquiring friends. Remember me to all your Children. Tell brother John [135] that I feel and sympathise with him in his loss.344 You must excuse me for not writing more for it gives me the sick head ache to write and this is one great reason of my not writing oftner. Eno<ch> says he wants to see Aunt Harriet.345 He very often gets the team and starts for Michigan to see the boys. I want you should write us soon as you receive this and accept this from your sister,
Almira Covey
To Mrs. Harriet Whittmore Pontiac, Oakland County, Michigan [136]
Lucy Thompson Lisk
Lucy Thompson Lisk was born to Nancy and Andrew Lisk on 23 September 1820.346 Lucy is an example of the myriad, almost nameless early female members of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Other than the following letter, the record of her life consists of a few genealogical dates. Although this record is brief in comparison with her entire life experience, it allows us to view her conversion—a very significant event in her life. The 1840 letter tells of her conversion along with her mother and sister amidst a healing that Lucy considered miraculous. She was nineteen when she wrote the letter.
After the women of her family joined with the LDS Church in 1840, Lucy moved to Nauvoo with her sister Olive.347 In 1843 both girls married. Lucy married James McFate of Mahoning, Pennsylvania. In Nauvoo, they had three children.348 Her fourth child, Ardilla, was born in Winter Quarters—present-day Florence, Nebraska—but died four days later.349 Three months later, Lucy also died, leaving her three small children and her husband on their way west. [137]
The original letter is in private possession. The Church History Library holds a photocopy which makes the letter appear 24.1 × 18.8 centimeters.350 It is two sheets written on four sides in dark ink. Lucy describes a powerful healing event and what she feels “true enjoyment is” as she details her conversion experience. Through the testimony of her cousin and then her mother, she began her faith in Joseph Smith’s restoration. She likewise believed that her testimony could have the same effect.
We have waited rather impatiently some time for an answer to our letter written in February but have gotten none as yet. I believe I promised to write again as soon as we should get another letter from you, but I want to tell you what we have all been about since we wrote and I guess I will not wait any longer for a letter from you. When we sent you our last letter Olivia I believe was very sick but she got some better so that she walked about the house and did some light chores. but the doctor said her complaint was on her nerves and that she would not be able to do any work this summer. and we finally got discouraged as well as she for the medicine appeared to take no effect. and she appeared to be failing rather than gaining and she said if I must die I must and dont make me take any more medicine for it does me no good. so she left it off and appeared to do as well without it. I had not got able to do anything more than to set the table or help Mother wash the dishes and she had all the work to do and us to wait on besides.353
But about the last of February, Elijah and Elvira came to see us and wanted me to go home with them and mother said we heard that our cousin Briggs Alden was coming to our house the next day in that character of a Mormon Elder.354 you may guess our astonishment and curiosity at such news. it is true. we had heard that Uncle Alden’s folks had joined the Mormons about three years before, but we had heard again that they has left them. but we could get no certain information concerning them so you may [138] immagine that we felt some desire to know something about them as well as their doctrine. But as I had promised to go [to] Elvira, we departed telling Mother if the morman wanted to see us before we come back he must come where we were.
but the snow went off next day and I had to stay a fortnight during which we heard nothing from home or the Mormon. and when there came a little snow Elijah brought me home and our folks said that B[riggs] A[lden] had preached here twice and that he had then gone out to uncle Bradfords but that he was coming back and would preach at our school house that evening.
They said he preached nothing but truth. but I told them I should not take their word for it but go and hear for myself. and would you believe that when I came to hear him I was just fool enough to believe what he said because it was in the Bible. when we got home Mother asked me how I liked Mormonism? I replied, I have no fault to find with what I have heard. she then said Lucy you may depend upon it they preach the truth. I told her I had not heard enough to judge whether it was all truth or not. Briggs came home with us and preached at our house the next evening. but I was taken more unwell than usual and could not sit up so I laid down and got to sleep and left my part of the meeting. but he staid with us the next day and I had some opportunity of conversing with him and the more I heard the more fully was I convinced of the truth of the doctrine.
Mother had by this time concluded to obey the gospel and be baptized. but as Olivia and I were somewhat fearful and unbelieving, she concluded that she would wait until we would go with her as Elder Alden had got to leave us for a few days. He went away on Thursday and on Monday mother was taken sick with the cankerrash and Olivia and I were scarcely able to take care of her.355 and we couldnt get anyone to help us as there were many sick around us. so we did the best we could and she got better in a few days, but as she got better Olivia grew worse. but we found a good smart girl to come and help us.
Olivia was taken with the canker rash on Sunday night and Maria came to work on Monday and worked two days and then she was taken sick. she complained of her throat being sore and filled up but was in hopes she should be better and would not let her folks know that she was sick. so mother gave her some pills, three of which were a dose but she took twenty and they had no effect. and she grew worse all the time and we thought she would die so we sent for the doctor Wednesday night about midnight.
when he came he said she had got the canker rash. her throat was so sore she could scarcely swallow any thing. and he told us to give her 3 more pills which would in all probability help her. Olivia had taken some which operated but she would not take anything more. their throats were very sore so he put on some liniment which blistered Olivia’s in less than ten [139] minutes but Maria tore hers off. the doctor said if they did not get along then we must let him know it so he went away.
Well Olivia did not get any better and Maria grew worse. her medicine had taken no effect and her throat grew worse and she grew sick at her stomach and on Friday we sent for the doctor again. he came in the evening but she was then so sick she could not stir without puking and her heart beat very violently. He said he would give her something to turn her from her sickness but it did not have any effect and he said her phisick must operate before she would get any better.356 her throat had got so full she could not take more pills. so he gave Mother some croton oil and told her to rub it on her and she did. and he said it would probably operate in less than ten minutes.357 but he waited an hour and then gave her one drop to take and left something to check its operation. if it should prove too powerful and then went home saying if she does not get better let me know it.
Well I sat up with her that night and Mother slept with Olivia and took care of her. and I gave Maria her medicine as the Dr directed but to my astonishment and alarm it had no more effect than so much water. and she grew sicker and weaker and was still worse in the morning. we still did all we could but could not help her and after noon Orra went after the doctor again and he came and Briggs came back while Orra was gone after him.
The doctor gave M[aria] about twelve more drops of croton oil besides rubbing more on her then left her something for her mouth and throat and told us what to give her when. the oil operated for nourishment for then she had not taken as much as half a teacupful of any thing in four days and puked all the time most every thing she did take.
Olivia’s throat was a little better only the blister, but she grew weaker all the time. the doctor told her she must keep as still and quiet as possible but did not give us any Encouragement to think she would ever get well. but she said she might be better so he left her some medicine and went away saying let me know if they dont get along. After he was gone Briggs said to Olivia, it is your priveledge to be heald if you desire it. and she replied that it was her desire but medicine could not do it and she would take no more. He said the gifts of prophecy healing and tongues were in the church of Latter Day Sints the same that they were in former times. and that if she would lay his hands upon her and pray with and for her which he did and it was about nine o clock in the evening.
she had sat up most all day in the rocking chair with pillows abourd her but was not able to walk about the room till about ten o’clock. she arose and undressed herself alone which she had not done for a more than a week. and went to bed saying with a smile, I shall get up and get breakfast for you tomorrow morning. but we could not believe it [140] possible. And would you believe that when I awoke the next morning she was running up the cellar stairs with a panfull of potatoes in her hand, but thank god it was so. But I found poor Maria no better. she had not had anything pass her bowels in almost a fortnight. and we could not get any medicine to operate at all and it seemed as though she must die. but she said, I believe I may be healed as well as Olivia and he co[m]plied with her request. But still to our surprise her medicine took no efect & the canker in her throat had spread even to her stomach. she would not take any medicine so we threw hers and Olivias out the window. In the afternoon she was better and Monday she sat up most all day. in the two days she went to work well and smart and has worked ever since. but she did not have anything to pass her bowels till the next week which rather puzzles the doctors. she was with us two weeks and then went home.
While Maria was sitting up Monday, Mother and Olivia and myself went and were baptized having been fully convinced of the truth of the doctrine which we have embraced and are determined to prove faithful to the end.
The next Saturday Olivia went out and took cold which brought on a swelling in her throat that by Sunday noon threatened every moment to choke her to death so rapid was its progress. She could not even swallow a teaspoonful of water though she was very hungry. there was preaching here in the afternoon and we were to be confirmed but the elders did not get here till the congregation had collected so they waited till after the service was over. and we were confirmed members of the church of Latter day Saints.
they then prayed with Olivia for the restoration of her health and their prayer was granted and she is now a well hearty girl and has been ever since.
Since then Olivia has been baptized and confirmed a member of the church and we believe others will yet do the same. Father does not appear in the least inclined to oppose us but we meet with opposition enough from other qurters I will assure you. but may the Lord have mercy on them and open their eyes. Fathers health is not good this spring as usual but he rather gains as the weather grows warmer. Mother says tell them I am well in soul and body and if there comes any of these poor despised Mormons there receive them in the name of the Lord and God will bless you for it. Olivia says tell Aunt Harriet if she will answer this letter I will write her one by myself.
(It was just night that they prayed with Olivia and in a little while she called to me to bring her some porrige which I did. and she drinked it and soon got up and ate a hearty supper and sat up all the evening. but she had not been able to raise her head from the pillow or speak aloud in all the afternoon.)
But I dont believe you will <want> another as long as this very soon or at least till you have read this. Well the way to take revenge is to write one three times as long just as quick as you can. Elvira and Angelina are well and their families. I must now bid you good bye as I have filled my paper. Father Mother and all send their love to you and to GrandFather and Mother and Uncle Randolph and Aunt Octavia.358[141]
Give my love to them all. I have not written half I wanted to and perhaps you will think I have been more particular than interesting—but I feel as though I wanted you to know all that I know. and if you wish to know what true enjoyment is—become a Mormon. Yes, come out and be separated from sinners and sin. take the path the Saviour trod, though it may be a thorny one.
I believe you will find many sweet flowers. also search the scriptures carfully and prayerfully and see if these things are not so. and that God may bless you and lead you into all truth is the prayer of you affectionate niece.
Lucy T Lisk
To Miss Harriet Metcalf Constantine St. Joseph Co. Michigan359
You must not give credit to the silly and rediculous stories you hear. but look to God and he will not deceive you. if you put your trust in him he will hold you up and never forsake you. Lucy T Lisk [142]
Olive Boynton Hale
Olive Boynton was born in July 1805 in Bradford, Essex County, Massachusetts.360 She lived there until she married Jonathan Harriman Hale in 1825. For the next several years they moved back and forth between Bradford and Dover, New Hampshire. In early 1834 the Hales met Mormon missionaries and were baptized on 13 June in Dover. In August, Jonathan was ordained to preside over the local congregation. Nine months later, Jonathan left Dover to go to Kirtland, leaving pregnant Olive with two small children. For the next several years, he was often gone away on missions and church business before finally moving Olive and several members of her extended family to Kirtland.
While Jonathan served a mission to the Fox Islands, Maine, with Wilford Woodruff, Olive and Pheobe Carter Woodruff lived in the Hale’s home and cared for their families together. Olive’s son Aroet recalled their example:
Two more devoted woman never lived on the face of this Earth. I well remember the Earnest Pruirs that they used to offer for their Dear Companions while they ware on their mishon & the Teachings that I received from them. . . . Being baptized in ice water froze me into the Church & I am still with it thank God. Sister Pheba Woodruff & mother used to talk to us Cheldren & tell us about an Angle apering to the Prophet Joseph Smith when he was a young man. That we must be good cheldren that Angles would not apear to bad Cheldren. The first time that I remember of seeing the Prophet Joseph & his Brother Hyrum was in the Kirtland Temple they was poynted out to me by mother.361
Olive was a stable example to her children and taught them to remain steadfast to the Church through their trials. In Kirtland her brother, the apostle John Farnham Boynton, [143] apostatized and turned to persecute the Saints.362 This undoubtedly took its toll on Olive and the rest of the family. And this was only the beginning of her persistent trials. Before Olive reached Missouri, her husband was arrested and she gave birth to a child.363
Shortly after she arrived in Missouri, the extermination order given by the Missouri governor was issued. After leaving their home under duress, the Hales camped at Adam-ondi-Ahman. There, Missourians searched their tents and wagons. Olive somehow managed to hide two rifles under her clothing on either side of her bosom. Her son described what followed: “My dear mother was lying sick in a wagon box in the tent. Four of the mob came into the tent to the back side of the bed. They took a hold of the bed and threw her from one side to the other against the wagon box until she was nearly exhausted.”364 Although the rifles were protected, the Hales lost nearly everything else.
They soon picked up and moved again, this time to a friendlier location—Quincy, Illinois. In Quincy the rifles were pawned for food for the children and they prepared to move on to Nauvoo. In Nauvoo, Olive was able to experience somewhat of a respite from the afflictions of the Saints only to be tormented with her own physical suffering. The reprieve was too short as the tensions exploded resulting in the deaths of Joseph and Hyrum Smith. Then as the Saints prepared to cross the Mississippi River in the evacuation of Nauvoo, Olive’s Jonathan became ill and died just after the birth of their youngest child. Olive followed him four days later leaving her children as orphans. [144]
Despite the intense afflictions of Missouri and their precarious circumstances in Illinois, Olive’s letter echoed the same feeling of rejoicing as did the letters other women here included. The afflictions only confirmed to her the truth of that which she believed. She would willingly accept the challenges that came her way. The original letter is comprised of two 31.3 × 19.4 centimeter off-white sheets written in charcoal-colored ink. It is in the collection of the Church History Library.365 There is a change of handwriting midway through Olive’s letter.366
Olive Boynton Hale to Martha Harriman Hale, March 1841. Courtesy Church History Library.
As I sat museng this morning upn <upon> the many scenes that had transpird for the five or six last years,369 and among the multitude was one that took place on my own [145] native land on the day of my departuer.370 the seperation of a beloved mother from her son and daughter and their littel ones is one that conot cannot never be forgoton by me. nether the promis I made respecting writting to her. therefor Dear mother I continue to adress you by writting.371 notwithstanding, I have not recived so much as one letter since Jonathan returned from the Islands although we hav both wrot severel times and feel very anixious to have you or som[e of] our beloved brothers or sisters write to us immeditely after the reception of this.372 as all we have heard from you was from J Holmes373 to written stating that you had a bad sore on <one> of your hands and was unabel to keep house and that you was living with Rachel.374 I asure you we felt to mourn your loss and wished that you could be with us. not that I think that we could do any better for you than sister R has done,375 but would like to be in your company once more. and at another time that Sarah had lost two of her children which I was very sorry to hear as death has once before visited her family.376
I want that you should write whare your are are and whare your children all live, the names of your grand Children, and the deaths of our relation in that county.377 If you have recived letters from Brother Wicom and Sister Cathrine,378 or if you <they> have viseted you as they expected to when Jo[n]athan was there last winter if her health would [146] permit which which was poor then,379 if you have seen her, I think you could but admire her pleasant dispoistion, a sister worthey of all our love a[nd] respect. If you have not heard anything from them, do write to them soon for he told J[onathan] that he had wrote a number of letters and had no answer from them and If you thought much of him you would write.
on J retern from Indania380 he called on mr J Hardey found his whole famely (with the excepton of caroline) in that part of the Country handsomely situatide and in good health excepting Baley.381 he had a bad coudh. pleas write if brother oSgood is in Haverhill and if he and his famely are well.382 we have no letters from him nor heard from him since John’s wife returned from her visit from Soco maine.383 she called on them when on her gourney to Deveport [Davenport] Iowa Territoray, when Father and Mother are very pleasentely settled384—170 miles frome where we now live 100 from Nauvoo385—whare J has bought land and is there now building and fencing and will probeley be there two <or> three weeks longer.386 he wished me to write before he returned and give his love to you and all brothers and sisters and all enquiring friends.387 I expect we shall move next month as our 2 years is out here.388 I wish you to direct your letters Nauvoo, Handcock County, Ilinois. [147]
Jonathan visited father one year ago last september. found them all well and in good spirits.389 Johns wife and little boy in company with her brother arrived there [the] day he left Devenport.390 Henry and Clari<s>ey are well and wish to be rememberd to you his connection.391 they visited Fathers folks last June [and] found Mother sick with the fever and ague. she was sick sevral weeks but when she recoverd from the ague her health was btter than in the Eastrin Country for the sick headache turns have left her entirely. I expect Johnathan will visit them with all the famaly next summer, wich is sex six in number.392
If you have recived our last letter,393 you have heard that we have a fine great boy whose name is Solomon.394 he will be two years old the 30th of April next.395 he is solid and in blooiming health. his mouth is nearly fillied with teeth. he talks very pla[i]n with great earnistness and sobriety. Alm[a] is well.396 he is a smart little fellow. he often wishes that he could see his Dear grand mother he says give my love to her help her and and fetch in wood for her as he does for his mother. he says give my love to her. Rachel is healthey and persevering but rather small.397 Jonathan often says that she is the very image of me when I was her age. she frequntley says <that> if you could live with us she would like to wait upon you. she says do give my best wishes and love to her. Aroet enjous good health.398 he is large of his age, steady, and induistrious. he can do more than half the laber of his father. he has attend school one quarter in company with Rachel and took care of the creaturs and done399 the chores. setti[ng] thre[e] traps he has caught rabbits so fat that the kidneys were covered, prarie hens & quails, more than we could eat in our family. he has sold six dozen of the latter for 50 cents pr doz. [148] he desiere to be remembered to you, and says that if he has his health that not more than a dozen years will roll away before he will visit that part of the country.400 I have wrote about all the family but myself. my health is rather poor this winter, which is occaioned by a bad cold. My spirits are good.
we have a plenty of everything to make us comfortable. we have three good cows and calves, a plenty of milk, so that we churn twice a week and make about ten lbs of butter a week (to sell) more than we can use. we have had a shiling and twenty cts for all we have sold. we have 8 hogs and shoats, pork and lard, Game hens a plenty, egg in abundance. we have sold a great many—14 cts pr doz—a plenty of corn, oats, & beans to sell, all kinds of garden sauce a plenty. we have a good wagon and two horses, and many farming tools. in short we have nothing to buy but our wheat that can be raised on a farm and that I expect we shall raise next year if we all have our health, as we have over thirty acers of good land that is not cultivated and if it can be ploughed this summer we can put in good fall wheat.401 perhaps you may think I am too particular, but I dont wish you to think we are suffering for anything amidts a plenty.
Jonathan has sent sister Rachel several papers, a history of the missouria trouble—which if you have received has informed you of some of the trouble that we have had to pass through.402 [you] think that my being called to pass through so many trials and afflictions might cause me to dought the truth of the great work that is rolling through the earth with mighty power, which thousands are embracing & rejoicing that they have been enabled to receive in these the last days. and I feel to rejoice with those that do rejoice in the latter day kingdom which I do know is the work of the Lord. and it will continue to roll on untill Christ Jesus our Lord will descend in the clouds of heaven, with power and great glory, when the saints shall be caught up to meet him in the air.403 I pray this may be our happy lot.
yours in love Olive B. Hale to Martha Hale
Rachel J.S. Hale was born August 27th 1829 in bradford Mass. died in Califonia May 6th 1854 [149]
the Children desire to be remembered to all their Uncles and Aunts and each of their little Cousins. give my love to them all and except a large share for your self Yours with respect O.B.H. [150]
Ann Marsh Abbott
Ann Marsh was born 19 June 1797 to Molly Law and James Marsh in Acton, Massachusetts.404 She was the ninth of ten children who spent their early lives farming. Her mother died when she was just nine years old. Ann married Lewis Abbott in 1829. Her younger brother Thomas hunted down Martin Harris, who gave him one of the first galley sheets of the Book of Mormon off E. B. Grandin’s press in Palmyra in 1830.405 Martin Harris took him directly to the Smith home and he was quickly an integral part of the organization of the Church of Christ, having been called as physician to the church. He shared his findings with his family, and Ann and Lewis were baptized that same year in New York. They moved with the Saints to Ohio and then to Missouri. As Ann explains in her letter, Lewis was attacked twice by a mob in Missouri. Though little is known of the intermittent time, Lewis and Ann moved into a new home in Nauvoo in the fall of 1843.
When news of the martyrdom came to Ann the following summer, she was milking a cow. Feeling the devastation of the Saints, she got up and began to wring her hands repeating, “This cannot be possible.” In 1845, Ann and Lewis prepared to move west. They built their wagons by day and worked on the Nauvoo Temple at night. Ann and Lewis were sealed in the Nauvoo Temple 20 January 1846. They tried to help those [151] Saints in need as they began the trip from Nauvoo. Lewis crossed the river again to help others after being told that if he did, he would be killed. On his second trip back, he was savagely ridden over and beaten. Although he made it back to Ann and across the plains, family tradition holds that the effects of the beating ended his life prematurely.
Three of Ann’s children—Abigail, Thomas, and Joseph—crossed the plains with them.406 Ammon and Eliza Ann died earlier in Quincy, Illinois, of exposure when the mob forced them from their home.407 Ammon was one and a half years old, and Eliza Ann was six months old. Ann arrived in Utah with her family in 1847 with one yoke of cattle, one cow, and enough flour to allow three-quarter pounds per day per person in order to last through the winter. In February and March they were forced to eat thistle roots. Ann’s youngest, Joseph, was born in Utah. She died in 1849.
Ann was forty-six years old when she wrote this letter to her older brother Nathan. [This draft of the letter is in the possession of Ann's descendants. The three-page letter is written on both sides of pale green paper with coffee-colored ink. It measures 31 by 19 centimeters at the top and 19.3 centimeters at the bottom. It has a few light yellow stains and is partially torn. Ann's somewhat cumbersome script and spelling reflect her acknowledged difficulty writing. The letter includes doodling and the beginning of another letter, indicating this was a copy retained by Ann.] In this 1843 letter, Ann demonstrated the surety of her course and her desire for her family to join with her. Though she had seen apostasy up close and had been through many persecutions, she believed that these experiences would strengthen her and she remained faithful to the end.
[The transcription published in the original thesis was updated silently here using the original letter.] Dear brother many years have past a way since I have wrote to you or you to me.408 I so seldom write to eny of you I cannot write with that ease that I could if <I> improved the time and wrote often. When I sit down to write to my brothers I am some what psseled because our correspondance is so seldom. therefore I cannot write t[hat] would be so interesting. However I will improve this opportunity and try to write some thing. that you may know we are yet in the land of the living. [152]
and are in p<r>et<t>y good health considering wha[t w]e ha[ve] had to encounter since we came to this Country. being drive[n by a] Mob from time to time which has caused infermites to come [upon,] us, especialy my Husband his health is poor, too differance times he has had his blood spilt by Missouri mod. However through the me[r]cy of the Lord he is able to do a good deal of work thou<gh> he is troubled very much with the Rheumatism.409
Now I can say that through all our trials and afflictions our faith is not lesond but strengthend in Mormonism. And can safely say we have past through all this for Christ sake. Neather do we exspect that we have pased through all yet we have got to be tried and proved in all things so that we may stand or fall.
Many have fallen out by the way side all ready. Brother Thomas for one and his family. They live in Misso<u>ri what county or place I cannot tell you I have writen to the<m> but cannot git an answer. however I hope he is not lost so but what he can be found again.410
When I reflect a moment & see what a scatard sheep we are I to fe<e>l a great desire. that we might <all> be gathered even with the body of the latter day saints They are flocking from all parts of the Earth to Zion. They ar<e> allmost continually coming from England by hund<r>reds. when I look at this great work I often think is it possible <all> my relation are ignorant of watt what the Lord is doing in these last days, every one can know for themselves the truth of this work. I understand there is a small branch of the church of Mormons in your neighbourhood if so it will be your priviledg to know mormonism. I say this because <I> exspect there has not been many mormons that way.
We have had a letter From James and Emerson last April411 they thought something of coming to this county this spring but I think they have given it up for this season. for they are full of Millerism they are preparing to see the world come to an end in 1843–4.412 Poor Children will find themselves [mis]taken. I say mistaken because according to the word of the Lord [i]t cannot take place yet.
I wish my brothers would come into the true light of the Gospel then they would know light from darknes<s>. Why is [thi]s Generation so prejudiced against that, that is for there [own sa]lvation. I understand there is a small branch of the Church of Mormons in your [153] Neighborhood then why not here them, and understand the true principles of the gospel. I have understood that you have not had much mormon preaching near you unti<ll> lately. so I am in hopes that you will here and know for yourself and likewise your Children.
A Mormon brother a particular friend of ours by the name of Eric Willis called at one of your Neighbor’<s> last fall413 said he saw one of your sons. this is the way I found out where to write. I have understood by Brother Thomas as long ago as when he was at your house you had buried your wife and <I> have <not> heard of your marrying again. I want very much to here from you and your Children I want to here how you git allong as your have become aged I might say by this time I hope your have Children that can see and supply your wants whatever they may be. write or have some one of your children to write for you. please to write your Children names.414
I have three Children, Abigail & Thomas & Joseph415 I have buried two Ammon & Elizaann.416 I here nothing from Kiziah nor Titus.417 I do not here fro<m my brothers> a half so often sence we became mormons as before, but I can tell you this is the greatest blessing the Lord ever bestowed upon me, that I and my family should have the privilidg of imbracing the true and everlasting Gospel as it is en in Christ Jesus. before this we knew nothing about blessings nor cursing.
My Husband would write if he <could> sit with eny ease on accou<nt> of this Rheumatism it is with difficulty that he can sit but a little while at a time. I will now to give you a little history of our situation we live within a half mile of the Missippi river in Iowa Territory Just opposit of Nauvoo we are now building in Nauvoo exspect to move the next fall we have the comforts of life and peace.
when you write direct your letter to Nauvoo Illinois Hancock Co if a mormon brother you know com[es] is coming to Nauvoo write by him or Mail a letter I have not <wrote> much of the history of our lives since we have been in | _____ | Not neare so much as my Husband would have wrote if he had been able he would have given you the a plane history and plan of salvation the plan of salvation you can know for your self if you will read the Book of Mormon without prejudice. and here the Mormon preach<ers> with the same mind. I want you to write and tell us what you beleive about the mormons. I am shure you can have the privlidg of knowing for they are preaching on every side and to [154] every people kindred toung and langague. the work of the Lord rappidly roleing on and will until all is fulfilled.
And it is my fervent prayer that my brothers & sisters <would> will imbrace the true and everlasting Gospel as it is in Jesus Christ. likewise all our relatives and friends. is the desire of your Sister Ann. Amen. A few more lines and I will close I want to have your Children write so that I can write to them in particular.
Direct your letter <to> Lewis Abbott Nauvoo Hancock Co Illinois
I will just tell you where Emerson & James were when they wrote in Waterford, Washington County state of Ohio418
Affectionately Yours Lewis & Ann Abbott June 20, 1843 [155][Editor’s note: there is no page 156 in the original thesis.]
Notes
1. Biographical information about Lucy Mack Smith comes from Lavina Fielding Anderson, ed., Lucy’s Book: A Critical Edition of Lucy Mack Smith’s Family Memoir (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 2001); Bushman, Joseph Smith; and Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches.
2. Although she convinced the Presbyterian minister in Palmyra to baptize her and three of her children, she specified she did not want to be baptized a member of that church. Bushman, Joseph Smith, 53.
4. For a time she seemed to follow after James J. Strang, possibly through the association of her son William with Strang. See Anderson, Lucy’s Book, 790–797.
5. Church History Library, MS 3468. If the letter is catalogued by itself, no collection is listed.
6. Waterloo, New York, is ten miles north of Fayette. This letter coincided with the third conference of the Church in Fayette. History of the Church, 1:140.
7. Solomon Mack (1773–1851) and Ester Hayward (1773–1844) had nine children. At this time the oldest was thirty-three and the youngest twelve. Solomon is the youngest Mack brother and Lucy, the youngest sister. Two years separate the two. Lucy was hesitant to include any details of his life in her history reasoning that he was yet alive and could write his own history. Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches, 28.
8. Solomon Mack lived in Gilsum, New Hampshire, for most of his adult life. Gilsum is 286 miles east of Waterloo. It seems that the Mack children did not have much interaction with their sibling Solomon. In her history, Lucy published an 1835 letter from her brother Jason to Solomon that also referred to the many years passed since they had seen each other. Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches, 48–49.
9. See the Book of Mormon title page and 2 Nephi 25:18; 26:12.
17. Doctrine and Covenants 20:6–8; History of the Church, 1:10–12.
18. In Joseph’s 1832, 1838, and 1842 accounts of the First Vision, he focused on the corruption of all churches on the earth at that time. History of the Church 1:5–6; and Milton V. Backman, Joseph Smith’s First Vision: Confirming Evidences and Contemporary Accounts, 2d ed. (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1980), 155–169.
25. Parley P. Pratt noted that “the churches in Ohio had increased to more than a thousand members, and those in New York to several hundred.” Parley P. Pratt, The Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt, ed. Parley P. Pratt Jr. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1961), 61.
26. Lucy led a group of eighty to Kirtland in February or March of the same year. Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches, 195.
27. Keene, New Hampshire, is nine miles south of Gilsum.
29. In her 1853 history, Lucy mentions that Solomon was known as Captain for twenty years. Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches, 28.
30. Gilsum, New Hampshire, is located approximately sixty miles west of Manchester, New Hampshire, and 111 miles northwest of Boston.
31. Mobs tore down the dam built by the Colesville Saints for baptisms. The baptisms had to be postponed until the following day when the dam could be rebuilt. The confirmations planned for that same evening also had to be postponed until later. The majority of information about Phebe comes from William G. Hartley, “These Are My Friends”: A History of the Joseph Knight Family, 1825–1850 (Provo, Utah: Grandin Book Company, 1986), 51–53; Larry C. Porter, “A Study of the Origins of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in the States of New York and Pennsylvania, 1816–1831,” (PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1971), 202–301; and The International Society of the Daughters of the Utah Pioneers, Pioneer Women of Faith and Fortitude, 4 vols. (Salt Lake City: Daughters of the Utah Pioneers, Publishers Press, 1998), 3:2549 (hereinafter referred to as DUP). South Bainbridge is approximately fifteen miles northeast of Colesville (present-day Ninevah, New York).
33. Hezekiah (1820–1859), Samantha (1821–1839), Henry (1823–died young), Henrietta (1823–1896), and Sarah Jane (1825–1893) were their children. Henry and Henrietta were twins.
34. Benjamin Peck’s two brothers, Hezekiah Peck (1782–1850) and Ezekial Peck (1785–1850), and their families also joined with the Saints at Colesville. They were all baptized on 29 June 1830. Benjamin’s sister Polly Peck Knight (1774–1831) had married Joseph Knight Sr. (1772–1847), and the Pecks had become acquainted with Joseph Smith through Joseph Knight whom Joseph Smith called “a faithful old man.” “Records of Early Church Families,” Utah Genealogical Quarterly 26 (1935): 108–109.
36. Polly Peck Knight (1774–1831); see Doctrine and Covenants 59.
37. In his journal Newel Knight described their union in this way, “My Father had married again after my Mothers death a widow Peck my mothers brothers widow with four small children he was now getting old & it seemed a hard struggle for him to get along.” In 1845 in Nauvoo Phebe was to be sealed to Joseph Knight Sr. but she initially refused. She said that she cared for him but “did not love him and honor him as her head and bosom companion.” They were separated for a season, but after some discussion with a Church leader, Phebe showed up at the temple the day of the scheduled sealing. Though there seemed to be no major difficulties between Phebe and her husband, tension seemed consistently present between Phebe and Joseph’s older children. Newel Knight, Autobiography, 51, Church History Library.
38. They were married at Winter Quarters, Nebraska, on 30 March 1847. There is no record of their living together. Utah Genealogical Quarterly, 109.
39. We do not know the exact date of Phebe’s death. On 6 May 1849 from Andrew County, Missouri, Martha Long Peck, Phebe’s sister-in-law, wrote a letter to her son Reed in Corlandville, New York, telling him of Aunt Phebe’s death. She also mentions the deaths of Joseph Knight Sr. and Newel Knight, both of whom died two years previously. Martha Long Peck to Reed Peck, Church History Library. To further complicate the matter Newel’s widow, Lydia Knight, wrote to Brigham Young from Pottawattomie County, Iowa, on 28 May 1849 explaining that she would not be heading west that season as “Mother Knight” claimed the wagons and cattle that were rightly Lydia’s and were given to the Riches (two of Phebe’s daughters married Rich brothers, Charles and Thomas). After Lydia’s inquiry into the matter, the property was given to her but not in time for her to go west that season. Brigham Young Papers, Incoming Correspondence, Church History Library. Though Lydia’s letter was written after Martha’s she may have been writing about a past event, which would lead one to believe that Phebe must have died sometime around May of 1849 since she is absent from any records farther west than Winter Quarters.
41. Phebe was most likely living in nearby Kaw Township at the time, though return letters would have to be directed to Independence. Hartley, “These Are My Friends,” 77 and History of the Church, 1:196–206.
42. Anna Pratt (abt. 1813–?), wife of Stephen B. Pratt (abt. 1810–?), was a relative of the Pecks. Larry C. Porter, “‘Ye Shall Go to the Ohio’: Exodus of the New York Saints to Ohio, 1831,” in Milton V. Backman, ed., Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint History: Ohio (Provo, Utah: Department of Church History and Doctrine, 1990), 8. It is plausible that she is Phebe’s sister, but because of a lack of information about the family of Elisha Crosby, the familial question remains in doubt. Anna and Stephen B. Pratt are found in the 1840 and 1850 New York Census in Bainbridge. Phebe’s language depicts a very intimate relationship. Despite not knowing if they are sisters, as relatives living in the same town, Anna most likely had much interaction with Phebe. Phebe was baptized on 28 June 1830 by Oliver Cowdery. There is no record of Anna being baptized, though she knew Joseph Smith in Bainbridge, New York, and originally planned to leave with the Colesville members. She ran off to get married with Stephen and did not go with the Saints. Harriet E. Shay signed affidavit, Jacob Morris Papers #1656, Olin Research Library, Cornell University, Ithaca, New York, cited in Porter, “Ye Shall Go to the Ohio,” 8.
43. The location of the 22 January letter is unknown.
44. Census records show there were Pratts and Pecks in Chenango County, New York, throughout most of the nineteenth century.
45. The Saints never imagined their expulsion from Zion.
46. At the January 1831 conference in Fayette, New York, attended by Newel Knight and possibly others from Colesville, Joseph introduced the concept of gathering. Sections 37 and 38 of the Doctrine and Covenants given coincident with the conference include the command to gather. After the conference the Colesville Saints began to pack and attempted to sell their property in order to gather to Missouri. The Colesville Saints left Thompson on 28 June and arrived in Jackson County on 26 July.
47. This closely relates to the revelation included in Doctrine and Covenants 6:7 and 42:61.
48. For information on Section 76 and the Mormon concept of heaven, see chapter 2, fn. 39. [Editor’s note: The title of this publication was drawn from a sentence in this paragraph. An early typescript read “give it all up and follow your Lord.” A verified typescript later omitted the “it” and transposed the “all” and the “up.”]
49. Hezekiah, Samantha, and Henrietta Peck were twelve, ten, and nine years old respectively. Two of Phebe’s children had died previously: her first daughter named Samanthea died as a toddler as did Henrietta’s twin Henry. Sarah Jane, her youngest, was six years old at the time of the letter.
50. There is little available information on the experience of young people in the early Church.
51. Hezekiah was named after his uncle Hezekiah Peck. Though the commandment to “take up your cross, in the which you must pray vocally” (Doctrine and Covenants 23:6) was specifically directed at Joseph Knight Sr., Phebe demonstrates that its relevance to all Saints was established early on. See also Doctrine and Covenants 1:2, “The voice of the Lord is unto all men.”
52. As Phebe seems concerned that her children are growing up in truth and light, it is interesting that just prior to this letter the Lord specifically mentioned in revelation that the children of Zion were growing up in wickedness. See Doctrine and Covenants 68.
53. Minerva Pollard (abt. 1797–?) is listed as living with the Pratts in the 1850 census. Her relationship to them, if any, is not known.
54. The Patty mentioned here may be Martha Long Peck, wife of Hezekiah Peck, who was known as Patty. However, she was in Independence with Phebe at the time of the letter’s creation. As with Anna, Phebe demonstrates a very intimate relationship with Patty. It would not be surprising if they were sisters.
55. Phebe had lived in Chenango County most of her life. Though the assurance she needed to leave consoled her, it did not eliminate difficulty to part with friends and family when she left in 1831 not knowing when she would again see them.
57. Before 1833 when the Church first attempted to print the revelations, Church members learned of the revelations as they were written down and passed around. Certain revelations were more popular and circulated more widely than others. Phebe refers to a number of the early revelations in her letter. This demonstrates both her closeness to Church leadership and her determined desire to learn every new thing that had been revealed by the Lord.
58. Joseph Smith and Sidney Rigdon visited Jackson County, Missouri, in April of 1832. Present-day sections 82 and 83 of the Doctrine and Covenants were received during their stay. The decision to print the revelations in the original Book of Commandments was made during the April conference after the Lord commanded as recorded in Section 1 of the Doctrine and Covenants.
60. Though there are no sisters listed, Foster and Archibald Crosby were the brothers of Phebe according to “Records of Early Church Families,” 108. There is a Foster Crosby in the New York 1830 census living in southeast Putnam County, New York (close to New York City). Archibald is not listed in that census.
61. Biographical information comes from Ethel Grace Papworth Call Papers, Church History Library; Hilda Faulkner Browne, The Michigan Mormons: Their History from 1831 to 1952 and a Little Beyond— (n.p.: Hilda Faulkner Brown, 1985), 1–18; and John and Audrey Cumming, The Pilgrimage of Temperance Mack (Mt. Pleasant, Mich.: John and Audrey Cumming, 1967).
62. Almira Mack Scobey Covey (1805–1886). Stephen Mack (1766–1826) and Temperance Bond (1791–1850). For additional information on Temperance, see her letter.
63. Stephen moved to Detroit in 1800 and began to establish himself in profitable business ventures. He visited the family every year or eighteen months. He was very successful in Michigan, and shortly after Almira’s birth he moved his family to join him. He died a few months later. Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches, 22.
64. Enoch (1837–1902), Joseph (1839–1916), Andrew Almon (1841–1842), and Hyrum (1843–1921).
65. In the postscript of a letter written by her mother, Temperance Mack, Almira lists that in addition to her husband and three boys, her mother, a ten-year-old boy, a twelve-year-old girl, and “an old maid from Vermont” were all living in their household. Later in 1844, she had a ten-year-old girl, a fifteen-year-old girl, and two twelve-year-old boys.
66. Almira Covey to Harriet Whittemore, 18 July 1844, microfilm, L. Tom Perry Special Collections, original in Whittemore Family Papers, Michigan Historical Collections, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, Michigan.
67. He was then appointed as a captain of ten wagons on their way west. On their arrival in Salt Lake, he was ordained a bishop.
68. Both the Church History Library and the RLDS (Community of Christ) Archives possess typescripts of the letter; only L. Tom Perry Special Collections has a copy of the original letter on microfilm. The LDS copy includes notes that aid in the identification of individuals mentioned in the letter.
69. Liberty, Missouri, is in Clay County, twelve miles north of Independence.
72. Almon Mack (1805–1883) and David Dort or Darte (1793–1861).
73. L. Curtis possibly refers to Lyman Curtis (1812–1897 or 1898).
74. This could possibly be Amos Mack (1807–?), Almira’s cousin. Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches, 38. The specific location of Boonsville is unknown.
75. According to a note in the typescript in the Church History Library, this is Stephen Mack. It is probably not Almira’s brother Stephen because he is mentioned in the following paragraph.
77. This would more readily seem to be Stephen Mack, the brother of Almira and Harriet.
78. James Olin Whittemore is not mentioned in the 1850 census. He is older than George. George Whittemore (abt. 1842–?).
79. Temperance was in Kirtland by May of 1838, three years later.
80. In a rather humorous historical incident in April 1835, Michigan and Ohio began the conflict that became known as the “Toledo War,” resulting from a disagreement as to the application of the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. For fifteen years, Ohio and the Michigan Territory argued over the strip of land where the city of Toledo is now located. Fighting never broke out because their militias got lost in the swamps and never met up. The only casualty of the war came in a minor altercation: the son of Ohio’s major stabbed a Michigan sheriff in the thigh. The dispute was solved the following year when Congress required Michigan to give up the land in order to become a state.
81. Mary Kilburn Bent (1809–?) was the daughter of Mary and Samuel Bent. See fns. 202 and 217.
82. Ruth Mack Stanley (abt. 1782–abt. 1859) and Rhoda Mack Buckland (abt. 1791–?) are sisters of Almira.
83. For a further description of the Mormon concept of celestial glory, see chapter 2, fn. 39.
85. Naomi Harris Kellogg (1800–1884) and Bathia Fordham Wells (1825–1920).
86. Isaac Swain (1759–1838) and Elizabeth Hall Swain. Most biographical information about Rebecca Swain comes from Lucy Ellen Williams Godfrey, Biographical Information on Rebecca S. Williams, ca. 1930 and 1935, Church History Library and Nancy Clement Williams, Meet Dr. Frederick Granger Williams . . . and His Wife Rebecca Swain Williams . . . Read Their True Story in the First Introduction—After 100 Years (Independence, Mo.: Zion’s Printing and Publishing Company, 1951).
87. They were married in Wyandotte, Wayne County, Michigan. Frederick G. Williams, “Frederick Granger Williams of the First Presidency of the Church,” BYU Studies 12, no. 3 (1972): 244.
88. Their children were Lovina Susan (1816–1847); Joseph Swain (1819–1838), an invalid and a major source of concern for Rebecca; Lucy Eliza (1821–?); and Ezra Granger (1823–1905). In the young country, Fredrick’s medical services were a needed service, and he became very successful through much study. He was soon visited by doctors from other parts of the country who wanted to learn from him.
89. There is some discrepancy as to their baptismal dates. There was either one day or several weeks between their baptisms.
90. Even her letters to her brother John to whom Rebecca was particularly close were returned unopened. On the back of one of the returned letters John wrote, “Father forbids me reading your letter or to write to you. Goodbye and Bless you always, your brother, John.” Williams, After 100 Years, 257. Despite her father’s actions Rebecca’s eldest sister, Sarah Swain Clark, joined the Church in Michigan in 1832. All of Sarah’s daughters joined the Church and remained faithful throughout their lives.
92. Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia: A Compilation of Biographical Sketches of Prominent Men and Women in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 4 vols. (Salt Lake City: Andrew Jenson History Company and Deseret News, 1901–1936), 1:602.
93. Williams, After 100 Years, 197. Rebecca was not aware of this event. One hundred years later, the descendents of the Swains recovered an unsent letter to Rebecca written by her half-brother George relaying the episode.
94. Kimball did not provide food or shelter for Rebecca. She remained with her son Ezra’s family until her death.
96. The location of the 23 May letter is unknown, though its existence demonstrates that Isaac’s threat to cut off Rebecca completely was not fully carried out.
97. It is probable that this is a reference to the nine letters of Ezra Booth that were published in the Ohio Star in 1832 and later in E. D. Howe’s Mormonism Unvailed in November of 1834. Although it is unknown how Rebecca’s father and brothers obtained the letters, several New York newspapers had reprinted the articles. E. D. Howe, Mormonism Unvailed (Painesville, Ohio: printed and published by the author, 1834; reprint, Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1975), 175–221. Walter A. Norton, “Joseph Smith as a Jacksonian Man of Letters: His Literary Development as Evidenced in His Newspaper Writings” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1976), 27–35.
98. In Booth’s third letter he refutes the testimony of the Three Witnesses to the Book of Mormon Oliver Cowdery (1806–1850), David Whitmer (1805–1888), and Martin Harris (1783–1875). The three testified that they heard the voice of God as the angel presented the gold plates to them. Though all three separated themselves from Joseph Smith and the Church during their lifetimes, none of them would renounce their testimonies. All would continue to bear witness of what happened until the end of their lives. In Booth’s testimony he tells of a commandment (revelation) that he read while on a mission in Missouri which told the witnesses to “see and hear those things by faith, and then they should testify to the world as though they had seen and heard, as I see a man, and hear his voice.” The argument became whether the witnesses saw and heard what they testified to or if it was their imagination. Howe, Mormonism Unvailed, 186–187.
99. Moroni prophesied of the three witnesses in Ether 2.
100. Joseph Smith, his family, and the three witnesses testified to the veracity of Smith’s account throughout their lives. Richard Bushman tells of one incident concerning the testimony of the Smith family. The Western Presbyterian Congregation sent deacon George Beckwith and two others to visit the Smiths to dissuade them from speaking out about the Book of Mormon. Lucy Mack’s response is quoted in the introduction to her letter (see page 19). Hyrum and Samuel were equally supportive of Joseph. Bushman, Joseph Smith, 109. The three witnesses did not recant their testimonies throughout their lives despite disassociation from Joseph and the Church.
101. As early as 1830 members were teaching their family members and friends in Upper Canada (Ontario). The Canadian mission opened in 1832. Since the Swains lived on the southern side of Lake Ontario, it would be uncomplicated for a missionary heading to Canada to stop off in Youngstown. Richard E. Bennett, “The Church in Canada,” in Daniel H. Ludlow, ed., Encyclopedia of Mormonism, 4 vols. (New York: Macmillan, 1992), 1:251; and Richard E. Bennett, “A Study of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints in Upper Canada, 1830–1850” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1975).
102. Doctrine and Covenants 1:30–31, 33. There exists a note associated with the revelation that Frederick was present when it was received, which demonstrates the particular access that Rebecca had to the revelation.
103. William and George Swain, to whom the letter is addressed, were stepbrothers to Rebecca. Their mother was Patience Dune, her father’s second wife. Her older brother John was particularly close to Rebecca as a child.
105. Kirtland was also called Kirtland Mills prior to and throughout the stay of the Saints.
106. Youngstown is thirteen miles north of Niagara Falls and thirty-one miles north of Buffalo, New York. Niagara County, New York, is bordered on the north by Lake Ontario.
107. Biographical information comes from Effel H. B. Riggs, ed. and comp., History of Hatch, Utah and Associated Towns Asay and Hillsdale (Beaver, Utah: Beaver Printing Co.), 351 and 357; and Kate B. Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage, 11:347.
108. Lovina died between the 21st and the 28th of August according to the Nauvoo Neighbor and Nauvoo Sexton’s Record. Lyndon W. Cook, Nauvoo Deaths and Marriages, 1839–1845 (Orem, Utah: Grandin Book Company, 1967), 84.
112. The letter is addressed from Kirtland. The Wilsons probably lived outside the town of Kirtland in the thirty-six square mile township of Kirtland and were planning to move into the town itself.
113. For a summary of this time period and many manifestations of gifts of the Spirit, see chapter 2.
114. According to a note on the typescript, Paul probably acted as scribe for Lovina adding the comments in parentheses.
115. There is no evidence that the Waites ever joined with the Latter-day Saints.
117. Deliverance Wilson Jr. (1769–1838) and Wellington Paul Wilson (1814–1896). Wellington was known as Paul. He was twenty-two at the time of the letter and the tenth of twelve children.
118. George Deliverance Wilson (1807–1887) was twenty-eight.
119. Marcia Eliza Wilson (1811–1845) was twenty-four.
120. See chapter 2, fn. 34 for an explanation of the Word of Wisdom.
122. One week before the winter solstice in December 1835, a “most remarkable Arctic Blast” swept through New England causing the “coldest daylight period since thermometers came into use” in the Northeast. Meteorological historians christened it “the stand out winter of the first half of the nineteenth century.” David M. Ludlum, Early American Winters II, 1821–1870 (Boston: American Meteorological Society, 1968), 21–25.
123. Mary Ann Angell Young (1808–1882). Biographical information comes from Emmeline B. Wells, “Heroines of the Church: Biography of Mary Ann Angell Young,” Juvenile Instructor 26 (1 January 1891): 16; Kate B. Carter, Women of Deseret (Salt Lake City: DUP, 1940), 125–126; Tullidge, Women of Mormondon, 359–366; DUP, Pioneer Women, 4:3513; Dean C. Jessee, “Brigham Young’s Family Part I, 1824–1845,” BYU Studies 18, no. 3 (1978): 311–327; and S. Dilworth Young, “Here is Brigham”: Brigham Young . . . the Years to 1844 (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1964).
124. Thomas Baldwin Marsh (1800–1866) became an apostle and was the brother of Ann Marsh Abbott. Her letter is the last included in the collection.
130. Brigham Young to Mary Ann Angell Young, 3 June 1836, Philip Blair Collection, Special Collections Department, University of Utah Library, as cited in Jessee, “Brigham Young’s Family Part I,” 314.
133. Brigham Young to Mary Ann Angell Young, 20 April 1847, Brigham Young Papers, Church History Library.
134. While only Brigham Young Jr. was ordained to the Quorum of the Twelve as an adult, he and his two brothers Joseph Angell Young and John Willard Young were all ordained as teenagers. John Willard Young Collection, Church History Library.
135. Mary Ann Angell Young to Brigham Young, 31 August 1835, Luna Eunice Caroline Young Thatcher Collection, 1835–1876, Church History Library. Mary Ann is in Kirtland, Ohio.
137. In 1832, just after Brigham’s baptism, he was ordained as a missionary and went on a mission to Canada with his brother Joseph. Throughout the next several years he went to Canada several times.
138. Because of the address where the letter was sent, evidently this is Valentine Young, though their connection to Brigham and Mary Ann is unknown.
140. Joseph Angell Young (1834–1875) is ten months old.
141. Jacob Bump (abt. 1788–?) was a pugilist who plastered the interior of the Kirtland Temple. During the unrest in Kirtland, Bump was one of the leading apostates calling Joseph Smith a fallen prophet. Brigham Young and Bump had a specific run-in at a meeting in the Kirtland Temple in the summer of 1837. The dissenters were calling upon David Whitmer to be the new leader of the Church and Young defended Smith. Young, Here is Brigham, 175.
142. Not only in Kirtland, but throughout the early history of the Mormons, there were those who would declare Joseph Smith fallen and leave, only to return. To be accepted back, one had to confess his faults and demonstrate repentance.
143. We can assume that Mary Ann is referencing the temple. During 1835 the work on the temple progressed rapidly, and by November the outside was ready to be plastered. The following year Brigham would take charge of the finishing touches on the temple.
146. Angelina Works (1814–1880). Angelina was a sister to Miriam, Brigham’s first wife. The printing house was the location of several of the schools the Saints established in Kirtland and was situated in back of the Kirtland Temple.
147. Angelina’s mother, Abigail Marks Works (1781–1846).
150. At this time, some American women had moved away from most home production, but the home production of linen remained a normal practice for a period of time. Keith Melder, The Beginnings of Sisterhood: The Women’s Rights Movement, 1800–1850 (New York: Schocken Books, 1977), 2. Though the other women’s letters included here do not give similar examples of linen production, other early Mormon women demonstrate home production like weaving palm leaf hats, which aligns with earlier patterns of home production.
151. Elizabeth (1825–1903) and Vilate (1830–1902) Young were Brigham’s daughters from his first wife, Miriam. Young Vilate was named after Vilate Murray Kimball, a good friend of Miriam’s; see her letter. Vilate helped care for the girls after Miriam’s death.
154. Mary Fielding (1801–1852). Biographical information comes from Don. C. Corbett, Mary Fielding Smith: Daughter of Britain (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1966); Joseph Fielding Smith, Life of Joseph F. Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1938); Andrew F. Ehat, “‘They Might Have Known That He Was Not a Fallen Prophet’ The Nauvoo Journal of Joseph Fielding,” BYU Studies 19, no. 2 (1979): 133–166; and Jenson, LDS Biographical Encyclopedia.
155. Joseph Fielding (1797–1863) and Mercy Rachel Fielding Thompson (1807–1893). The two had emigrated to Canada in March of 1832.
156. As Pratt and Taylor called on the Fieldings, Mercy and Mary ran from the house to a neighbor’s to protect them from a religion with a name of “such a contemptible sound.” Corbett, Mary Fielding Smith, 18.
157. Joseph Fielding Smith, The Life of Joseph F. Smith, 120. Hyrum’s first wife, Jerusha, died giving birth to their fifth child.
159. After taking Hyrum and the others initially to Richmond, Missouri, officials moved them to Liberty Jail in Clay County.
160. Mercy had her own child soon after Mary and was able to nurse both babies in addition to all else she did to help Mary’s family to survive.
161. For more detail on the trauma of the visit to Liberty, refer to the second Mary Fielding Smith letter.
162. The sacred rites that are performed in temples are called endowments. A temple endowment is considered a priceless gift of knowledge and blessings from God.
163. Latter-day Saints practiced and continue to practice the payment of tithing, one-tenth of their increase, as introduced in the Old Testament. They believed as the Old Testament prophet Malachi wrote that if they returned to the Lord one-tenth of what he had blessed them with that he would “open you the windows of heaven, and pour you out a blessing, that there shall not be room enough to receive it.” See Malachi 3:8–10 and Doctrine and Covenants 119:4.
164. MS 2779, folder 1. The letter was previously published in Godfrey et al., Women’s Voices, 62–67.
165. Almon Whiting Babbitt (1812–1855) went on several missions to Canada between 1836 and 1838.
166. The Latter-day Saints continued to share this feeling that they were like the Children of Israel.
167. Warren Parrish (abt. 1792–?) was one of the harshest dissenters against Smith in Kirtland.
168. Mary Mack (abt. 1793–?) and David Dort. See fn. 72.
169. This is possibly Eliza Walton (1823–1878) and either Mary (1803–?) or Julia Snider. For a complete account of the incident, see Richard Van Wagoner, Sidney Rigdon: A Portrait of Religious Excess (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1994), 196–197.
173. At this point Mary begins to crisscross and write vertically to make the most of each centimeter of paper.
174. This is most likely Jane Silverthorn and William Law (1809–1892). They were taught by Almon W. Babbitt and John Taylor in Canada.
175. This is most likely Vilate Murray Kimball (1806–1867); see her letter.
176. Ironically, Mary would be in the same situation shortly.
177. Jennetta Richards (1817–1845). Biographical information comes from Jennetta Richards Biographical Information, Church History Library; Allen et al., Men with a Mission; Carter, Our Pioneer Heritage, 3:126–144; Holzapfel, Women of Nauvoo; and Orson F. Whitney, The Life of Heber C. Kimball, An Apostle: A Father and Founder of the British Mission (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1945).
178. Heber Chase Kimball (1801–1868). This was Heber’s first mission to Great Britain, 1837–1838. The missionaries enjoyed much success. Heber noted that Jennetta had an important part in that success.
179. There are two parts to baptism in The Church of Jesus Christ, baptism by immersion for the remission of sins and the laying on of hands to bestow the gift of the Holy Ghost. See Doctrine and Covenants 20:68–69.
190. Joseph Fielding (1797–1863) and George A. Smith (1817–1875).
191. Jennetta was closer to her brother John than her other siblings. John Richards (1811–1851). Jennetta had one sister, Elizabeth Ann Richards (1814–1870).
192. The Moon mentioned could be either Francis, John, or Thomas Moon.
193. Willard and Jennetta had to be registered before they could be married. They were married on the twenty-fourth of the same month, just two weeks later.
195. Fortunately Willard did not comply with Jennetta’s instructions.
196. Biographical sources include Cumming, The Pilgrimage of Temperance Mack; Browne, The Michigan Mormons; History of the Church, 1:20–21; Lucy Smith, Biographical Sketches; and Harriet Whittemore Collection, microfilm, BYU Special Collections.
197. Mary Yemmons (1731–1819) and Stephen Andrew Bond (1798–1815). Records demonstrate that Temperance (?–1850) was born on 8 September 1791, but given that her husband was born in 1766 and her youngest of twelve children was born in 1805, she probably was born before 1791.
198. Solomon Mack, A Narrative of the Life of Solomon Mack (Windsor, Vt.: 1810), reprinted in Richard L. Anderson, Joseph Smith’s New England Heritage (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1971).
199. An available list of the children of Temperance and Stephen Mack includes: Achsah Mack; Ruth Mack Stanley (abt. 1782–abt. 1859); Fanny Mack Dort (1789–1825); Mary (Polly) Mack Dort (1793–1827); Rhoda Mack Buckland (abt. 1791–?); Lavina Mack (1795–1823); Stephen Mack Jr. (1798–1850); John M. Mack (1802–?); Lovicy Mack Cooper; Harriet Mack Whittemore (1800–1872); Almon Mack (1805–1883); and Almira Mack Scobey Covey (1805–1886).
200. Pontiac is twenty-six miles north of Detroit.
203. Temperance Mack to Harriett Whittemore, 30 December 1838, Brigham Young University.
204. Joseph Smith explained the puzzling mention of baptism for the dead in 1 Corinthians 15:29: “Else what shall they do which are baptized for the dead, if the dead rise not at all? why are they then baptized for the dead?” At a funeral in August 1840, Smith introduced the doctrine that the living could be baptized in proxy for those who did not receive the necessary ordinance of baptism during life. Temperance Mack to Harriett Whittemore, 16 September 1841, Brigham Young University.
205. Smith began to speak of moving the Saints to the West as early as 1830. Temperance’s proximity to Smith coupled with her own experience with the persecutions of the Saints likely fueled her desire to go west. See Hyrum L. Andrus, “Joseph Smith and the West,” BYU Studies 2, no. 2 (1960): 129–148 and Lewis Clark Christian, “A Study of Mormon Knowledge of the American Far West Prior to the Exodus (1830–February 1846),” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1972).
206. Harriett Mack Whittemore (1805–1886). It seems that Harriet was one of Temperance’s older daughters. She was living with her husband and family in Pontiac, Michigan.
208. See the first Almira Mack Scobey Covey letter. Her first son was Enoch. See fn. 64.
209. Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, Sidney Rigdon, and the others held in Liberty Jail had been there a month.
210. The men in Liberty Jail appeared before the court on 25 January 1839. Sidney Rigdon represented himself and was then freed. The others returned to Liberty and their imprisonment continued until 6 April 1839. See Mary Fielding Smith’s second letter.
212. Carlos Buckland is Temperance’s grandson, the son of her daughter Rhoda Mack Buckland. Later, Carlos was reported to have said that he was obliged to serve as a colonel because the governor learned he had cousins among the Mormons. It seems that he was less worried about his grandmother than about his financial situation. He claimed that the Mormons owed him ten thousand dollars, for which he seized grain and stock and sold them.
213. This is Harriet’s husband, Gideon O. Whittemore. There is not a record of his full name, but if he named his son James Olin after him, his middle name would be Olin. Almira Mack Scobey Covey to Harriet Whittemore, 9 June 1835, L. Tom Perry Special Collections.
214. 1 Corinthians 9:25. The identity of this Harriet is unknown. She could possibly be Harriet’s daughter and Temperance’s granddaughter.
219. Eliza Roxcy Snow (1804–1887) and Leonora Abigail Snow (1801–1872). Her biographical information comes from Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, “The Eliza Enigma,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 11, no. 1 (Spring 1978): 30–43; Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, The Personal Writings of Eliza Roxcy Snow (Logan: Utah State University Press, 2000); Compton, In Sacred Loneliness, 306–341; Jill Mulvay Derr, “Form and Feeling in a Carefully Crafted Life: Eliza R. Snow’s ‘Poem of Poems,’” Journal of Mormon History 26, no. 1 (Spring 2000): 1–39; Eliza R. S. Smith, Biography and Family Record; and Tullidge, Women of Mormondom.
220. Amanda Percy Snow (1808–1848), Melissa Snow (1810–1835), Lorenzo Snow (1814–1901), Lucius Augustus Snow (1819–1898), and Samuel Pearce Snow (1821–?).
221. In late 1830, Smith sent missionaries to the edge of the frontier. While on their way to preach to several Native American tribes, the missionaries made a detour to Kirtland, Ohio. Here Parley P. Pratt and Oliver Cowdery met with Sidney Rigdon, a preacher in Alexander Campbell’s church. The “Disciples of Christ Church” was founded by Campbell. Rigdon was a close associate of Campbell until he broke off and formed his own group of seekers, searching for a return to New Testament Christianity. Rigdon allowed the missionaries to preach, and quickly he and many of his followers believed and were baptized as members of Smith’s new church.
222. As quoted in Tullidge, Women of Mormondom, 64.
225. Through poetry and later through her Church assignments, Eliza had a preeminent voice among Mormon women comparable to the small group of female preachers that Catherine Brekus examines in Strangers and Pilgrims. See chapter 1, fn. 13. Similar to these preacher women, Eliza demonstrated an assurance that God had called her to a specific work in her life that ratified her desire to have a public voice.
227. Eliza said although initially the thought of plural marriage was “very repugnant” to her feelings, she was gradually converted to it and later called it “a precious, sacred,” “pure and holy principle.” Compton, In Sacred Loneliness, 312–313. Most, if not all, men and women alike, reacted in the same manner when initially taught the principle of plural marriage, though quite consistently those who would accept the possibility would later testify of the truthfulness and the necessity of the principle.
228. As cited in Compton, In Sacred Loneliness, 313.
229. Smith possibly taught the doctrine of a Mother in Heaven as early as 1839 as he comforted Zina Huntington Jacobs, a 1835 convert, after the death of her mother.
234. The text of this letter was previously published without accompanying commentary or documentation in “Eliza R. Snow Letter From Missouri,” BYU Studies 13, no. 4 (1973): 544–552.
240. For a complete account of the Liberty Jail experience, see Dean Jessee, “‘Walls, Grates and Screeking Iron Doors’: The Prison Experience of Mormon Leaders in Missouri, 1838–1839,” in Davis Bitton and Maureen Ursenbach Beecher, eds., New Views of Mormon History: A Collection of Essays in Honor of Leonard J. Arrington (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1987), 19–42.
243. Joseph Smith, Hyrum Smith, and others were jailed at Liberty. See the second Mary Fielding letter. Morris Phelps, Parley P. Pratt, and others were jailed at Columbia. See the Laura Clark Phelps letter.
246. Lorenzo was serving a mission with Abel Butterfield. Snow, Biography and Family Record, 42.
247. Robert Wilson, Brigadier General, was appointed by Major General John Clark to oversee six hundred men during the Mormon War.
248. Mary Fielding Smith to Joseph Fielding, June 1839, in Corbett, Mary Fielding Smith, 99.
249. Hyrum Smith (1800–1844). Mary Fielding was his second wife. Hyrum married her just a little more than two months after Jerusha Barden’s (1805–1837) death. Hyrum was incarcerated in Liberty Jail in Liberty, Missouri, from 1 December 1838 to 6 April 1839. Mary visited Hyrum in February and December with their baby boy, Joseph Fielding (1838–1918). At the time Mary wrote this letter, Hyrum had left Liberty with the other prisoners for Gallatin to await a hearing. They were allowed to escape on the 16th, but did not return to his wife in Quincy, Illinois, for another eleven days. Alexander L. Baugh, “‘We Took Our Change of Venue for the State of Illinois’: The Gallatin Hearing and the Escape of Joseph Smith and the Mormon Prisoners from Missouri, April 1839,” in Susan E. Black and Richard E. Bennett, eds., A City of Refuge: Quincy, Illinois (Salt Lake City: Millennial Press, 2000), 31–65.
250. Of her visit to the jail, Mary’s sister Mercy said it was a night of “fearful foreboding” that she found difficult to describe. Because of sickness, Mary had traveled to the jail in a bed set in the wagon. She had risked her health to visit her husband and, though she was able to see him, the circumstances were dangerous and disturbing. Mary was unable to speak of it for some time. She later said of the visit, “I was left in a way that called for the exercise of all the courage and grace I possessed.” Mary Fielding Smith to Joseph Fielding, June 1839, in Corbett, Mary Fielding Smith, 98–100.
251. Seymour Brunson (1798–1840) was probably one of the many visitors to Liberty who planned an escape for the prisoners.
252. It seems that Hyrum and Mary had several misunderstandings during their separation as a result of the distance between them, lack of communication, and miscommunication. Both were in likewise difficult and stressful situations that would try the strongest relationships. Mary’s response to such accusations after just a year and a half of marriage demonstrates her dedication to Hyrum and their union. Liberty Jail put strain on the relationship of Joseph and Emma Smith also, in spite of their having been married for thirteen years.
253. This is in reference to the hearing at Gallatin.
254. From Liberty Jail, Joseph similarly pleaded Emma to not forsake him. 4 November 1838, The Archives of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, as cited in Jessee, “‘Walls, Grates and Screeking Iron Doors,’” 22.
255. Mary had her own five-month-old baby and five of Hyrum and Jerusha’s children to care for: Lovina (1827–1876) was eleven; John (1832–1911), six; Hyrum Jr. (1834–1841), four; Jerusha (1836–1912), three; and Sarah (1836–1876) was a year and a half old.
256. This is possibly Daniel W. Rogers. He was involved with the a committee formed to remove the Saints and had interaction with Isaac Galland to sell the Saints land in Iowa. He also went to Jackson County to sell lands there. With so many Church duties, he probably communicated much with Smith in exile. History of the Church, 3:284.
257. Sidney Rigdon was released after their initial hearing after reportedly testifying that “the sufferings of Jesus Christ were a fool to [his].” As cited in Van Wagoner, Sidney Rigdon, 254.
258. The best description of Mary Fielding’s sickness was a “severe cold” with chills and fevers. During her convalescence, she was unable to attend to her family and relied on her sister, Mercy. Mercy also had a newborn son and was able to nurse both babies. “Aunty” Hannah Woodstock Grinnels (1793–?) also stayed with Mary and helped her care for the baby.
263. Mercy had Mary Jane Thompson (1838–?) six months before Mary had Joseph.
264. After months in Liberty Jail, Joseph Smith sent letters, which he described as inspired revelations to the Saints. Extracts from those letters are found in present-day sections 121, 122, and 123 of the Doctrine and Covenants. In the revelations he details how priesthood functions, the full spectrum of persecutions Christ endured, and the duties of the Saints to record the injustices of Missouri. The full two-part letters are in History of the Church, 3:289–305. They were first published in Times and Seasons.
265. Sources of Melissa’s biographical information include: Augustus Erastus Dodge, Mormon Biographical Sketches Collection, Church History Library; and Jenson, LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, 1:742.
266. The record of Nathaniel and Mary’s family is incomplete. The Ancestral File in the Family History Library, Salt Lake City, Utah, identifies a daughter, Margaret (1799–?) and another of unknown name (1801–?). It does not include William as a son. We do not know how to define Melissa’s blindness. It is probable that today she would be considered legally blind, though she had partial sight.
269. William T. Morgan is Melissa Morgan Dodge’s brother. He is listed as living in Henderson, New York, in the 1830 and 1840 census.
270. The Dodges lived near Far West from the spring of 1835 until late 1838. Adams County, Illinois, just south of Hancock County, was a place of refuge for many of the Saints after the expulsion from Missouri. Many used Adams County as a place of preparation before moving on to Nauvoo. See Black and Bennett, eds., A City of Refuge. With a branch of the Church at nearby Freedom, the Dodges were in the company of many fellow Saints. Stanley B. Kimball, “Nauvoo West: The Mormons of the Iowa Shore,” BYU Studies 18, no. 2 (1978): 132–142.
271. Seth George Dodge (1821–1882) was eighteen at the time the letter was written.
272. Sally Morgan Dodge (1826–1877) was thirteen at this time.
273. Since Sally and Seth worked away from home, Melissa had five children to care for at home. By 1839 she had buried six children.
280. Though Melissa’s handwriting and spelling are particularly crude in comparison to the other letters introduced in the article, she is the most poetic.
281. There were at least three generations of Morgans who lived in Jefferson County. There is little information available on the Dodge family.
282. Nathaniel Morgan (1772–?) died sometime in the 1830s. He was in Henderson in 1830 for the New York state census.
283. Revelation 14:13. See also Doctrine and Covenants 29:13.
284. Payson is located thirteen miles southeast of Quincy, Illinois.
285. For biographical information, see Kate B. Carter, Heber C. Kimball: His Wives and Family (Salt Lake City: Utah Printing Co, 1967); Emmeline B. Wells, “Heroines of the Church: Vilate Murray Kimball,” Juvenile Instructor 26 (15 July–15 November 1891): 447–450, 506–508, 540–542, 561–563, 682–685; Tullidge, Women of Mormondom; Whitney, Life of Heber C. Kimball.
286. Heber Chase Kimball. See fn. 178. They were married 7 November 1822.
288. William Henry Kimball (1826–1907) and Helen Mar Kimball (1828–1896).
289. Miriam and Brigham Young and Brigham’s sister Rhoda (1789–1840) and her husband John P. Greene (1793–1844).
290. Biographer Stanley B. Kimball noted that in Nauvoo, Heber was gone 55 percent of the time, “Heber C. Kimball and Family,” BYU Studies 15, no. 4 (1975): 447–479.
293. Heber C. Kimball Papers, Church History Library and Ronald K. Esplin, “Life in Nauvoo, June 1844: Vilate Kimball’s Martyrdom Letters,” BYU Studies 19, no. 2 (1979): 231–240.
294. Heber C. Kimball Papers, Church History Library.
295. Stanley B. Kimball, ed., On the Potter’s Wheel: The Diaries of Heber C. Kimball (Salt Lake City: Signature Books and Smith Research Associates, 1987).
298. MS 3279, folder 1, Heber C. Kimball Correspondence. The letter was previously published in Allen et al., Men with a Mission, 356–357.
299. Heber left on 18 September 1839 with Brigham Young. Vilate could scarcely leave her bed when they left. As she made it to the door with Mary Ann Young, she heard a desperate demonstration of enthusiasm as the two apostles shouted, “Hurrah for Israel!” This letter was written three days later.
300. William Henry Kimball (1826–1896). He was thirteen years old.
301. This is possibly Rhoda Ann Bentley, wife of Benjamin R. Bentley. Later in the letter, Brother Bentley is mentioned in connection with Sister Ann, who was also ill. The Bentleys are listed in Johnson’s Missouri Redress Petitions, 577.
304. David Patten Kimball (1839–1883). Heber was four and the babe, David, was not yet a month old.
305. A definition of a harvest chill is unexplainable, unless it is no more than a chill which frequently comes during the harvest time.
306. Chandler Rogers (1795–1846) practiced medicine. Hosea Stout mentions being treated by him in his journal, On the Mormon Frontier: The Diary of Hosea Stout, 1844–1861, 2 vols., ed. Juanita Brooks (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1964), 1:161.
307. The Kimballs were reunited on the first of July 1841 after more than twenty months of separation.
308. George A. Smith (1817–1875) left on horseback on 21 July to meet the Twelve in New York.
310. Laura Clark Phelps (1807–1842), Timothy Baldwin Clark (1778–1848), and Mary or Polly Keeler Clark (1786–1839). Laura’s biographical information is found in Morris Phelps, Biography of Laura Clark Phelps, Church History Library; Morris Phelps Reminiscences, Church History Library; Mary A. Phelps Rich, “The Life of Mary A. Rich,” typescript, BYU Special Collections; and F. Ross Peterson et al., eds., History of the Bear Lake Pioneers (Salt Lake City: DUP, 1968).
311. Their lack of education is demonstrated in a severe lack of spelling ability in their letters.
312. This date is debatable—Morris was supposedly nineteen when they married, but dates range from 12 April 1825 to 28 March 1826 to 28 March 1828.
313. Paulina Eliza (1827–1912) and Mary Ann (1829–1912).
319. Morris Phelps, Biography. Patriarchal blessings are similar to specific scripture for each individual member of the Church. In early Church organization, there was one patriarch as mentioned in Genesis 29 for the entire Church.
320. Pratt, Autobiography of Parley Parker Pratt, 215.
321. Mary Rich, “The Life of Mary A. Rich.” Mary is Laura’s daughter.
322. Will R. Holmes, grandson, account found in Irene H. Budge and Beatrice H. Burgoyne, “Morris Phelps,” in Peterson, History of the Bear Lake Pioneers, 600–603.
323. Macedonia (present-day Webster) was twenty miles east of Nauvoo. Saints gathered there in the Ramus branch.
328. Several accounts mention that eight to ten men were taken with Morris and Parley. Included in those are Olive Boynton Hale’s husband, Jonathan Harriman Hale, and her son, Aroet Hale; Laura’s father, Timothy Clark; and King Follet (1788–1844).
329. Morris mentions that the sheriff allowed Laura to visit when she wished and even live in the jail if she desired. He said, “This was of great satisfaction to me, as I was deprived of all liberty in conversing and unfolding the feelings of my bosom.” Morris Phelps Reminiscences, Church History Library.
330. The Battle of Crooked River, 24–25 October 1838.
332. Each day when they would go to trial, there were no witnesses against them and the trial would be continued. The jailer was heard to say that they would die of old age because their case would be continued forever.
333. Polly Clark died at the end of February 1839.
346. Lucy Thompson Lisk (1820–1847) was one of several children born to Andrew (1794–?) and Nancy (1798–?). Nancy’s maiden name was either Phelps or Thompson. Lucy’s middle name suggests that the Phelps listed in the Ancestral File may be incorrect.
347. Olivia F. (or E.) Lisk. Although very little is known about Olivia, she is mentioned in the Nauvoo Neighbor and the Nauvoo Marriage Record in 1843 when she married Samuel Whitley. Cook, Nauvoo Deaths and Marriages, 95.
348. Joseph Smith McFate (1845–1930), Aurilla (1846–1918), and Orilla (1846–1920) were all born in Nauvoo. The record indicates that Aurilla and Orilla were born four days apart. They could be twins or the same daughter using an alternate spelling with incorrect birth and death dates.
349. Ardilla McFate (1846). Again, this could possibly be the same child.
355. A canker is “any ulcerous or gangrenous sore” usually caused by some irritant. Though usually called sores and found around the mouth, it can be a single sore or multiple sores in rash form found anywhere on the body. C. V. Brownlow, ed., Gould’s Medical Dictionary, 5th ed. (Philadelphia: The Blackston Company, 1941), 263.
356. Any information as to the identity of the doctor is unavailable.
357. Croton oil is a “powerful cathartic” for the stomach causing a “copious watery evacuatory” to expunge any poison or irritant. Though a common treatment in the nineteenth century it is now rarely used. Robert Hooper, MD, Medical Dictionary, 2 vols. (New York: Collins and Hannay, 1832), 1:272; and William A. R. Thompson, MD, Black’s Medical Dictionary, 27th ed. (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1967), 228.
358. Further information about Lucy’s relatives is unavailable.
359. Constantine, Michigan, is 180 miles southwest of Detroit.
360. Most of the biographical information about Olive was taken from Jonathan Harriman Hale’s Journal, Church History Library; Aroet Lucious Hale, Reminiscences, Church History Library; Aroet Lucious Hale, Journal 1828–1856, in Milton V. Backman Jr., comp., Writings of Early Latter-day Saints (Provo, Utah: Religious Studies Center and Brigham Young University, 1966); and “Alma Helaman Hale,” in Jenson, LDS Biographical Encyclopedia, 1:602.
362. John Farnham Boynton (1811–1890) was one of the original members of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles. Sally Parker noted that John had “turned like a dog to his vomit.”
363. Jonathan was arrested and quickly released in connection with the Kirtland Safety Society difficulties in Ohio. Aroet Lucious Hale, Reminiscences, Church History Library.
364. Aroet Lucious Hale, Reminiscences, Church History Library.
366. Though someone could have finished the letter for Olive, a note at the end of the letter giving Olive’s daughter Rachel’s death date in 1854 demonstrates that the letter is most likely a copy written sometime after her death.
367. New Liberty, Illinois, is located sixty-five miles southeast of Nauvoo and twenty-two miles east of Quincy. Like the Dodges, with a branch of the Church at New Liberty and nearby Freedom, the Hales were amidst many Saints in the same position. The Hales moved to Quincy in the spring of 1838. After working for a few days in Quincy, Jonathan met Robert Stilson, who agreed to allow Jonathan and his family to live on his farm, have all they could grow, and he would pay him for the repairs made for three years. Aroet mentions that the family stayed in Quincy for five weeks. It was long enough for Olive to have her fifth child, Solomon Henry Hale (1839–1925). Tradition held that the farm was haunted by someone who had been murdered there years previously. Over the years, several tenants living there had been frightened off. Aroet’s reminiscences tell of several attacks by evil spirits eventually expelled by Jonathan. Many Saints from the surrounding area joined the Hales on the farm for church meetings. They lived on the farm until the spring of 1841.
368. The letter is addressed to Martha Harriman Hale (1773–1852). She was Olive’s mother-in-law, at the time living in Bradford, Essex County, Massachusetts. Martha Hale was not a member of the Church, nor were any of Jonathan’s immediate family. It seems that Olive and Jonathan lost many of their possessions when they left Bradford, though it is not clear if this was due to problems with Jonathan’s family.
369. The apostasy of her apostle brother, John F. Boynton, the arrest of her husband, the move from Missouri, and the events leading to the extermination of the Saints all combined to have made the last five or six years quite traumatic for Olive.
371. Having made a promise to her mother-in-law to write, Olive continued to keep contact though she had not heard from Martha for at least three years.
372. Jonathan Harriman Hale served as a missionary to the Fox Islands, Maine, with Wilford Woodruff in May of 1837. It is possible that Jonathan suggested the location to Woodruff as Hale had previously been there to purchase sheep in September of 1834. During this mission, he also accompanied Elder Woodruff to Connecticut to preach to Woodruff’s family. This may have directly influenced the Hales in their efforts to convert their own family members to Mormonism. Seward E. Beacom, Silent Finers of Faith: A History of the Churches of North Haven, Maine, 1784–1981 (North Haven, Maine: North Haven Historical Society, 1981), 63–68; and Donald Q. Cannon, “Wilford Woodruff’s Mission to the Fox Islands,” in Donald Q. Cannon, ed., Regional Studies in Church History: New England (Provo, Utah: BYU Department of Church History and Doctrine, 1988), 85–99.
373. Jonathan Harriman Holmes (1806–1880) was a cousin to Jonathan, the son of his aunt Sarah Harriman. Henry Harriman and Jonathan Holmes accompanied him as he visited Bradford, Massachusetts in 1835.
374. Rachel Johnson Hale Savory (1798–1880) was an older sister of Jonathan. Olive and Jonathan named their second daughter Rachel Johnson Savory Hale after her.
375. This is most likely another reference to Rachel.
376. Sarah Hale Palmer (or Plummer, 1795–1875) was Jonathan’s oldest sister. Olive and Jonathan named their oldest daughter Sarah G. Hale after her.
377. Bradford is thirty-six miles north of Boston. At the time, Martha Hale had approximately twenty-seven living grandchildren from her seven children. The Hale, Harriman, and Boynton families had all been in Essex County for several generations.
378. Wicome Johnson Hale (1793–1847) was Jonathan’s oldest brother, Martha’s oldest child. Catherine Ann Moore (1793–?) was Wicome’s wife.
379. Jonathan visited them on his missionary trip to Indiana in 1840.
380. Jonathan’s 1834 mission to Illinois, Indiana, and Ohio.
381. This is most likely a reference to Joseph Hardy who became a member of the Fourteenth Quorum of the Seventies in Nauvoo. He had a daughter, Caroline, who died in 1840 at the age of five. There is no record of a child in the Hardy family named Baley.
382. Osgood George Boynton (1802–1868) of Bradford was Olive’s oldest brother and married to Rebecca Wallingford. Haverhill, Essex County, Massachusetts, is located across the river from Bradford one half mile. It is thirty-six miles north of Boston. The Boyntons had seven living children, two having died in infancy.
383. Olive’s brother John’s wife was Susannah Lowell (1816–1859). Her family lived in Saco, York County, Maine, as did her oldest daughter, Tululah Josephine Boynton Brewster. John and Susannah lived in Saco for several years. Three of their children were born there.
384. Eliphlet Boynton (1779–1859) and Susannah Nichols (1780–1867) were Olive’s parents.
385. It was actually 151 miles from New Liberty to Davenport and 109 from Davenport to Nauvoo.
386. The Hales owned land both within the city limits of Nauvoo a couple blocks from the temple and a farm just outside city limits. This is most likely a reference to the farm, Town 7 Range 8 Section 32.
387. All of Jonathan’s brothers and sisters were in Essex County, Massachusetts.
388. The Hales apparently lived on the haunted Stilson farm longer than two years, from the spring of 1838 to the spring of 1841. This verifies the dating of the letter as the latter part of March 1841, as the Hales were in Nauvoo after the spring of 1841. In addition, Olive had her seventh child in December of 1841 in Nauvoo and does not mention her pregnancy in the letter.
389. Jonathan took a trip to Iowa in September 1840.
390. Susannah Lowell (see fn. 383). John Lowell Boynton was born 6 April 1837 in Kirtland, Ohio. There is no information on Susannah’s brother.
391. Henry Harriman (1804–1891) and Clarissa Boynton (1807–1885). Clarissa was Olive’s younger sister.
392. Olive’s children ranged in age from thirteen (Aroet) to two (Solomon). There is a fifth child included in the Ancestral File, Hyrum Joseph Hale, but he is not mentioned in either his father’s, brother’s, or uncle’s histories.
393. The location of other letters between Olive and Martha is not known.
394. Solomon Hale was born in Quincy, Adams County, Illinois.
395. Since Solomon turned two in 1841, this adds to the supposition that rather than the latter part of 1841, the letter was written in the early part of 1841 prior to April.
396. Alma Helaman Hale (1836–1908) was five at the time the letter was written.
397. Rachel Hale was twelve at the time the letter was written. She was infirm throughout her life. She died at the age of twenty-five in San Bernardino, California.
398. Aroet Lucius Little Hale (1828–1911) was thirteen at the time the letter was written.
399. At this point in the letter, the handwriting changes, though it is not known why.
401. Since the Hales were planning to leave New Liberty and the haunted farm, it is likely that she is referring to the farm that Jonathan was preparing just outside Nauvoo.
402. The location of any such correspondence or history is unknown. Specifics of the Hales Missouri troubles are found in the journals and reminiscences of Jonathan H. Hale, Aroet L. Hale, and Alma H. Hale. Olive in all probability refers to the published histories of Pratt, Rigdon, and Taylor.
403. See Daniel 2:44 and Doctrine and Covenants 65:2. At Christ’s Second Coming the faithful alive on the earth will be “caught up” to meet him. See 1 Thessalonians 3:17; 4:17. The LDS interpretation of the doctrine includes the return of Christ and his Saints to the newly cleansed earth to reign. This identifies some of the millennialist tendencies of the early Saints. See Doctrine and Covenants 88:96; 101:31; 109:75; 133.
404. Ann Marsh Abbott (1797–1849). Her biographical information comes from family records in private possession, Thomas Marsh Abbott Biographical Sketch, Margaret Steed Hess Biography Collection, BYU Special Collections, and Walter C. Lichfield, “Thomas B. Marsh, Physician to the Church” (MS thesis, Brigham Young University, 1956). Molly or Mary Law (1759–1808) and James Marsh (1750–1822).
405. Ann and Thomas are the only Marshes known to join the Latter-day Saints. Thomas became the first president of the Quorum of the Twelve and then later apostatized. Ronald K. Esplin, “Thomas B. Marsh As President of the First Quorum of the Twelve, 1835–1838,” in Hearken O Ye People: Discourses on the Doctrine and Covenants, 1984 Sperry Symposium (Sandy, Utah: Randall Book, 1984), 167–190.
406. Abigail Abbott Tyler (1830–1854), Thomas Marsh Abbott (1832–1920), and Joseph Abbott (1840–1859).
410. Examples of apostasy were close for many of the earliest Mormons. Thomas apostatized in 1839. In 1857 he returned to the Church and was rebaptized in Florence, Nebraska, and went to Utah. Esplin, “Thomas B. Marsh,” 167–190.
411. James Marsh (1787–?) and Oliver Emerson Marsh (1785–?).
412. In 1831, William Miller (1782–1849) began to teach that the advent of Christ was imminent. His followers were called Millerites. Christ was to come and originally the world was to end in 1843. With the passage of 1843 the date was changed to 22 October 1844. Wendy Doniger, ed., Merriam-Webster’s Encyclopedia of World Religions (Springfield, Mass.: Merriam-Webster, Inc., 1999), 738.
414. There is no information available as to Nathan’s own family.
415. Abigail was thirteen, Thomas eleven, and Joseph three.
416. Both Ammon and Eliza Ann died in 1835 in Quincy as a result of exposure due to mob action, as the Abbotts were expelled from their home in Missouri.
417. Kezia Marsh (1783–?) was a sister of Ann and Titus Vestrpasean Marsh (1790–?), a brother.
418. Waterford, Ohio, is 110 miles southeast from Columbus and 169 miles south of Kirtland near the West Virginia border.
