Notes
1. In 1858 the Deseret News published histories of each of the original members of the Twelve. Some were prepared by the men themselves; others were a product of the apostles (and their clerks) that worked in the Church Historian’s Office. Young’s history was a combination of the efforts of the historians, relying both on their own experience and documents in their possession, and Young’s dictation and answers to questions put to him. Evidence suggests that Young assisted in the preparation of each of the several versions and approved the final manuscript. The three manuscripts of Young’s history will be referred to here by number in order of preparation. [Editor’s note: see Ronald K. Esplin, “Conversion and Transformation: Brigham Young’s New York Roots and the Search for Bible Religion,” in Lion of the Lord: Essays on the Life and Service of Brigham Young, eds. Susan Easton Black and Larry C. Porter (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1995), 20–53.]
2. In 1839 in Quincy, Illinois, Kimball dictated to Robert B. Thompson an account of his 1837–1838 mission to England, an account Thompson published as a pamphlet in 1840. Extant manuscript copies of the mission history, clearly dating from the Nauvoo period or before, contain the earlier history as well. For specific information on the manuscript versions of Kimball’s history, see note 56 below.
3. See Whitney R. Cross, The Burned-Over District: The Social and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in Western New York, 1800–1850 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1950) and Paul E. Johnson, A Shopkeeper’s Millennium: Society and Revivals in Rochester, New York, 1815– 1837 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978). Although some of Cross’s generalizations and interpretations have been challenged, his book remains a useful source book containing important information helpful for understanding the experience of men like Young and Kimball. For critiques of Cross’s work as it applies to Mormon origins, see Mario S. DePillis, “The Social Sources of Mormonism,” Church History 37 (March 1968): 50–79; and Marvin S. Hill, “The Rise of Mormonism in the Burned-over District: Another View,” New York History 61 (October 1980): 411–30. See also James B. Allen and Leonard J. Arrington, “Mormon Origins in New York: An Introductory Analysis,” Brigham Young University Studies 9 (Spring 1969): 241–74; Marvin S. Hill, “The Shaping of the Mormon Mind in New England and New York,” BYU Studies 9 (Spring 1969): 351–72; and Mario S. DePillis, “The Quest for Religious Authority and the Rise of Mormonism,” Dialogue: A Journal of Mormon Thought 1 (Spring 1966): 68–88.
4. The key study for the primitivist movement as it relates to Mormonism is Marvin S. Hill, “The Role of Christian Primitivism in the Origin and Development of the Mormon Kingdom, 1830–1844” (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1968). Chapter 1 deals with the movement as a whole, and chapter 2 applies the analysis to the case of Joseph Smith and the rise of Mormonism. Notes in chapter 1 direct the reader to other sources, including I. Daniel Rupp’s important An Original History of the Religious Denominations at Present Existing in the United States (Philadelphia: J. Y. Humphreys, 1844) which, notes Hill, reveals “just how widespread were the basic primitive gospel ideals of Christian unity and how heavy the reliance upon the Bible to achieve it,” themes we find important in Brigham Young’s case. Hill’s “Shaping of the Mormon Mind,” pp. 352–58 summarizes his argument on the primitivist context for the rise of Mormonism and the primitivist background of many of his converts. DePillis takes similar ground in his “Quest for Religious Authority,” where he analyzes the appeal of Mormonism to those primitivists searching for an authoritative religion as an answer to sectarian confusion and competition. Most recently Gordon S. Wood examined the religious setting for the rise of Mormonism, including the primitivist influence, in “Evangelical America and Early Mormonism,” New York History 61 (October 1980): 359–86.
5. For specifics about his New England heritage see Rebecca Cornwall and Richard F. Palmer, “The Religious and Family Background of Brigham Young,” BYU Studies 18 (Spring 1978): 286–310.
6. Discourse by Brigham Young, 5 January 1860, Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (London: Latter-day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854–1886; reprint ed., 1967), 9:104, hereafter also cited JD. For an overview of the economic situation and travels of the family see Cornwall and Palmer, “Religious and Family Background,” pp. 291–302.
7. According to Wood, “Evangelical America,” pp. 365– 66, Americans were on the move during this period like never before. Many families were uprooted several times. Wood suggests that these moves had profound social and psychological implications, influencing the reactions of those affected to the religious enthusiasms of the period. The Youngs, the Smiths, the Kimballs, and other prominent Mormon families were among those who experienced repeated uprootings.
8. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers, Church Archives.
9. Discourse by Brigham Young, 2 August 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:97. The first portions of this chapter are drawn in part from the writer’s collaboration with Ronald W. Walker, “Brigham Himself: An Autobiographical Recollection,” Journal of Mormon History 4 (1977): 19–34. For another view of this period of Young’s life see Eugene England, Brother Brigham (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1980), pp. 1–20. For an imaginative but nonetheless helpful reconstruction of Brigham’s frontier education see S. Dilworth Young, “Here is Brigham . . .”—Brigham Young . . . the Years to 1844 (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1964). p. 39.
10. Discourse by Brigham Young, 8 August 1869, Journal of Discourses 14:103 and 8 October 1869, JD 12:287.
11. Minutes, 22 October 1848, General Minutes Collection, Church Archives; and discourse by Brigham Young, 2 August 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:97.
12. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1857, Journal of Discourses 4:312; and Palmer and Cornwall, “Religious and Family Background,” p. 308.
13. James A. Little, “Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young,” Utah Historical Quarterly 14 (1946): 130.
14. Brigham Young to Ezekiel A. King, 21 September 1866, letterbooks, Brigham Young Papers, Church Archives. “I know how to economise,” he noted later, “for my father had to do it.” On another occasion he said: “some think I am very close and economical. I am.” Discourse by Brigham Young, 2 August 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:97 and 22 November 1857, JD 6:72.
15. Discourse by Brigham Young, 25 May 1862, Journal of Discourses 9:294.
16. Discourse by Brigham Young, 12 November 1864, Journal of Discourses 10:360. For the idea that he might have thought he could make a better livelihood than his father see discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1857, JD 4:312, where he discussed poverty as a result of “customs, habits, and practices of people.” While he did not criticize his father (here or elsewhere), this passage does say “I do know, by my own experience, that there is no necessity for people being so very poor, if they have judgment, and will rightly use it.”
17. The indispensable reference for Brigham Young’s residences, craftsmanship, and economic activity in New York is the soon-to-be published study by Richard F. Palmer, “Brigham Young: Vermont to Ohio, 1801–1833.” [Editor’s note: this is now published as Richard F. Palmer and Karl D. Butler, Brigham Young, the New York Years (Provo, Utah: Charles Redd Center for Western Studies, 1982).] Based on work in New York repositories and newspapers, Palmer corrects some of the details reported from local tradition in Mary Van Sickle Wait, Brigham Young in Cayuga County, 1813–1829 (Ithaca: DeWitt Historical Society, 1964).
18. Brigham Young to George Hickox, 19 February 1876, Brigham Young Papers.
19. Discourse by Brigham Young, 12 November 1864, Journal of Discourses 10:360.
20. See letter of 7 September 1867 published in the Canandaigua Republican Times, News Clippings Collections, Church Archives.
Although Alonzo Beebe, the author of the first article, is identified, the respondent remained anonymous, perhaps because he was unwilling to be publicly known in 1857 as a defender of the then “notorious” Brigham Young. In spite of the anonymity, several things suggest the author was indeed a former acquaintance of Young with no Mormon connections, and not a Mormon plant trying to defend the reputation of his prophet. The respondent knew a good deal about Young’s early life that would not have been available short of the early relationship with Young that he claimed. The man was still a resident of the area in 1857, for the response appeared in the local press immediately following the publication of the charges in the same press. The author also plainly stated that he knew nothing of Young since he became a Mormon and was certainly not defending Mormonism: “We did not take up our pen to defend Brigham Young as he is, but Brigham Young as he was, while he lived in Canandaigua, before he became a Mormon.” The lengthy letter reads like a straightforward production, and the fact that the letter is in harmony with what we know of the period lends credibility to those personal observations not otherwise corroborated.
21. As quoted in Wait, Brigham Young in Cayuga County, p. 39.
22. See Palmer, “Vermont to Ohio.” For the Mendon years, see also J. Sheldon Fisher, “Brigham Young as a Mendon Craftsman: A Study in Historical Archaeology,” New York History 61 (October 1980): 431–47. Fisher assumed that Young lived at this location from 1829–1832, which is not likely. See note 49 below. Young talked about his work as “a carpenter, painter and glazier . . . both as journeyman and master” in a discourse of 20 April 1856, Journal of Discourses 3:323. In the “History of Brigham Young,” Deseret News, 27 January–24 March 1858, p. 385, Young says he worked for eighteen years in western New York “following the occupation of carpenter, joiner, painter and glazier.”
23. Discourses by Brigham Young, 15 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 6:290 and 6 February 1853, JD 2:94. Little, “Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young,” p. 28, adds that John Young also taught his boys never to play cards.
24. Discourse by Brigham Young, 15 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 6:290 and 5 October 1856, JD 4:112.
25. Discourse by Brigham Young, 15 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 6:290 and “History of Brigham Young,” Deseret News, 10 February 1858, p. 385. See also Little, “Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young,” p. 25. Lorenzo, younger than Brigham, remembered his bedridden mother, dying of tuberculosis, frequently pulling him over and counseling him to be a good man.
26. Discourses by Brigham Young, 15 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 6:290 and 11 July 1852, JD 1:41.
27. Discourses by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:37–78 and 7 April 1861, JD 9:29. While he never enumerated his youthful foibles, he did acknowledge elsewhere that “like other young men, I was full of weakness, sin, darkness and ignorance.” Discourse by Brigham Young, 12 November 1864, Journal of Discourses 10:360.
28. Discourse by Brigham Young, 9 April 1852, Journal of Discourses 1:49; and minutes, 12 February 1849, Brigham Young Papers. He wrote to his daughter of Joseph’s death that “it was judge by manny boath in and out of the church that there was more then 5 barels of tears shead I cannot bare to think any thing about it,” but he kept his own tears to himself. See Brigham Young to Vilate Young, 11 August 1844, photocopy, Church Archives.
29. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 February 1853, Journal of Discourses 2:94.
30. Discourses by Brigham Young, 23 March 1862, Journal of Discourses 9:248; 27 August 1871, JD 14:225; and 21 May 1853, JD 10:191. Brigham was probably in his mid-twenties—long accustomed to being on his own—when the temperance pledge incident occurred. The infant temperance movement that dated from his teens seldom required either a pledge or total abstinence; those developments characterized the vigorous movement of the mid-1820s. Young was not alone in thinking that those who bound themselves by pledge yielded their self-control, and that abstinence without a pledge was a morally superior position. See Alice Felt Tyler’s Freedom’s Ferment: Phases of American Social History from the Colonial Period to the Outbreak of the Civil War (New York: Harper and Row, 1962), pp. 321–22, 335–36.
31. Perhaps it was partly as a reaction to his overly strict upbringing that he developed his vigorous and colorful speaking style which consciously and effectively employed expressions forbidden to him as a young man. In the John Young home such mild expressions as “darn it,” “curse it,” “the Devil,” or “I vow” had merited punishment. Discourse by Brigham Young, 15 August 1862, Journal of Discourses 6:290. Compare this with his own practice. On one occasion he apologized for using the devil’s name, acknowledging that many considered such usage a sin. “I do not often use the old gentleman’s name in vain,” he explained, “and if I do it, it is always in the pulpit, where I do all my swearing”—which was not strictly so. Discourse of Brigham Young, 31 July 1853, JD 1:166. See also 2 August 1857, JD 5:99–100, where he explained why he removed the “sharp words” before publishing his sermons, and 8 October 1868, JD 12:298–99 and 2 March 1856, JD 3:222–23, where he explained why he used them in the first place.
32. Minutes, 17 February 1860, General Minutes Collection; and discourse by Brigham Young, 15 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 6:209.
33. Gordon Wood, “Evangelical America,” pp. 374 and 378, wrote that many of Young’s generation came to believe that as in government so in religion: “The people were their own theologians and could no longer rely on others to tell them what to believe.” According to Wood, independent theology was a theme of the evangelical movement from the early 1800s on. In this context he saw the appeal directly to the Bible as an understandable response to sectarian extremism. Earlier Cross, Burned-Over District, pp. 81–82 and 109, had noted that Yankee-bred New Yorkers had a stubborn introspection in the fashioning of personal beliefs, which recognized no authority this side of Heaven.” Though a minority, many laymen “thought seriously about religion and took pride in the ability to thresh out things for themselves.”
34. Discourse by Brigham Young, 7 May 1871, Journal of Discourses 14:112–13; and minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young papers. See also discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, JD 8:38.
35. Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers; discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:37 and 23 June 1874, JD 18:247. According to Wood, “Evangelical America,” p. 375, “Nowhere else in Christendom was religion so broken apart” as in areas like Young’s, swept by revivals in the aftermath of America’s Second Great Awakening. Cross, Burned-Over District, pp. 29–31 and 40, wrote of “a phenomenally intensive religious and moral awareness” in the region, of an “unremitting warfare of theologies,” and of an “interdenominational strife of a bitterness scarcely to be paralleled.”
36. Little, “Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young,” p. 26.
37. Discourse by Brigham Young, 23 March 1862, Journal of Discourses 9:248. No doubt Hill would include Young among those “casualities” of the “Protestant conversion process, of sectarianism, and especially of revivalism” who eventually accepted Mormonism. See Hill, “Rise of Mormonism,” pp. 425–26 and his analysis of the impact of revivals, pp. 421–28 which seems to square with Young’s experience.
38. Discourses by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:37 and 23 June 1874, JD 18:247.
39. Discourses by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:38 and 23 June 1874, JD 18:247. See also 9 October 1872, JD 15:164–65.
40. Discourses by Brigham Young, 9 April 1871, Journal of Discourses 14:90 and 7 May 1871, JD 14:113.
41. Discourse by Brigham Young, 3 June 1871, Journal of Discourses 14:197. This encounter with Dow may have occurred in the summer of 1827, when he preached only a few miles from Young’s residence. See Hill, “Role of Christian Primitivism,” p. 46. It should be noted that improving the morals of the people was one of the social purposes of revivals and preaching morals was the order of the day. Young acknowledged in the discourse cited above, p. 198, that the preachers “can explain our duty as rational, moral beings, and that is good, excellent as far as it goes.” Already blessed with a strict upbringing, he sought something more.
42. Discourses by Brigham Young, 3 June 1871, Journal of Discourses 14:197 and 26 July 1857, JD 5:73. See also 7 May 1871, JD 14:113. It was common for dissenters from the old-line denominations to be greeted by the charge of infidelity. Antisectarianism could lead to infidelity and, according to Hill, primitivists sometimes feared slipping away into total disbelief. See Hill, “Shaping of the Mormon Mind,” p. 362 and DePillis, “Quest for Religious Authority,” p. 75. As with Brigham Young, many of those who disagreed with the preachers and failed to make a profession of faith went to church regularly and looked for a future conversion experience. Though charged with being irreligious and destitute of the word of God, some responded that, in fact, they had too much of the word of God “to swallow the disgraceful absurdities” of the preachers. See Cross, Burned-Over District, pp. 41 and 45. Compare this with discourse by Brigham Young, 9 October 1872, JD 15:164–65.
43. Discourse by Brigham Young, 18 July 1869, Journal of Discourses 13:58. See also discussions on 9 August 1857, JD 5:127–28 and 3 June 1871, JD 14:198. Young was like other nonorthodox seekers who sought “one true church with the mark of divine approbation” and for whom it had become “meaningless to pick one of the major contending denominations as an instrument of salvation.” See DePillis, “Quest for Religious Authority,” p. 75.
44. See Hill, “Role of Christian Primitivism,” chapters 1 and 2. According to Hill, p. 23, as early as 1802 a number of Baptist ministers had concluded to reject every doctrine and practice not found in the New Testament. See also the brief summary of Christian primitivism in Hill, “Shaping of the Mormon Mind,” pp. 353–54. Compare this with Young’s statements; see, for example, his discourse on 26 July 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:72–73.
45. Discourse by Brigham Young, 17 June 1855, Journal of Discourses 11:254.
46. Discourses by Brigham Young, 7 May 1871, Journal of Discourses 14:122–23 and 28 September 1856, JD 4:104.
47. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:37 and minutes, 23 September 1849, Thomas Bullock Papers, Church Archives. On another occasion he said, “I joined the Methodists to get rid of them & all the Sects—same as the girl married the man to get rid of him.” Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers.
48. Hill, “Rise of Mormonism,” pp. 422–24; discourses by Brigham Young, 3 June 1871, Journal of Discourses 14:197 and 6 October 1870. JD 13:267.
49. See letter to the Canandaigua Republican Times, 7 September 1857, Newspaper Clippings Collection. The letter notes that Young had been a Reformed Methodist before arriving in the area, but that the writer doubts that he united with any church while he lived there “as the R.M. society was broken up, and its members scattered at that time.”
Questions remain about Young’s location during the Canandaigua-Mendon years, 1829–1832. In reminiscences he spoke mainly of Mendon. There he built a house for his father, had his friend Heber Kimball nearby, and at least part of the time maintained a house and shop for himself on land owned by his father. Also, his wife Miriam was buried there. Most of the letters from New York acquaintances of this period come from the Canandaigua area, however, and he occasionally reminisced about “old number nine,” referring to his Canandaigua residence. It seems likely, if the Canandaigua correspondent is correct, that Young moved first to Canandaigua and maintained at least a part-time residence there until his baptism. The New York census, listing Young in both communities, supports this possibility. The two residences would have been about ten miles apart.
50. Hiram McKee to Brigham Young, 4 April 1860, Brigham Young Papers.
51. Brigham Young to Hiram McKee, 3 May 1860, Brigham Young Papers.
52. See the charge of Alonzo Beebe in a letter to the Canandaigua Republican Times, 27 August 1857, along with the 7 September reply to the same paper, News Clippings Collection.
53. Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers. “Synopsis of the History of Heber Chase Kimball,” Deseret News, 31 March–28 April 1858, p. 25.
54. Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers.
55. See discourses by Brigham Young, 28 June 1876, Journal of Discourses 16:67 and 19 July 1857, JD 5:55.
56. “History of Heber Chase Kimball by his own Dictation,” ms, Heber C. Kimball Papers, Church Archives. The several versions of this history, contained in two volumes, have been cited under various headings. The most used version, known in the past as “Journal 94-B” and sometimes cited as “The Journal and Record of Heber C. Kimball,” is here given its original title.
Kimball’s experience had been much like Young’s, though perhaps not as intense. He also “received many pressing invitations to unite with different sects” and “had been many times upon the anxious bench” without effect until eventually he joined the Baptists “to be a guard upon me, and to keep me from running into evils” though they believed things he did not. One of his principal complaints about the churches echoed one of Young’s: they would tell him to believe in the Lord Jesus “but never would tell me what to do be saved, and thus left me almost in dispair.” “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” p. 25.
57. This from The Gem of Literature and Science (Rochester, New York), 5 September 1829, p. 70, is an example of the kind of notice Brigham Young might have read.
58. Discourse by Brigham Young, 15 November 1867, Journal of Discourses 6:39. See also discourses on 17 May 1868, JD 12:271 and 20 April 1856, JD 3:320.
59. Sermon of Heber Kimball in minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers. Phinehas Young to Brigham Young, 11 August 1845, Brigham Young Papers. No doubt in later remembering the conversation, Phinehas saw it as prophetic of the coming of Mormonism to them. However, the feeling that the world was in such a state that only God’s intervention would save it, and that such intervention was imminent, was not uncommon at that time. See Wood, “Evangelical America,” pp. 376–77.
60. Discourses by Brigham Young, 6 April 1855, Journal of Discourses 2:249 and 6 April 1861, JD 9:1–2.
61. For an account of the Greene volume, see Joseph Smith, Jr., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts, 7 vols., 2nd ed. rev. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1951), 7:217–18. Phinehas tells in detail about his copy in “History of Brigham Young,” p. 369.
62. Phinehas Young to Brigham Young, 11 August 1845, Brigham Young Papers; “History of Brigham Young,” p. 377.
63. In preparing his history, Brigham Young merely noted that the first Book of Mormon he saw was Phinehas’s copy. “History of Brigham Young,” p. 385. B. H. Roberts was sure that the one Brigham actually read was the Greene copy. See footnote in History of the Church, 7:218. Preston Nibley, Brigham Young, The Man & His Work (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1970), p. 5, was just as sure it was Phinehas’s book.
64. Discourse by Brigham Young, 8 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 3:91. “Upon the first opportunity I read the Book of Mormon,” he said on another occasion. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, JD 3:38.
65. Discourse by Brigham Young, 8 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 3:91.
66. Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers; discourse by Brigham Young, 17 April 1853, Journal of Discourses 2:123–24.
For a consideration of the appeal of the Book of Mormon to someone like Young, see Wood, “Evangelical America,” pp. 380–83. See also Hill, “Role of Christian Primitivism,” pp. 100–104 and 120–21.
67. Discourse by Brigham Young, 8 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 3:91. See also Brigham Young to David B. Smith, 1 June 1853, Brigham Young Papers. The care with which Young examined and pondered the message of Mormonism was perhaps a characteristic manifestation of the “stubborn introspection” that Cross found common among imported Yankees of the region. See Cross, Burned-Over District, pp. 81–82. Also, Hill, “Rise of Mormonism,” p. 424, concludes that, contrary to the popular stereotype of emotional revival conversions, religious conversions of all types “generally came after long periods of anxiety, not in an immediate moment of frenzy.”
68. “History of Brigham Young,” p. 377. This would have been the fall of 1831. Lorenzo D. Young later said that Brigham, Heber Kimball, and Joseph Young brought him the Book of Mormon in February 1831. Little, “Biography of Lorenzo Dow Young,” pp. 33–34. If the date is correct the circumstances are wrong, however, for Joseph Young was still in Canada; also, in spite of Lorenzo’s allusion, we have no record of a visit to the Pennsylvania Saints until January 1832. Available evidence suggests that Brigham Young kept his meditations largely to himself in 1831 and that the religious transformation beginning to take place within him was still unknown—at least to most of his neighbors. One who knew him well during this period later wrote that two weeks after some Mormon visitors “used their influence to convert him” he and his wife were baptized. Letter to Canandaigua Republican Times, 7 September 1851, Newspaper Clippings Collection.
69. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:38.
70. “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” p. 25 and “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” ms, Heber C. Kimball Papers.
71. This appears in an early draft of his history with the phrase “and believed” added in pencil. See “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers and Kimball, “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” ms, Heber C. Kimball Papers.
72. “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” p. 25.
73. “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” ms, Heber C. Kimball Papers. Phinehas later said that at the end of 1831 or beginning of 1832 he and Brigham “both became more interested in the subject of Mormonism,” and got Kimball to join them in traveling to Pennsylvania. In his history, published as a part of Brigham’s, he says they left about 20 January 1832. See Phinehas Young to Brigham Young, 11 August 1845, Brigham Young Papers and “History of Brigham Young,” p. 369.
This is another indication that Brigham Young had little to do with Mormons until after he had passed judgment on the Book of Mormon. Nor is there any evidence that Young ever met with any of the Smith family in the Palmyra area even though they resided less than fifteen miles from Mendon for perhaps nine months after he first saw the Book of Mormon.
74. Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers and “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 2, Historian’s Office Papers.
75. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers. In the published version Young wrote that they left the Pennsylvania congregation “still more convinced of the truth of the work, and anxious to learn its principles and to learn more of Joseph Smith’s mission.” According to Phinehas, they “returned home rejoicing, preaching the Gospel by the way.” “History of Brigham Young,” pp. 385, 369.
76. Minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers.
77. Discourses by Brigham Young, 22 July 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:129 and 6 April 1860, JD 8:37. In the latter sermon Young reminded his audience they had just heard his brother Joseph say that during this period he did not laugh for two years. “I did not know of his smiling during some four or five years,” added Brigham.
78. Fragment of an autobiography of Joseph Young in Franklin Wheeler Young Papers, Church Archives; discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:38.
79. Discourse by Brigham Young, 8 August 1852, Journal of Discourses 3:91. Compare this with a discourse of 6 April 1860, JD 8:38, where he said that “when I had ripened everything in my mind I drank it in, and not till then.”
80. Discourses by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:37 and 8 August 1852, JD 3:91.
81. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:38.
82. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:38.
83. Discourse by Brigham Young, 15 March 1856, Journal of Discourses 4:281–82. Years later he reiterated the same priorities and commitment: “if my Father, Mother, Brothers and Sisters rejects the gospel Farewell Father Mother Brothers and sisters. I am for the kingdom of Heaven.” Minutes, 14 September 1849, Thomas Bullock Papers. Compare this with Matthew 10:37 or Luke 14:26.
84. Minutes, 25 January 1873, General Minutes Collection.
85. Discourse by Brigham Young, 13 June 1852, Journal of Discourses 1:90. See also that of 28 July 1861, JD 9:141.
86. Discourse by Brigham Young, 31 August 1862, Journal of Discourses 9:364. See also discourse of Brigham Young, 5 March 1860, JD 8:15–16 and minutes, 8 January 1845, Brigham Young Papers.
87. “History of Brigham Young,” p. 385.
88. Brigham Young was but one of many seekers who found what they sought in Mormonism. He was, in fact, close to the “typical” Mormon convert of this time described by Hill, “Quest for Refuge,” p. 13: less than middle-class economically, little formal education, alienated from the sectarian world, thought old-line clergy corrupt, and saw the emerging social order as Babylon incarnate. For a description of the social changes that provided the context for this and the appeal of Mormonism for people in that society, see Wood, “Evangelical America,” pp. 373–76 and 379–86. For more on the appeals of Mormonism for people like Young see DePillis, “Quest for Religious Authority,” p. 73ff, and Leonard J. Arrington and Davis Bitton, The Mormon Experience: A History of the Latter-day Saints (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1979). chapter 2. For mention of some other Mormon converts of this period that were much like Young and Kimball, see Hill, “Rise of Mormonism,” pp. 424–25.
89. Discourses by Brigham Young, 20 April 1856, Journal of Discourses 3:320–21 and 8 July 1860, JD 8:119. In a discourse of 22 July 1860, JD 8:129 he spoke of the gloom that had cast its pall over his feelings “from the earliest days of my childhood . . . until I heard the everlasting Gospel.” See also discourses of 17 May 1868, JD 12:217 and 4 March 1860, JD 8:8.
90. Minutes, 7 April 1850, General Minutes Collection.
91. The quotation is from a discourse by Brigham Young, 26 July 1867, Journal of Discourses 5:73. See also discourses for 16 January 1853, JD 1:4–5 and 15 August 1862, JD 6:291, 296–97.
92. Discourse by Brigham Young, 28 July 1861, Journal of Discourses 9:137.
93. In some respects Young’s zeal fits in the context of the idea that became widespread in his region during the 1830s that perfection was indeed possible through the powers of God. According to Cross, Burned-Over District, p. 204, a man gathered great incentive to labor for a cause “from the common conviction that his own destiny with that of the world, depended upon human labor to fulfill Heavenly designs.” Cross saw this phenomenon, not always healthy, as one of the engines of reform later in the decade. See his discussion, pp. 200–208, and compare it with Eric Hoffer, The True Believer: Thoughts on the Nature of Mass Movements (New York: Mentor Books, 1961), pp. 60–78 and 112–13.
94. Discourse by Brigham Young, 20 February 1863, Journal of Discourses 1:313–14. Compare this with Kimball’s description: “I received the Holy Ghost, as the disciples did in ancient days, which was like a consuming fire. . . . I continued in this way for many months, and it seemed as though my flesh would consume away.” According to Kimball, the scriptures were then opened to his understanding by that same spirit. “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” p. 29.
95. See his comments in discourses on 17 November 1867, Journal of Discourses 12:99 and 17 August 1856, JD 4:20–21. It is likely that he had long expressed himself openly and forcefully in daily conversation. See for example his discourse of 29 July 1861, JD 9:141, where he says that he could easily out-talk those who preached to him.
96. Discourse by Brigham Young, 17 July 1870, Journal of Discourses 13:211.
97. Discourse by Brigham Young, 28 June 1873, Journal of Discourses 16:69.
98. Discourse by Brigham Young, 2 August 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:97. Here he also commented: “How I have had the headache, when I had ideas to lay before the people, and not words to express them; but I was so gritty that I always tried my best.”
99. For Finney see Cross, Burned-Over District, pp. 173–74; for Beecher, Daniel J. Boorstin, The Americans: The National Experience (New York: Vintage Books, 1965), p. 320. Boorstin’s whole section on “American Ways of Talking,” pp. 275–324, is useful in assessing Young’s language.
100. For descriptions of Young’s style as a speaker after a quarter-century of experience, see Richard F. Burton, The City of the Saints and Across the Rocky Mountains to California, ed. Fawn M. Brodie (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1963), pp. 264–65, 288 and Jules Remy and Julius Brenchley, A Journey to Great-Salt-Lake City, by Jules Remy, and Julius Brenchley, M.A.; With a Sketch of the History, Religion and Customs of the Mormons, and an Introduction on the Religious Movement in the United States, 2 vols. (London: W. Jeffs, 1861), 2:496.
101. Susa Young Gates and Leah D. Widtsoe, The Life Story of Brigham Young (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1931), p. 5.
102. Letter in the Canandaigua Republican Times, 7 September 1857, News Clippings Collection.
103. “History of Brigham Young,” p. 385 and discourse of Brigham Young, 12 June 1859, Journal of Discourses 7:175. See also Kimball, “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” ms, Heber C. Kimball Papers. Miriam Works Young died 8 September 1832.
104. Discourses by Brigham Young, 8 October 1876, Journal of Discourses 18:260; 20 February 1853, JD 1:314; and 28 June 1873, JD 16:69. Young later said that by the time he arrived in Kirtland, “I had not a coat in the world, for previous to this I had given away everything I possessed, that I might be free to go forth and proclaim the plan of salvation. . . . ” Discourse of 17 February 1853, JD 2:128. See also a discourse of 3 February 1867, JD 11:295, for another comment on his penury when he arrived in Kirtland.


