Notes
1. We are here concerned with the impact of Zion’s Camp, including a review of some of the specific experiences that had important influence on participants. For other camp activities see the full-length accounts by Kimball, “Extract from the Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” Times and Seasons 6 (January–April 1845) and George A. Smith, “History of George Albert Smith by Himself,” ms, George Albert Smith Papers, Church Archives, Historical Department of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah, hereafter cited as Church Archives. Part of his lengthy history, already discussed in chapter 1, Kimball’s version was dictated to Robert B. Thompson in 1839. Most later reminiscent accounts are to some extent related to this. George A. Smith follows Kimball for some sections but adds additional information. The version in Joseph Smith, Jr., History of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts, 7 vols., 2d ed. rev. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1951), vol. 2 uses both the Smith and Kimball accounts, again with some additional information. Interesting reminiscences by other participants tend to confirm these main accounts. See for example those of Joseph Holbrook and Nathan B. Baldwin, copies in Church Archives. See also Wilburn D. Talbot, “Zion’s Camp” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1973).
2. Discourse by Brigham Young, 23 March 1862, Journal of Discourses, 26 vols. (London: Latter-day Saints’ Book Depot, 1854–1886; reprint ed., 1967), 9:248, hereafter also cited as JD. See also discourses of 18 July 1869. JD 13:58–59 and 28 September 1856, JD 4:104.
3. Discourse by Brigham Young, 5 March 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:15–16.
4. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 3, Historian’s Office Papers, Church Archives. Very possibly those Mormons concerned about Young’s gift had experienced the phenomenon before in a non-Mormon context and distrusted it. Although we know of no specific non-Mormon instances from western New York at this time, historically glossolalia has been associated with revivals which, of course, abounded in the region.
Young’s own first experience with the gift occurred while he was living with the Kimballs, probably in September 1832. At the time Alpheus Gifford, one of the Pennsylvania elders, was also staying with the Kimballs. According to Young, Gifford commenced to speak in an unknown tongue during morning prayers and “at the same instant the spirit came on me like an electric shock to speak in an unknown tongue.” See “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 2, Historian’s Office Papers. This version (and the published one) indicates this occurred “a few weeks” after his baptism. However, if it occurred while he was living with the Kimballs, it more likely was a “few months” afterward, something suggested by ms no. 3.
According to Heber Kimball, the Pennsylvania branch was the first Mormon group to experience glossolalia and their own Mendon branch was the second. He and several others received the gift soon after their baptism, he said, and from their branch the gift spread to other areas of the Church. See “Synopsis of the History of Heber Chase Kimball,” Deseret News, 31 March–28 April 1858, 29.
5. “History of Brigham Young,” Deseret News, 27 January–24 March 1858, 385 and “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers. Several early histories prepared by the Historian’s Office give the date for this first encounter as 8 November 1832. See for example brief biographical sketch of Joseph Smith in Historian’s Office Papers, and the second manuscript copy of Heber Kimball’s history where Thomas Bullock adds in the date, Heber C. Kimball Papers, Church Archives.
6. “History of Brigham Young,” 385 and ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers. The printed version says “As soon as we arose from our knees, the brethren flocked around Joseph, and asked his opinion concerning the gift of tongues that was upon me,” and this prompted Smith’s response. This early concern that the Church not be deceived by or misuse the gift of tongues continued. A few months later Sidney Rigdon wrote to the Missouri Saints urging them “to be careful lest in this you be deceived. . . . Satan will no doubt trouble you about the gift of tongues unless you are careful.” Rigdon to the Brethren, 2 July 1833, Joseph Smith Letterbook, Joseph Smith Papers, Church Archives. Later that same year Frederick G. Williams similarly warned the Missouri Saints that “no prophecy in tongues should be made public for this reason many who pretend to have the gift of interpretation are liable to be mistaken and do not give the true interpretation of what is spoken therefore great care should be had as respects this thing.” Williams to Brethren, 10 October 1833, Joseph Smith Letterbook, Joseph Smith Papers. To a branch troubled because of the gift, Young himself provided in 1839 both an explanation of the gift (to bless the Saints but not control the Church—the language may be of the Spirit but the sentiments come from the heart) and a warning (not everything said in tongues is immediate revelation from God). “History of Brigham Young,” 6 December 1839 entry, 402.
7. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers; “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” 29.
8. This remark appears in the published version, “History of Brigham Young,” 385, and in the last manuscript version, but not in the earlier ones. Nor is it included in any of the Heber C. Kimball versions.
9. [Editor’s note: This quote is found in Note A (in the handwriting of Thomas Bullock) in Book A-1 of the Manuscript History of the Church, and in Dean C. Jessee, ed., The Papers of Joseph Smith, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1989) 1:386.] Biographical Sketch of Joseph Smith, Historian’s Office Papers, Church Archives. Edward Hunter later remembered that Smith made a similar comparison of the two brothers in Nauvoo: “Bro Brigham and his Br. Joseph were walking; Br Joseph remarked the smallest of those two is a good man, but the Kingdom of God will rest upon the shoulders of the largest man.” Brigham Young Office Journal, 6 March 1861, Brigham Young Papers, Church Archives.
10. In a letter from Wilford Woodruff to Heber J. Grant, 28 March 1887, Wilford Woodruff papers, Church Archives, Woodruff affirms that he heard both Kimball and Joseph Young say “that they heard Joseph Smith say in their presence and in the presence of others in 1832, the first time that Joseph Smith ever had an interview with Brigham Young, he said Brigham Young would yet be the President of the Church.”
11. Diary of Charles Walker, 13 May 1876, Church Archives, records a statement by Levi Hancock that he was chopping with Joseph Smith when he saw Young for the first time and heard Smith remark “before Brigham came within hearing, ‘There is the greatest man that ever lived to teach redemption to the world and will yet lead this people.’” See also the statement of Benjamin F. Johnson as recorded in the “History of the life of Oliver B. Huntington Written by Himself, 1878–1900,” typescript, Church Archives, 50. It should be noted that these reminiscent accounts were not told to bolster Young’s claim to authority but to reaffirm to the faithful Smith’s prophetic gift.
12. See “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers; “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” 29.
13. Discourse by Brigham Young, 20 February 1853, Journal of Discourses 1:313; see also discourse of 28 June 1873, JD 16:69–70.
14.“History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 3 and ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers.
15. Discourse of Brigham Young, 7 April 1860, Journal of Discourses 7:229 and Joseph Smith History, ms of partial draft, Historian’s Office Papers.
16. Brigham Young Diary, January 1833, Brigham Young Papers, Church Archives.
17. Brigham Young Diary, 2, 4, 12 May 1833, Brigham Young Papers. See also the entries for 27 May and 22 June 1833.
18. Some have seen this as Young leading a migration from Canada to Ohio, and indeed one version of the manuscript history suggests this: “I gathered up the families of br. Lake, Daniel & Abraham Wood, and all other Saints who were desireous and able to gather, and proceeded to Kirtland.” This whole episode was omitted in Brigham Young’s first dictation and was only added later in answer to an interlinear notation: “took a company of Saints from Canada.” In the published version this emphasis was edited out, however, to read simply, “I gathered up the families of Jacob Lake and son,” a reading more in harmony with the diary account: “July the 1–1833 Brother J. Lake and his famely and my self started for the Ohio.” It was probably George A. Smith who wrote it as a larger group under Young’s direction, something he also mentioned in his own history.
19. “History of Brigham Young,” 385 and Brigham Young Diary, 1–15 July 1833, Brigham Young Papers.
20. See Doctrine and Covenants, rev. ed. (Salt Lake City: The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1923), Sections 94 (6 May 1833), 95 (1 June 1833) and 96 (4 June 1833). Also relevant is Doctrine and Covenants, Section 88 (27 December 1832), especially the last part. This section, too, was given after Young’s first visit to Kirtland and before his second. The circular of Hyrum Smith, Reynolds Cahoon, Jared Carter to the Churches, 1 June 1833, is in Joseph Smith Letterbook, Joseph Smith Papers. In July, shortly after Young left, the cornerstones were placed and construction commenced on the temple.
For an overview of Mormon Kirtland that puts these developments in perspective see James B. Allen and Glen M. Leonard, The Story of the Latter-day Saints (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1976), 59–81, 93–96, and the summary by Max H. Parkin, “Kirtland, A Stronghold for the Kingdom,” in F. Mark McKiernan, et al., The Restoration Movement: Essays in Mormon History (Lawrence, Kansas: Coronado Press, 1973), 63–98. For a discussion of the founding of Mormon Kirtland and another view of the context for this decision to expand the community, see R. Kent: Fielding, “The Growth of the Mormon Church in Kirtland, Ohio” (Ph.D. dissertation, Indiana University, 1957). 69–108. See also Donna Hill, Joseph Smith, the First Mormon (Garden City, New Jersey: Doubleday & Company, Inc., 1977). 150–55.
21. Discourses by Brigham Young, 3 February 1867, Journal of Discourses 11:294–95 and 16 June 1867, JD 12:59. George A. Smith later referred to hearing the same charge. See his discourse, 29 December 1867, JD 12:150.
22. Minutes, 24 September 1849, Thomas Bullock Papers, Church Archives; minutes, 25 December 1857, Brigham Young Papers; discourse by Brigham Young, 18 October 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:342. Although Samuel W. Taylor in his recent biography of John Taylor appropriately applies the same concept to Taylor, in the earliest reference where Taylor used the phrase, he quoted explicitly from Young: “In the Second Epistle and last verse of the Gospel according to St. Brigham . . . will be found the following words:—‘We say it is the Kingdom of God or Nothing.’” Discourse by John Taylor, 1 November 1857, Journal of Discourses 6:18.
23. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 3, Historian’s Office Papers. See also discourse by Brigham Young, 13 February 1862, Journal of Discourses 11:295: “Joseph said: ‘come up’; and I went up the best I could.”
24. Discourse by Brigham Young, 3 February 1867, Journal of Discourses 11:295. Compare with discourse of 28 June 1873, JD 16:69–70.
25. Discourse by Brigham Young, 7 October 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:332. See also Wilford Woodruff Diary, 27 January 1860, Wilford Woodruff Papers.
26. Brigham Young Diary, undated entry end of 1833, Brigham Young Papers. Compare this with Doctrine and Covenants, Section 88:133. See also verses 67–70, 74–80, 117–41. Young did not have the same immediate affinity with all Smith’s revelation. For example, a revelation called “The Vision” and now known as Doctrine and Covenants Section 76 was given in February 1832 and no doubt talked about during Young’s early visits to Kirtland. The idea of multiple glories that it developed so conflicted with his ideas on heaven and hell that he could not at first understand or accept it. It took, he said, a patient and prayerful waiting for light before he could make it a part of his faith. See discourse by Brigham Young, 29 August 1853, Journal of Discourses 18:247.
27. Brigham Young Diary, 28 July 1833; 17, 25, 30 August 1833; and 1, 14, 15 September 1833, Brigham Young Papers.
28. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 3, Historian’s Office Papers, and “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” 29.
29. The best study for the founding and development of Mormon Kirtland as a community remains Fielding, “Mormon Church in Kirtland.” Max H. Parkin, Conflict in Kirtland: A Study of the Nature and Causes of External and Internal Conflict of the Mormons In Ohio Between 1830 and 1838 (Salt Lake City: Max H. Parkin, 1966) has good material on this period and for the later years remains standard. See also R. Kent Fielding, “The Mormon Economy in Kirtland, Ohio,” Utah Historical Quarterly 27 (October 1959), 330–56 and Robert L. Layton, “Kirtland: A Perspective on Time and Place,” Brigham Young University Studies 11 (Summer 1971):423–38. The entire issue of BYU Studies just cited is devoted to Kirtland studies, as is volume 12 (summer 1972).
30. “History of Brigham Young,” 385. See also “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers. George A. Smith described the same scene in a discourse of 29 December 1867, Journal of Discourses 12:150.
31. Discourses by Brigham Young, 28 June 1857, Journal of Discourses 16:69–70; 17 April 1853, JD 12:128 and 3 February 1867, JD 11:294–95. Recently the Historical Department received a heavy, well-made nineteenth century beaver skin overcoat with a credible genealogy and the story that it once belonged to Brigham Young but he left it behind in New York when he left the area. With plain and sturdy stitching, serviceable but unadorned, the coat could serve as a metaphor of Young’s own character.
32. Discourse by Brigham Young, 3 February 1867, Journal of Discourses 11:295–96.
33. “History of Brigham Young,” 385; “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” 29; and discourse of Brigham Young, 3 February 1867, Journal of Discourses 11:295–96.
34. Emmeline B. Wells, “Biography of Mary Ann Angell Young,” The Juvenile Instructor 26 (1 January 1891):16–17.
35. Wells, “Biography of Mary Ann Angell Young,” 16–17. “History of Brigham Young,” 385. For Sidney Rigdon as the officiator and a copy of the marriage see S. Dilworth Young, “Here is Brigham . . .”—Brigham Young . . . the Years to 1844 (Salt Lake City: Bookcraft, 1964), 81–84.
36. History of the Church, 2:28–31, 17 February 1834; also Doctrine and Covenants Section 102; for a manuscript version see Kirtland Record Book, Church Archives, 27–28. Young later said he had been present, see discourse by Brigham Young, 8 October 1866, ms, Brigham Young Papers.
37. “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” 29. See also “History of George Albert Smith,” ms, George A. Smith Papers. George A. says that the “Brethren provided themselves with weapons which caused some to apostatize as they did not believe it right to arm themselves or fight in self defense.” Also “History of Brigham Young,” 385. Enemies of the Church had helped finance Philastus Hurlbut in an effort to gather information from New York to discredit Smith and the Book of Mormon. By January 1834 they had formed a publication committee, including former Mormon Joseph H. Wakefield, and had begun dissemination of anything damaging they could come up with. See notice of the committee in Painesville Telegraph, 31 January 1834. For a discussion of these early Kirtland problems see Parkin, Conflict in Kirtland, chapters 8 and 9. These two chapters deal with “The Nature and Extent of Anti-Mormon Resentment”; see especially 356–61 of chapter 9 dealing with the winter of 1833–1834. See also chapter 5, “Early Internal Dissension and Apostasy as Factors in Mormon Conflict.” See also Hill, Joseph Smith, 156–57.
38. Discourse by Brigham Young, 3 February 1867, Journal of Discourses 11:295–96. See also discourses of 17 May 1868, JD 12:217 and 28 June 1873, JD 16:70.
39. History of the Church, 2:35, 20 February 1834.
40. Doctrine and Covenants, Section 103:22, 23, 30, 35 (24 February 1834). This company did not anticipate independent military operations, rather action in concert with the executive of Missouri. Their mission was to supply means to the beleaguered Missouri Saints and to protect them in their lands after Missouri officials escorted them there. See Peter Crawley and Richard L. Anderson, “The Political and Social Realities of Zion’s Camp,” BYU Studies 14 (Summer 1974): 414–15. The Missourians might misunderstand the revelations, Joseph wrote to Missouri Saints, hence some would not be published and they would be very little talked about. Still, “There needs be no difficulty in relation to the revelations; for they show plainly from the face of them, that no blood is to be shed except in self-defense; and that the law of God as well as man gives us a [that?] privilege. If you make yourselves acquainted with the revelations, you will see that this is the case, though we should not publish any more than we are obliged to of necessity for the Church’s sake.” Joseph Smith to Dear Brethren, 30 March 1834, Oliver Cowdery Letterbook, Huntington Library, San Marino, California, microfilm in Church Archives.
41. Joseph Smith to Dear Brethren, 30 March 1834, Joseph Smith Papers.
42. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers. A Joseph Young version of the same incident can be found in a report of a 10 October 1865 reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865. This was the second reunion. Manuscript minutes of this and the one of 10 October 1864 are on file in the Church Archives.
43. Wilford Woodruff Diary, 27 April 1834, Wilford Woodruff Papers. While the diary entry does not describe the nature of Smith’s discourse, many years later Woodruff said that, among other things, he alluded to a future destiny of the Saints beyond the imagination of the elders, a destiny that included filling up the land, including the Rocky Mountains. See discourse by Wilford Woodruff, 8 April 1898, Sixty-eighth Annual Conference of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints . . . , 6, 7, 8, and 10 April 1898 (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Publishing Company, 1898), 57. Although the circumstantial details mentioned by Woodruff in 1898 are in harmony with his diary for April 1837, there is no way to verify his later reminiscence about the nature of Smith’s remarks. It is clear, however, that many more things were taught in Kirtland than have been recorded in surviving documents. See, for example, Sidney Rigdon’s extensive remarks in 1844 about the “many things” which were “taught, preached, & believed” but kept private for fear of the reactions of the world in minutes of April Conference, 7 April 1844, General Minutes Collection, Church Archives.
44. The earlier manuscripts of the “History of Brigham Young” indicate that he left 1 May with the first group, but in the last one, and in the printed version, that is corrected to read 5 May.
45. “Sketch of the Autobiography of George A. Smith,” Deseret News, 11–18 August 1858, 105. The promise may have been a needed reassurance to many, for the revelation authorizing the camp warned: “Let no man be afraid to lay down his life for my sake; for whoso layeth down his life for my sake shall find it again.” Doctrine and Covenants, Section 103:27.
This is, of course, an unverified reminiscence. The point of emphasizing it here, along with the related ones of Brigham and Joseph Young, is not to insist on the prophetic accuracy of Joseph Smith’s warning, but to emphasize that for George A. Smith, Young, Kimball, and other like-minded veterans of the camp, this was an important theme in their understanding of what occurred.
46. Remarks of Joseph Young at a 10 October 1865 reunion of Zion’s Camp veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865. “History of George Albert Smith,” ms, 9, 15, 26 May 1834, George Albert Smith Papers. See also Joseph Young’s remarks in minutes, 10 October 1864, Brigham Young Papers.
47. Discourse of Brigham Young, 16 November 1856, Journal of Discourses 4:92.
48. Remarks of Joseph Young and others, 10 October 1865 reunion of Zion’s Camp veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865. At the reunion Brigham Young sang with gusto, “taking the lead much of the time.” One of the songs he and his brother had sung often and liked so well on Zion’s Camp was “Hark Listen to the Trumpeter.” George A. thought it just like Zion’s Camp, “Bro Brigham’s voice was most prominent.” Levi Hancock noted that “the songs of Brigham and Joseph [Young] were the sweetest I ever heard in the Camps of Zion.” For Joseph Smith’s buoyant spirit and uncomplaining endurance see Joseph Smith to Emma Smith, 4 June 1834, Joseph Smith Papers, Church Archives and “History of George Albert Smith,” ms, 25 June 1834, Church Archives. See also Hill, Joseph Smith, 173, 183–84.
49. See the discussion of this phenomenon on 12–13. [Editor’s note: see page 5 of this publication.]
50. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 772. “History of George Albert Smith,” 17 and 18 May 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers. See note 1 above for additional information about these histories.
51. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 772.
52. “History of George Albert Smith,” 3 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers. See also “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 788.
53. “History of George Albert Smith,” [preliminary draft] 3 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers.
54. Even before word that the governor would not assist, Smith had concluded that without divine intervention their numbers were “altogether too small for the accomplishment. of such a great enterprise.” Joseph Smith to Emma Smith, 4 June 1834, Joseph Smith Papers. Concerning Dunklin’s attitudes see Hill, Joseph Smith, 168–69, 177–78.
55. “History of George Albert Smith,” 18–19 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers and “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 790.
56. Joseph Holbrook reminiscence, Church Archives.
57. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 790 and “History of George Albert Smith,” 19 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers.
58. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 790 and “History of George Albert Smith” 19 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers.
59. See Young’s remarks in Wilford Woodruff Diary, 27 January 1860, Wilford Woodruff Papers. This was one of the incidents that later led Brigham Young to stress that if one who is not head of the Church receives a revelation he should keep it to himself until it is made known to all through the proper channel.
60. Doctrine and Covenants, Section 105:9, 2–3, 5, 11–12, 18–19 (22 June 1834). Joseph Young later said Joseph Smith had told him before this that “these men will not go into Jackson county, for we are not humble enough, neither are we united enough to go into Jackson county now.” Minutes, reunion of Zion’s Camp veterans, 10 October 1864, Brigham Young Papers. This lesson Brigham Young accepted and later taught. “Some may ask why we did not tarry at the centre stake of Zion. . . . we had hearts devoid of what the Lord required of his people; consequently, we could not abide what the Lord revealed unto us. We had to go from there to gain experience.” Discourse of 15 May 1865, Journal of Discourses 11:102. Similarly he said in 1872 that the Saints could not stay long in Jackson County because “they had not learned ‘a’ concerning Zion.” Have we now learned our abc’s, he asked rhetorically. “Do we understand anything with regard to the building up of the kingdom? I will say, scarcely,” discourse of 28 April 1872, JD 15:4.
61. Doctrine and Covenants, Section 105:10–11 (22 June 1834); see also verses 12, 18, 33, 35–37. This revelation was not the first time that the Saints’ misfortunes had been blamed on their own intransigence, of course, but here, if Young had not come to terms with the matter before, he clearly would have. See also Doctrine and Covenants, Section 101 (16 December 1833) and the letters quoted in History of the Church, 1:448–5l, where the Jackson County Saints themselves acknowledge that some had been rebellious.
62. See minutes, 23 June 1834, “The Conference Minutes, and Record Book, of Christ’s Church of Latter Day Saints,” hereafter cited Far West Record, Church Archives. Parley Pratt, Lyman Wight and Thomas Marsh, later of the Twelve, were among those named.
63. Minutes, Reunion of Zion’s Camp veterans, 10 October 1864, Brigham Young Papers. Concerning his later desire to “return” to Jackson County and his vision of what it might be like, see for examples Wilford Woodruff’s diary, 22 August 1860 and 24 August 1867, Wilford Woodruff Papers.
64. Remarks of George A. Smith in Minutes, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, 10 October 1864, Brigham Young Papers. Compare this with the reminiscence of Joseph Holbrook, Church Archives: “cholera . . . so frightened our enemies that they did not dare come near us or have us come near them which relieved us from further danger from our enemies.” See also “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” p. 389. Of course it also helped that Joseph declared his peaceful intentions and disbanded the camp soon after the cholera passed, and dispersed the small army, each to find his own way home.
65. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers; “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 839; and “History of George Albert Smith,” 25 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers.
66. Remarks of Kimball in minutes, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, 10 October 1864, Brigham Young Papers. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” pp. 838–39. To the Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, 10 October 1865, minutes, Church Archives, Young later talked of his “driving the cholera from Luke Johnson when digging [a] grave.”
67. “History of Brigham Young,” ms no. 1, Historian’s Office Papers. Young’s later chastisement of the pioneer camp is reminiscent of this, although he succeeded in bringing them to repentance and to a covenant to remember God before the disasters that he foresaw befall them. See William Clayton Diary, 29 May 1847, photocopy, Church Archives, for one account. According to George A. Smith, Joseph had to tutor the men as children who had forgotten their God and the solemn purposes of their mission, precisely the position Young assumed before the pioneers (in 1847).
68. Doctrine and Covenants, Section 105:14.
69. “History of George Albert Smith,” 22 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers. Joseph Young remembered Smith later saying, “Brethren, some of you are angry with me, because you did not fight in Missouri; but let me tell you, God did not want you to fight.” Joseph Young, History of the Organization of the Seventies (Salt Lake City: Deseret News Steam Printing Establishment, 1878), 14.
70. Discourse by Brigham Young, 28 June 1857, Journal of Discourses 4:370. These were the feelings he had at the time, he explained to his audience, “they were true, and they have remained so with me to this day.”
71. Minutes, 10 October 1864, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Brigham Young Papers, and minutes, 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Church Archives. George A. Smith affirmed that he traveled with the same confidence. Though “but few in number,” they obeyed “knowing & most assuredly believing that he that gave the commandment would not lead his People to be Slaughtered by thir enemies.” Remarks of George A. Smith, 8 December 1844, Seventies Book B, Church Archives. That this was more than rhetoric is suggested by the way Young and the Twelve managed their own first potentially violent crisis in 1845. See Ronald K. Esplin, “Brigham Young and the Power of the Apostleship: Defending the Kingdom Through Prayer, 1844–1845,” given in the Sperry Symposium, January 1980, Brigham Young University. The lectures will appear together in a forthcoming volume as the “Sperry Symposium, 1980,” Brigham Young University Press. [Editor’s note: This was published as Ronald K. Esplin, “Brigham Young and the Power of the Apostleship: Defending the Kingdom Through Prayer, 1844–1845,” in A Sesquicentennial Look at Church History: Sidney B. Sperry Symposium, 26 January 26 1980, 102–22 ([Provo, Utah]: Religious Instruction, BYU, 1980).]
72. Reminiscence of Nathan B. Baldwin, Church Archives.
73. For the division of means see “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 840. One participant noted that “This order of things might seem rather hard to some who had consecrated liberally and only received back equal with him who had no dollar to consecrate,” but at least, this once, they all knew that they had lived the United Order. Reminiscence of Nathan B. Baldwin, Church Archives.
74. McLellen spelled his name several different ways. This spelling, used by him as editor of The Ensign of Liberty in 1847, will be used here as standard.
75. Meetings of 3 and 7 July 1834, History of the Church, 2:122–26. Joseph described the ordination of Whitmer and the purpose for it in a meeting 15 March 1838, Far West Record, Church Archives. Smith later said that this completed establishing “this church on a permanent foundation,” and had he died “it would have been enough, but I yet live, and therefore God requires more at my hands.” Joseph Smith Diary, 12 November 1835, Joseph Smith Papers.
76. Remarks of Joseph Young, 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865.
77. William E. McLellen to Joseph Smith III, July 1872, Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints Auditorium, Independence, Missouri.
78. Joseph Smith to Lyman Wight, et al. [the Missouri High Council], 16 August 1834, Joseph Smith Letterbook, Joseph Smith Papers. It is not surprising to find Sylvester Smith and others whom Joseph chastised during the camp among those spreading dissent. For the proceedings against Sylvester Smith, who was eventually reconciled and even served briefly as a secretary to Joseph Smith during the illness of Warren Parrish in early 1836, see History of the Church, 2:142–60, 11–28 August 1834.
79. Remarks of Joseph Young, 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865.
80. Wilford Woodruff Diary, May–June 1834, Wilford Woodruff Papers. Instead of daily entries, at this time Woodruff wrote brief summaries of important events or periods. Woodruff remained in Missouri after the camp was disbanded, and this entry was apparently written there sometime between July and November 1834.
81. Joseph Smith to Lyman Wight, et al. [the Missouri High Council], 16 August 1834, Joseph Smith Letterbook, Joseph Smith Papers. For more on the opposition to Smith after the Missouri expedition see Hill, Joseph Smith, pp. 185–86; “History of Brigham Young,” p. 385; and History of the Church, 2:142–60.
82. Discourses by Brigham Young, 6 October 1862, Journal of Discourses 10:20 and 23 October 1853, JD 2:10.
83. Widow of Marshall Hubbard in minutes, 10 October 1864, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Brigham Young Papers.
84. Remarks of Joseph Young, 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865. “History of George Albert Smith,” 25 June 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers. Compare this with discourse by Brigham Young, 6 October 1862, Journal of Discourses 10:20 and discourse by Wilford Woodruff, 12 December 1869, JD 13:158. For additional information on Smith’s deportment in Zion’s Camp and his own feelings about the Camp see Hill, Joseph Smith, pp. 168–84.
85. Remarks of Brigham Young, Salt Lake High Council Record, 1869–1872, Church Archives.
86. This is one of the points about participation in Zion’s Camp made in Phineas Young to Brigham Young, 11 August 1845, Brigham Young Papers.
87. Discourse by Brigham Young, 6 October 1862, Journal of Discourses 10:20. For the duties of a captain of ten see “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” 771.
88. Some of the parallels in Young’s leadership to lessons he learned from Joseph beginning in Zion’s Camp are obvious. Others are more subtle and would require detailed presentation to establish. Though popularly known later as Zion’s Camp, it was also called Camp of Zion and Camp of Israel, Old Testament allusions that Brigham Young consciously developed further in the Camp of Israel from Nauvoo. See “History of George Albert Smith,” 29 May 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers, for one mention of a letter from the “Camp of Israel.”
Young carefully observed overall organization and leadership, assessing strengths and weaknesses of both and later applying the lessons he learned. The most dramatic examples of parallels involve Brigham Young later passing on specific lessons learned here from Joseph, as well as his leading the camps in a manner strikingly similar to Joseph’s in 1834.
Young watched Joseph Smith closely, learning his style and precepts—things that would surface in Brigham Young years later. For example see Smith’s teachings on handling the snakes and Young acting on the lesson in George A. Smith’s account for 26–27 May 1834 and 18 June 1834, and his passing it on to the Saints 29 April 1846, William C. Staines’s Diary and 26 April 1846, Willard Richards’s Diary. The same thing can be shown for Smith’s teaching to not waste game (“History of George Albert Smith,” 26 May 1834, ms, George Albert Smith Papers), something Young repeatedly stressed to the pioneers. In his later leadership of the pioneers Brigham Young repeatedly gave highly original practical advice on details large and small, reminiscent in style to Joseph Smith’s advice to Zion’s Camp, “History of George Albert Smith,” 29 May 1834, George Albert Smith Papers. We have already mentioned the similarity of Young’s chastisement of the pioneer camp, 29 May 1847, with Young’s memory of how Smith chastised Zion’s Camp and brought them under covenant. The parallel could be extended in general to how Young handled grumblers and to his penchant for chastising his brethren. George A. Smith records several examples of Smith’s chastisements in Zion’s Camp and “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 789, provides another.
89. Wilford Woodruff Diary, 7 April 1836, Wilford Woodruff Papers. For comments along the same line by George A. Smith see Seventies Book B, 8 December 1844, Church Archives.
90. Phineas Young to Brigham Young, 11 August 1845, Brigham Young Papers. Remarks of George A. Smith, 8 December 1844, Seventies Book B, Church Archives.
91. “History of Brigham Young,” 10 February 1858, p. 385. [Editor’s note: for a discussion of Brigham Young’s contributions to the construction of the Kirtland Temple, see Elwin C. Robison, The First Mormon Temple (Provo, Utah: Brigham Young University Press, 1997), 78, 80, 163.]
92. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 667.
93. “History of Brigham Young,” p. 385. At issue in the trial were the promises that Joseph had supposedly made to camp participants. Young himself was willing to acknowledge that everything had not gone as they would have wished and that the impatient and critical would suppose many instances of failure. His own faith was otherwise: “were promises made Yes. & not one word of Joseph’s word will fail.” Minutes, 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Brigham Young Papers.
94. Discourse by Brigham Young, 16 August 1868. Journal of Discourses 12:269–70.
95. Young, Organization of the Seventies, pp. 1–2. Concerning Smith’s deep feelings about the loss of men on Zion’s Camp, see Hill, Joseph Smith, pp. 183–84.
Apparently Joseph Young told about this experience many times. At least two other versions have been recorded, although this printed one is the only detailed one. Compare this with the summary in the minutes of the 10 October 1864 union of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Brigham Young Papers: “when we talked upon the subject of our brethren dying of the cholera in Missouri and being buried in their every day clothes, Joseph replied ‘if we get as good a place as they have obtained, we shall be satisfied,’ and he told me that the Lord had inspired him to select twelve men, as Apostles, also a number of Seventies, and a Patriarch.” See also the even briefer note on his remarks in the minutes of 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Church Archives, which reports that he told of “his interview with the Prophet after the return of the Camp of Zion—the calling of the Twelve—Joseph’s vision relative to the Bre[thren] who fell in Zion’s Camp.”
Brigham Young also later referred to this visit in Smith’s home when Joseph announced that “by-an-by” he would select apostles and seventies “from those who have been up to Zion, out of the camp boys.” Discourse of 7 May 1861, Journal of Discourses 9:89.
96. Discourse by Brigham Young, 7 May 1861, Journal of Discourses 9:89. A revelation of June 1829, now Doctrine and Covenants, Section 18, had foreshadowed the calling of the Twelve, but as the revelations were not published or widely circulated at this time, Young’s claim to have learned nothing about the apostles until this time is credible. Compare this with “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 668: “heretofore I had known nothing about it, not having had the privilege of seeing the revelations, as they were not printed.”
97. Young, Organization of the Seventies, pp. 1–2; and discourse by Brigham Young, 7 May 1861, Journal of Discourses 9:89. This is apparently the same vision that Joseph referred to during the first meeting to organize the Twelve. While it was never recorded, B. H. Roberts discusses several allusions to it in a footnote to History of the Church, 2:182.
98. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 668. The original minutes for this meeting are in the Kirtland Record Book, p. 147, Church Archives. The printing of those minutes in History of the Church, 2:181–82, 185–89 will be followed here unless otherwise indicated. See also “History of Heber Chase Kimball,” Heber C. Kimball Papers.
99. “Journal of Heber C. Kimball,” p. 668. The “first presidency” refers to Joseph Smith, Sidney Rigdon and Frederick G. Williams, the First Presidency of the Church or presiding quorum. The Twelve Apostles, organized here, would later become the second quorum in the Mormon hierarchy.
100. History of the Church, 2:188–89.
101. See History of the Church, 2:201–4 for the calling of the Seventy.
102. Doctrine and Covenants, Section 105:19 (22 June 1834); compare this with Doctrine and Covenants, Section 101:4–5.
103. History of the Church, 2:182. Amasa Lyman, later an apostle, explained why he thought this was so. According to him, the vicissitudes of that “anomalous and strange journey . . . afforded us ample opportunity to evince our faith by the offering of our lives for the truth, thus proving by the patient endurance of our toils and our untiring perserverance in the accomplishment of our purposes, that the interests of the Kingdom, when they should be committed to our keeping, would be faithfully cared for.” “Amasa Lyman’s History,” Deseret News, 8–15 September 1858, 117. See also his remarks to the Seventies, 12 February 1856, Seventies Papers, Church Archives. For another example of Joseph’s thinking about a tried leadership see his letter from Liberty Jail, 25 March 1839, in History of the Church, 3:293–94 and Doctrine and Covenants, Sections 121 and 122.
104. Remarks of Joseph Young, 10 October 1865, Reunion of Zion’s Camp Veterans, Deseret News, 19 October 1865. See also Young, Organization of the Seventies, p. 14.
105. Minutes, 15 August 1847, General Minutes Collection. See also in the same collection Young’s remarks of 14 May 1848. Of pain and sorrow and sickness he said, “if we make a right use of them they will return us blessings.” Wilford Woodruff Diary, 15 February 1858, Wilford Woodruff Papers.
106. Minutes, 11 February 1849, Thomas Bullock Papers.
107. Orson Hyde, Parley P. Pratt and Orson Pratt experienced difficulties with Joseph Smith, but returned within a few months and continued in their apostleship.
108. As noted, some men resented the emphasis placed on Zion’s Camp participants, among them Brigham’s brother Phinehas. Ironically, according to Oliver Cowdery, the Witnesses originally selected Phinehas for the Twelve but yielded to Joseph Smith’s request that the place be given to his younger brother William who had, perhaps not coincidentally, participated in Zion’s Camp. (Cowdery also suggested, as did the reminiscences of Joseph Young, that Joseph Smith and the Witnesses learned before the meeting who would be selected for the Twelve.) In a letter to Brigham Young, 27 February 1848, Brigham Young Papers, Cowdery wrote: “At the time the twelve were Chosen in Kirtland, and I may say before, it had been manifested that brother Phinehas was entitled to occupy the station as one of that number; but owing to brother Joseph’s urgent request at the time, Brother David [Whitmer] and myself yielded to his wish, and consented for William to be selected, contrary to our then feelings and judgment, and to our deep mortification ever since. Brother Phinehas occupied that relation to myself [brother-in-law], that caused me to feel delicate about urging his name, and besides, bro. Joseph, about that time, was bearing down heavily upon bro. Phinehas.”
109. Discourse by Brigham Young, 2 August 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:97.
110. Discourse by Brigham Young, 23 March 1856, Journal of Discourses 3:276.
111. Discourse by Brigham Young, 8 October 1866, Brigham Young Papers. During these early years of discipleship Young would give his testimony or preach on the first principles, but not until Nauvoo, after ten years of close attention to all of Smith’s teachings both public and private, did he begin to speak out on doctrinal matters. See also his discourse of 17 November 1867, Journal of Discourses 12:99.
112. I Corinthians 1:26–27. Because the first edition of the Doctrine and Covenants would not be printed until later in the year, he was probably less familiar with passages in Smith’s revelations teaching the same concept. Doctrine and Covenants, Section 1:23 says “That the fulness of my gospel might be proclaimed by the weak and simple unto the ends of the world, and before kings and rulers.” Doctrine and Covenants, Section 50:16 notes that the weak among the elders can be made strong through the Lord.
113. History of the Church, 2:182, 188.
114. Discourse by Brigham Young, 5 December 1853, Journal of Discourses 1:337–38.
115. Minutes, 23 October 1859, Brigham Young Papers. Interestingly, the man called at this time was George Q. Cannon, a man who became a powerful leader somewhat in the mold of Brigham himself. Said President Young of him at this time: “George knows right as well as any other man he is modest, but I don’t think he will let modesty smother his duty,” something that Joseph Smith might well have said or thought of Brigham Young in 1835.
116. Discourse by Brigham Young, 16 September 1860, Journal of Discourses 8:173. Young here conceded that his call “was indeed a mystery to me,” until he considered that perhaps the alternative to men like himself and Heber were “Big Elders” who could not be taught, the very kind of men who marvelled at their call. “When I considered what consummate blockheads they were, I did not deem it so great a wonder.” Throughout his life Young maintained that it was better to be a humble man who knew too little and had to rely on the Lord than a Big Elder who could not be taught. Compare this with the comment of William Thorn, 24 February 1877, Salt Lake Stake Deacons Quorum Minutes, 1874–1877, Church Archives: “I’ve heard that when this church was first organized, that Bros. Brigham & Kimball were about the worst speakers & that on that account some rejected them, & those who rejected them lost & the rejected ones became the head.”
117. Discourse by Brigham Young, 2 August 1857, Journal of Discourses 5:97.


