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5 Frederick and Rebecca’s Kirtland Farm and Home

Soon after their marriage, Frederick and Rebecca lived in Warrensville, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, where they owned a 161-acre farm that Frederick had purchased from his father, William Wheeler Williams, on April 30, 1810.1 Their residence in Warrensville is confirmed by the property and personal tax records over many years2 and is corroborated by Williams’s participation as the elected clerk of the Warrensville Township, a position he served in for four years.3

Rebecca Swain Williams (1798–1861), wife of Dr. Frederick G. Williams (from After 100 Years by Nancy Clement Williams).

A Home in Chardon

Without selling the bulk of their property in Warrensville (except for a few acres to Noble Bates on September 6, 1817; Sylvester Carver on May 14, 1827; and Dewey B. Cook on October 23, 1828),4 the Williamses moved their residence from Cuyahoga County to Chardon in Geauga County in 1828. This is confirmed by the personal property tax records for Chardon in 1828 and 1829.5 There is, however, no recorded deed of property ownership in Chardon or any record of paying property taxes there. When the Williamses did sell a small portion of their Warrensville farm (referenced above), the deed, however, listed them as residents of Chardon.6 He must have been farming, practicing medicine, and renting their home in Chardon, perhaps with the option to buy, which home they apparently retained for some years. This is suggested by two written references in Joseph Smith’s history. The first comes in 1832. After visiting his sister Sophronia in Chardon, the Prophet visited Frederick G. Williams there before returning to Kirtland.7 The second reference comes in 1835 in connection with Mary Bailey Smith (Samuel H. Smith’s wife) giving birth. Don Carlos Smith, a brother, was dispatched to Chardon to bring Dr. Williams to her aid.8

A Home in Kirtland

Various tax and civil records indicate that Frederick and Rebecca moved their home and farming operation from Chardon to Kirtland (perhaps in the latter part of 1829, but certainly by the first quarter of 1830), where they had bargained to trade their Warrensville property to purchase a large farm jointly owned by Isaac More and Peter French. Eventually, only More kept the bargain and deeded his portion of lots 29 and 30 to Williams in 1832, who then deeded it to Joseph Smith on behalf of the Church on May 5, 1834. Peter French, however, did not keep his part of the bargain. Therefore, in order for Joseph Smith to retain the whole of the Williams farm, French’s portion of lot 30 was purchased separately by Church agents in 1833 and, through a series of transactions between Church members, was likewise deeded to Joseph Smith on behalf of the Church on May 5, 1834. A fuller account of those transactions will be discussed presently.

According to an account published by historian A. G. Riddle in 1878, Isaac More had moved to Kirtland in 1812, where, with Peter French, he purchased a large farm that included the whole of lot 30, said to consist of 105 acres.

He purchased, jointly with Peter French, a farm on the hill south of the Mormon temple, paying 19 shillings an acre therefore. The farm was bought for one hundred and five acres, and the arrangement between the purchasers was that fifty acres were to be measured off to French, leaving the balance, whatever it should be, to Moore, who, on measuring, afterwards, found he had seventy acres. He resided in Kirtland until about the year 1831, or until the settlement of the Mormons there, which rendered it to him an undesirable place of residence, and he removed to Warrensville, Cuyahoga county. There he remained some six years, thence moving to Mentor, where subsequently, he engaged in wine-making.9

Size of the Williams Farm

We get an idea of the size of the farm Williams purchased from More and French from the Geauga County 1830 tax map. The name “F. G. Williams” is written across all of lot 30 (all but five acres) and written again across three-fourths of lot 29 (all but thirty acres) in range 9, township 9, and tract 1 of Kirtland.10 As mentioned, the whole of lot 30 was said to contain 105 acres. The 1830 tax map is important for establishing ownership, for regardless of who held the deed (whether a bank, a mortgage company, or another individual), from the point of view of the county government and the community at large, Frederick G. Williams was the owner of those lots and responsible for any taxes to be collected.

1830 Kirtland tax map showing “F. G. Wiliams” on lots 29 and 30.

An earlier Kirtland tax map had been prepared in 1820 with the name “Titus Street” written across lot 29, the name “Peter French” written on the northern portion of lot 30, and the name “Isaac More” written on the southern portion of lot 30.11

Map of Kirtland Village from the 1898 Atlas of Lake County, Ohio. showing the temple, the homes of several Church leaders, and other Church properties on lot 30, which had belonged to Frederick G. Williams.

1830 U.S. Census in Kirtland

We learn the size of the Williams household the year they moved to Kirtland from the 1830 U.S. census, which lists the number of people in his family as seven. Under the name of Frederick G. Williams as the head of the family, the census taker listed two adults, one male and one female “of thirty and under forty” (which would correspond to Frederick and Rebecca) and five children. Two of the children were listed as males, one of whom was “of ten and under fifteen” (which would correspond to Joseph Swain, eleven years old) and a second male child “of five and under ten” (which would correspond to Ezra, nearly seven). Three of the children were listed as females, two of whom were “of ten and under fifteen” (which would correspond to Lovina Susan, nearly fourteen, and Lucy Eliza, nine years old) and one who was “under five years of age” (a baby or young child who is unknown).12

Size of the Williams Home

We learn even more about the Williams’s Kirtland homestead from the Geauga County assessor’s record, which in 1830 had Frederick’s house appraised at $320.13 For the sake of comparison, the Newel K. Whitney home was appraised at $300, as was his store built just across the way, while the Peter French mansion, which stood nearby on lot 17, was listed at $900.14 The French mansion, which was also used as a tavern, was sold to the Church in 1833 and subsequently assigned to John Johnson as part of his stewardship in a revelation dated April 23, 1834.15 It has been rebuilt by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints and is known today as the Johnson Inn. The N. K. Whitney & Co. store is still standing, as is the Whitney home. Using these three buildings for comparison, we can surmise that Frederick G. Williams’s house was a little larger than either the Whitney store or the Whitney home but considerably smaller than Peter French’s mansion.

Farm Use

We learn more of the activities pursued on the farm from a statement written by Frederick G. Williams entitled “Statement of facts relitive to J Smith & myself,” which indicated, among other things, that Williams never received any payment for his Kirtland farm.

From the time I first became acquainted with Joseph Smith Jr which was in the month of August 1831—I frequently assisted him by letting him have money & other things among which was the use of my Farm in Kirtland for two years for which I never took any note or security. I also furnished him with farming utentials oxen chain sled wagon and other things not now recollected for which he gave me his note to the amount several hundred dollars but about the time we received the Revelation under pages 240 in the Doctrine and Covenants, a revelation was received (but not written) requiring a certain number among us (among which I was one) to balance all accounts & give up all notes & demands that they had against each other & all be equal which was done This included all that he was to give me for my farm & the obligation which I held against him &c but he never gave me any obligation for my farm whatever.16

“Statement of facts relitive to J Smith & myself,” handwritten in ink by Frederick G. Williams on a sheet of paper. Courtesy Church History Library.

In another statement entitled “Account on Farm,” Williams listed the farm implements, their values, and the crops produced, plus the value of the farm itself, which he turned over to Joseph Smith.

Farm _ ___________ _____________$2 200
1 yoke oxen _____80
1 2 ox waggon _____75
" 30 lb iron3
Blacksmithing Paid & collected5
1 Silver lever watch agreed upon50
3 year & 4 month sermon writing2 200
 $4,613
Commencing the first August 1832 – and ending
in January 1836 and boarding myself
with the exception of about 2 months
The use of my farm two years
upon which was raised two hundred bushel
wheat 17 acres corn meadow & other produce
out of which I had 50 bushel corn
and 14 bushel wheat
$300
May 10 1835 Cash32
Aug 17 Cash1017

“Account on Farm,” handwritten in ink by Frederick G. Williams on a sheet of paper. Courtesy Church History Library.

Deeds and Ownership

In the revelation to the Prophet Joseph Smith given on May 1831 at Kirtland, concerning the farm owned by Frederick G. Williams (who was then in Missouri), it is very revealing that the Lord would use the phrase “let that which belongeth unto my servant Frederick be secured unto him by deed or bond,”18 given that Dr. Williams did not then hold the deed to his farm, but the Lord does acknowledge him as the owner. The first deed secured by Frederick to property in Kirtland came on April 20, 1832, for 144 acres from Isaac More.19

Although Williams did not secure a deed to his farm on lots 29, 30, and portions of 31 until 1832, it must be remembered that deeds tell only part of the story of ownership, for property was often held for years without a recorded deed, and some deeds were never recorded. As a practice, deeds were generally recorded only just before the land was again to be sold. For example, Williams purchased portions of the farm (70 acres on lot 30 and 74 acres on lot 29) by deed from Isaac More on April 20, 1832,20 but More had acquired it by deed from Turhand Kirtland on April 18, 1832,21 only two days before he sold it to Williams. By the same token, Turhand Kirtland had bought the property from Seth Hard on March 13, 1799, but the deed had not been acquired until December 29, 1828, nearly thirty years later.22

Similarly, although Peter French was shown as the owner of the northern portion of lot 30 on the Kirtland 1820 Tax Map and paid taxes on it each year for nearly a decade,23 he did not acquire the deed to the property, which he bought for $100 from Turhand Kirtland, until July 2, 1827.24

While Isaac More did not receive the deed to his property until 1832, the tax records confirm that he, too, for more than a decade before 1832, was listed as the owner of 70 acres in lot 30, and he paid property taxes on it each year.25 When Frederick G. Williams moved from Chardon to Kirtland in 1830, he likely made a bargain to purchase the farm, most probably in exchange for his Warrensville property or by cash payments, perhaps for a percentage of the produce from the farm or even medical services, but there are no recorded deeds to show for it until 1832. Williams likely received only a contractual note with the terms of the sale, signed by him and countersigned by the sellers (More and French), similar to the promissory notes so very common in that day. But he would have expected to receive an official deed on each of the purchases as soon as the financial terms agreed upon were met, and as soon as French and More themselves obtained title to their properties. Like county governments today, which collect property taxes from homeowners who do not yet hold the deeds to their homes, the Geauga County government recognized the farm as Williams’s and drew up the 1830 tax map accordingly. Hence the name “F. G. Williams” was written across lot 30 and again on most of lot 29 on the tax map.

Frederick Turns His Farm Over to Joseph

In 1831, while Frederick was still on his Missouri mission, Joseph bargained with him to turn the use of the Williams farm over to the Church for two years and eventually agreed to sell the whole of it. The rent for those two years was to have been $300, and the price for the major portion of the farm was to have been $2,200, but neither amount was ever paid, since Williams was asked to consecrate his property and erase the debts, which he did.26 But before Frederick could turn the farm over to Joseph, he first had to acquire the deeds to it from French and More. Something happened in the meantime, however, that made Peter French change his mind about deeding his portion to Williams when he finally did receive clear title to the land. In the end, only Isaac More’s southern portion of lot 30 was ever deeded to Williams, and a different route was taken to obtain the northern portion of the Williams farm.

Paying Personal Taxes and Voting

Before going on his mission, Williams had begun to pay personal taxes in Kirtland in 1830,27 and he voted on two measures in a Kirtland election held October 12, 1830. This is significant because in order to vote, one had to be a landowner.28 When the deeded sale of 144 Kirtland acres was sold by More to Williams for $2,000 (which More had purchased for $100 from Turhand Kirtland), Williams sold 140.5 acres of his Warrensville farm to More (whose residence was listed as Warrensville) for $1,500,29 which meant that Frederick still owed More $500 that would have to be paid before he could have the title free and clear.30

Property Exchanges

Just as they had in Warrensville, Cuyahoga County, Frederick and Rebecca were involved in buying and selling property in Kirtland, Geauga County, Ohio. For ease of consultation, the property transactions will be listed schematically in chronological order.

 

Date: April 7, 1832

Amount: $1,500

Place: Warrensville, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Frederick G. Williams and Rebecca, his wife, of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Isaac More of Warrensville, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio

Description: Township 7, Range 11, Lot 41, containing 141 acres, except ½ acre sold to Mr. Cook, who sold to Isaac More.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, N-13:89–90. Received October 9, 1833, recorded November 14, 1833.

 

Date: April 20, 1832

Amount: $2,000

Place: Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Isaac More of Warrensville, Cuyahoga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Frederick G. Williams of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Description: Township 9, Range 9, parts of Lots 29, 30, 31, containing 144 acres.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Geauga County, Ohio, Book 16:22–23. Received and recorded June 11, 1832.

 

Date: April 30, 1834

Amount: $550

Place: Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Newel K. Whitney of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Frederick G. Williams of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Description: Township 9, Range 9, part of Lot 18, containing 17 acres.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Geauga County, Ohio, 19:203–4. Received November 24, 1834, recorded December 8, 1834.

 

Date: May 5, 1834

Amount: $177.70

Place: Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Frederick G. Williams and Rebecca, his wife, of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Joseph Smith Jr., President of the Church of Christ

Description: Township 9, Range 9, part of Lot 30, containing [1 acre and 116 rods]. Note: This deed was declared illegal and was substituted by another dated September 15, 1835. See below.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Geauga County, Ohio, Book 18:477–78. Received July 30, 1834, recorded August 4, 1834.

 

Date: May 5, 1834

Amount: $2,200

Place: Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Frederick G. Williams and Rebecca, his wife, of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Joseph Smith Jr. of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Description: Township 9, Range 9, parts of Lots 29, 30, 31, containing 142 acres and 44 rods.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Geauga County, Ohio, Book 18:480–81. Received July 30, 1834, recorded August 5, 1834. Note: Oliver Cowdery was one of the witnesses of the transaction.

 

Date: September 15, 1835

Amount: $177.70

Place: Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Frederick G. Williams and Rebecca, his wife, of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Joseph Smith Jr. of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Description: Township 9, Range 9, part of Lot 30, containing 1 acre and 116 rods.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Geauga County, Ohio, 21:226. Received February 22, 1836, recorded February 29, 1836.

 

Date: January 3, 1837

Amount: $1,200

Place: Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantor: Frederick G. Williams of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Grantee: Heber C. Kimball of Kirtland, Geauga Co., Ohio

Description: Township 9, Range 9, part of Lot 18, containing 17 acres.

Source: Deeds and Mortgages, Geauga County, Ohio, 23:559. Received June 5, 1837, recorded June 16, 1837.

Rebecca and the Children Share the Farm

Before Frederick departed on his Lamanite mission beyond the borders of Missouri, he and Rebecca had opened their home to a new convert of the Church, Philo Dibble (1806–1895), from Berkshire, Massachusetts, who was baptized in Kirtland on October 16, 1830. In his biographical narrative, Philo recounts his baptism and a spiritual experience he had while staying the night at the Williams home in Kirtland.

This was on the 16th of Oct 1830. When I came out of the water, I knew that I had been born of water and of the spirit, for my mind was illuminated with the Holy Ghost.

I spent that evening at Dr. F. G. Williams’. While in bed that night I felt what appeared to be a hand upon my left shoulder and a sensation like fibers of fire immediately enveloped my body. . . . I was enveloped in a heavenly influence, and could not sleep for joy. The next morning I started home a happy man.31

Little is known about life for Rebecca and her four children while her husband was away on his mission in Missouri. When Frederick left in November 1830, Rebecca was thirty-seven years old, and the ages of their four children were as follows: Lovina Susan, fourteen; Joseph Swain (an invalid), eleven; Lucy Eliza, nine; and Ezra Granger, seven. Besides the references contained in Oliver Cowdery’s letters from Missouri to Kirtland, cited earlier, Rebecca evidently received news of Frederick’s activities from Parley P. Pratt upon his return to Kirtland in late February or early March 1831. Likewise, Frederick most likely received additional news of his wife and family from the Prophet and Sidney Rigdon when they arrived in Missouri in mid-July later that year. Nancy C. Williams adds the following details:

But what of Rebecca in her husband’s absence? She had been provisioned for three weeks but found herself left for ten months to get along as best she could and care for the four children, of whom the eldest son, Joseph Swain, was an invalid who required constant attention. This added to her burden and there were outstanding bills to collect although there was no income from the Doctor’s work as he had turned his patients over to other doctors. On their farm were cattle, horses, pigs and oxen to be cared for and fed. Her husband sent her relief by arranging with a trustworthy brother to assist her throughout the winter and take over the management of the farm in the early spring until such time as he would return home.32

The trustworthy brother assigned to assist her is not identified. It could be a reference to his own brother, William Wheeler Williams Jr., who was then living in Painesville, some five miles from Kirtland,33 or to a brother in the Church or to both. From the previously quoted unpublished revelation received by Joseph Smith in May 1831, we learn that the Lord himself was concerned about Rebecca and the family’s needs:

And let my servant Frederick’s family remain and let the house be prepared and their wants be supplied[;] and when my Servant Frederick returns from the west behold and lo he desireth to take his family in mine own due time unto the west[.] let that which belongeth unto my servant Frederick be secured unto him by deed or bond and thus he willeth that the brethren reap the good thereof[.]34

The revelation also says that in addition to having the family’s wants supplied, “Frederick’s family should remain and let the house be prepared,” which suggests that as early as May 1831 there was a plan for the use of the farm and home, which would require the eventual removal of the Williams family to another dwelling place. This plan would be confirmed a few months later.

The segments of this May 1831 revelation coming just before and just after the above quotation would seem to indicate that the trustworthy brother to care for the farm became Joseph Smith Sr. (with the help of his sons and others “in as much as he standeth in need”), who, together with his wife, Lucy, was then living at the Williams homestead and running the farm. In addition to the references in the text, the heading to the revelation leaves no doubt that the Smiths were living on the Williams farm.

Revelation given May 1831 at Kirtland concerning the farm owned by Frederick and also concerning Joseph [Smith Sr.] & Ezra [Thayer.]

Hearken unto my words and behold I will make known unto you what ye shall do as it shall be pleasing unto me[;] for verily I say unto you it must needs be that ye let the bargain stand that ye have made concerning those farms until it be so fulfilled[.] behold ye are holden for the one even so likewise thine advisary is holden for the other[;] wherefore it must needs be that ye pay no more money for the present time until the contract be fulfilled[;] and let mine aged servent Joseph and his family go into the house after thine advisary is gone[;] and let my servant Ezra board with him[;] and let all the brethren immediately assemble together to put up an house for my servant Ezra[;] and let my servant Frederick’s family remain and let the house be prepared and their wants be supplied[;] and when my Servant Frederick returns from the west behold and lo he desireth to take his family in mine own due time unto the west[.] let that which belongeth unto my servant Frederick be secured unto him by deed or bond and thus he willeth that the brethren reap the good thereof[.] let mine aged servant Joseph govern the things of the farm and provide for the families and let him have healp in as much as he standeth in need[.]35

We can assume that while Elder Williams was on his mission, Rebecca was asked by the Prophet to consecrate the farm and provide housing for his parents (and probably others, for the revelation says “provide for the families”), which in fact occurred beginning two weeks after Mother Smith’s arrival in Kirtland from the east in mid-May 1831 (which corresponds to the time period of the above revelation). In the revelation, the Lord indicated that Elder Williams, although 1,200 miles away, was in agreement with this arrangement, for “he willeth that the brethren reap the good thereof.” Mother Smith recounts in her biography the details of her arrival to Kirtland, her two-week stay at the Morleys’, and her family’s move to the Williams farm, but without identifying its owner, except to say that Joseph had purchased it for the Church:36

I <and Bro Kingsbury> set out with my sons for Kirtland in a handsome and comfortable carriage which <belonged to Brother Kingsbury and Joseph> had provided for the purpose before my arrival—Joseph and the brethren had also engaged houses in Kirtland and Painesville and Hyrum for the rest of the company so that in a little while they were well situated and ready to commence business for the future support of their families.

The first house that I entered was Brother Morley’s. Here I met with my beloved husband, and great was my joy. . . .

Mr. Morley gave me the use of a room which we occupied but 2 weeks, when we moved onto a farm which was purchased by Joseph and the Church. On this farm my family were all established with this arrangement, that we were to cultivate the farm, and the products were to support our several families and sustain strangers who were traveling, that being either members of the Church or others in search of the truth or on a visit to the place.37

The Lord, however, had plans for the Williams home and farm that went beyond providing housing and food for traveling members and strangers.

The Williams Farm to Become a Stronghold for the Church

As indicated previously, with the growing need to provide housing for the arriving Saints from the eastern states, the Lord, in May and June 1831, instructed Joseph in the principles of the law of consecration and stewardship (see especially D&C 51 and 54). Three early members of the Church owned large farms near Kirtland, Ohio: Leman Copley in Thompson and Isaac Morley and Frederick G. Williams in Kirtland. Each would be asked to consecrate his properties to the Lord. Morley and Williams lived up to their covenants; Copley did not.38 Soon after Elder Williams returned from his mission in Missouri, Joseph Smith received a revelation in Kirtland, on September 11, 1831, in which the Lord indicated why he had commanded Morley to sell his farm and why Williams was instructed to retain his:

And again, I say unto you, that my servant Isaac Morley may not be tempted above that which he is able to bear, and counsel wrongfully to your hurt, I gave commandment that his farm should be sold.

I will not that my servant Frederick G. Williams should sell his farm, for I, the Lord, will to retain a strong hold in the land of Kirtland, for the space of five years, in the which I will not overthrow the wicked, that thereby I may save some.39

The Williams farm was to become a strong hold for the Church in Kirtland for at least five years, and as early as May 1831, Frederick G. Williams had given the Prophet the use of his home and farm.40 In the meantime, it would seem that the Smith, Thayer, and Williams families were all living at the same location, for even though the plan for a stronghold required that the Williamses be provided with new quarters, those plans had apparently been delayed. The three families were having a “difficulty,” which suggests more than just getting in each other’s way.

A New Home for the Williamses, the Smiths to Run the Farm

At a conference held a month later at Kirtland on October 10, 1831, leading members of the Church, after hearing the three parties’ concerns, decided to assist Elder Williams’s family with a new home, which would allow Ezra Thayer’s family to remain at the farm until spring; they also recommended that Joseph Smith Sr. see to the management of the Williams farm. The elders listed as present were Oliver Cowdery, Samuel H. Smith, Sidney Rigdon, Martin Harris, William W. Phelps, Burr Riggs, Orson Hyde, Joseph Smith Jr., and Frederick G. Williams.

Before whom was presented a difficulty wherein brs Joseph Smith [Sr.] Ezra Thayer & F. G. Williams were implicated, the said Ezra being absent it was motioned, seconded & carried by vote that br. Oliver Cowdery be dispatched as a speedy messenger to apprise him of the matter and bring him before this conference immediately. Prayer by br. Sidney Rigdon who addressed the Elders in the name of the Lord.

After hearing the relations of all the parties, the conference requested them to withdraw while they should investigate the testimony & pass their decision.

Decision of the conference. The conference decided, that Br. Ezra Thayre’s family remain where they are until Spring. And Br. Frederick G. Williams family be provided with a comfortable dwelling by this Church. And that Br Joseph Smith [Senior] see to the management of the farm & to the distribution of its productions as the Lord’s agent according to commandment of the Lord. . . . Lastly that the agent of the church [Newel K. Whitney] be instructed by this conference to lay the case of F G Williams’ family before the church and see that they are provided with a comfortable dwelling according to the commandment of the Lord.41

Smiths Living on the Williams Farm

Years later, Frederick’s son Ezra Granger Williams recalled the experience of the Smiths living at the Williams homestead, which Henrietta, his wife, recorded soon after in the unused portion of Dr. Williams’s medical ledger.42 On Monday, May 1, 1899, in Ogden, Utah, she organized a surprise dinner and program at their home to honor two early Church pioneers: her husband, Dr. Ezra Granger Williams (1823–1905), and Mary Elizabeth Rollins Lightner (1818–1913).43 The occasion was reported in the Saturday evening edition of the Ogden Standard, May 6, 1899, and the invited guests included “President Richards and several high dignitaries of the church.”44 Franklin D. Richards requested that Sister Lightner “relate some of her experience in her early life, and acquaintance with the Prophet Joseph Smith, as she was very intimately acquainted with him in childhood and girlhood also womanhood being sealed to him in an early day.”45 After Sister Lightner spoke, Ezra took his turn. He noted the size of his father’s barn in Kirtland and the help his father had given Father Smith in running the farm. “Bro. Richards next called on Bro Ezra G. Williams to relate his experience and associations with the Prophet Joseph in his boyhood. . . . Held meetings in his father’s barn, 40 by 40 feet. Prophet[’s] father worked the farm and Dr Williams rode the horse to plough corn and potatoes and helped Father Smith in haying times.”46 Ezra then gave details about changes to the farm: “He spoke of the condition of the Church at the time of the Prophet’s arrival in Kirtland, also the persecution & trials, building the Temple on his father’s farm, and the twelve Apostles, had homes built thereon. A printing office, school buildings, Prophet & family, the Cowd[e]ry’s Whitmers and other Saints, built thereon.”47

Ezra recounted how the Prophet and his wife lived with the Williamses for a time. “He gave very interesting accounts of the coming to Kirtland. Joseph and his wife Emma Smith accepting the hospitality of his father’s house, till he was able to build one for himself, in February 1833. . . . A boy of eight summers. Well acquainted with all the Smith family. Baptized by the Prophet when he was nine years old. Confirmed by Hyrum Smith.”48 Corroborating Ezra’s memory of meetings being held in his father’s 40' by 40' barn is the following quotation from Mother Smith’s memoirs:

Soon after Sydney [Rigdon] arrived Kirtland there was a prayer meeting held in a barn which my husband had prepared with seats so that we could hold meetings in it in the summer. As Sydney had just arrived but a short time previous from Hiram, the brethren were anxious to hear a sermon from him; and after waiting sometime for him he came in appearing much agitated; he did not go to the stand but commenced pacing back and forth through an aisle that was left between the seats. My husband spoke to him about preaching.49

With Joseph’s parents living at the Williams farm, there would be occasions when the Prophet and his family would stay there as well. Joseph Smith Jr. records in his history that, fearing for the safety of his wife and family on account of the recent mob actions in Hiram, Ohio, in March 1832, he directed that Emma should go to Kirtland. After some consternation at the Whitneys’, she ended up at the Williamses’ home.

After we left Hiram, fearing for the safety of my family, on account of the mob, I wrote to my wife, in connection with Bishop Whitney, to have her go to Kirtland and tarry with his family till our return. She went to Kirtland to Bro Whitney’s, and Sister Whitney’s Aunt, Sarah Smith, (who was then living with her,) enquired of her Niece if my wife was going to stay there; and, on being answered in the affirmative, said she should go away, for there was not room enough for both of them: accordingly Sister Whitney invited my wife to leave, which she did immediately, having enjoyed about two hours visit. She then went to Brother Reynolds Cahoon’s—and father Smiths and Doctor Williams, where I found her, very disconsolate, on my return.50

Mother Smith records the same incident by drawing on Joseph’s account, but adding that Emma never mentioned her mortifying experience at the Whitneys’, even though she “lived with us and very near us.”

But the Aunt whose name was Sarah Smith was highly offended and declared that if Emma staid she would go away[.] Upon this Sister Whitney invited Emma to leave[.] This, however, I was never aware of until lately, and although she lived with us and very near us, she said nothing of the mortifying circumstance least it would injure feelings. . . . She lived with brother Wm Cahoon and Brother Williams occasionally spending a short time with us.51

In both the Prophet’s account and Lucy’s, we have confirmed not only that Emma stayed at the Williamses’ home, but also that Father Smith’s house and that of Dr. Williams were either one and the same or next to one another. This proximity is confirmed by Ezra, who states that the Prophet and his wife stayed at the Williamses’ home, adding that they slept in the unfinished upstairs portion of his father’s frame house, while the senior Smiths lived in a log house on the property, which also housed Frederick’s 40' by 40' barn:

According to the will of the Lord by revelation—he, F. G. Williams, deeded the farm at Kirtland and all its appertaining—one or two yoke of oxen, yoke, chains, plows, harrows, one frame house—two rooms down and some upstairs, not finished, where the Prophet and wife slept. A two roomed log house in which the prophet’s father and mother lived with their family. And a forty foot barn, in which they held meetings. While most of the leading authorities had building lots on this piece of land, F. G. Williams and family moved about one and one-half miles away.52

Philo Dibble’s Corroborating Account

Another source confirming that the Smiths lived on the Williamses’ Kirtland farm is Philo Dibble, the same who had spent the night at the Williams home the night he was baptized. In his autobiography, Dibble not only identifies the farm as Frederick G. Williams’s, but also indicates that he offered to pay a $400 debt owed on the farm to keep it from reverting to the former owner. “I held myself in readiness to assist the Smith family with my means or my personal services as they might require, as they were financially poor. They were living on a farm owned by F. G. Williams, in Kirtland, upon which there was a debt of four hundred dollars due, which had to be paid within a stated time or the farm would revert to its former owner.”53

On his return to Kirtland from Missouri in 1832, Joseph’s traveling companion Newel K. Whitney suffered an accident in Indiana, which delayed their return for four weeks. During the time Whitney was convalescing from his broken bones, Joseph wrote to Emma on June 6, 1832. He references his parents, Father and Mother Smith; the Williamses; and the “business of that farm,” suggesting the close proximity of the three.

I am happy to find that you are still in the faith of Christ and at Father Smiths[.] I hope you will comfort Father and Mother in their trials and Hiram and Jerusha and the rest of the Family[.] tell Sophronia I remember her and Kalvin in my prayers[.] my respects to the rest[.] I should Like [to] See little Julia and once more take her on my knee and converse with you on all the subjects which concerns us[,] things I cannot[,] [as it] is not prudent for me to write[.] I omit all the important things which could I See you I could make you acquainted with[.] tell Brother Williams that I and Brother Whitney will arrange the business of that farm when we Come[.]54

Since Frederick, on April 20, 1832, had obtained from Isaac More a clear title to three-fourths of lot 29 and the 70 acres in the southern portion of lot 30 of his farm, Joseph’s June 6, 1832, letter (“Tell Brother Williams that I and Brother Whitney will arrange the business of that farm when we Come”) would be in reference to the northern portion of lot 30 of the Williams farm, the deed to which was still held by Peter French.

Every Available House Is Occupied

A. G. Riddle, in his 1878 History of Geauga and Lake Counties, Ohio, recounts the coming of the four Mormon missionaries to the Kirtland area and tells of their success in converting many souls.

In the early part of November, 1830, four strange men, of far stranger mission, appeared in Mentor. The names of these men are Oliver Cowdery, David Whitmer, Zaibad [sic] Peterson, and Parley P. Pratt. The entire night of their arrival was devoted to consultation. Soon after, Rigdon, accompanied by the ominous four, made a visit to the house of Morley. Here they gained an easy victory, and made a beginning. Seventeen of the principals at once accepted the delusion, and were baptized the same evening. Other meetings were held, and within one week’s time Mormonism had obtained a firm foothold upon the Western Reserve.55

Riddle also refers to the large number of people (many of whom were recent converts from New York) who moved to Kirtland, and the difficulty they had in finding housing. “The future ‘City of the Saints’ appeared like one besieged. Every available house, shop, hut, or barn was filled to its utmost capacity. Even boxes were roughly extemporized and used for shelter until something more permanent could be secured.”56

The Lord needed the Williams farm as a refuge. It is no wonder the Smith family moved into the log house.

Hyrum Smith Moves into the Williams Home

Besides sheltering Joseph Smith Jr. and Emma for a time in the Williamses’ two-story home and providing a place to live for Joseph Smith Sr. and Lucy in their log house (plus handing over the farm on which most of the Smiths worked at one time or another), Frederick and Rebecca would turn over their home to Hyrum Smith and his wife, Jerusha, in 1833 and move to other quarters with their four children. After serving a brief two-week mission in the spring, Hyrum returned to Kirtland. “He arrived home April 10, rested for part of a day, and then moved into the home of Frederick G. Williams, who moved out the following day. On April 12, the unflagging Hyrum availed himself of the season and ‘commenced work on the farm.’”57

Photograph of Frederick G. Williams’s Home

Between pages 68 and 69 of After 100 Years, Nancy C. Williams reproduced two photographs, one above the other, of two “Homes of Dr. Frederick G. Williams, in Kirtland, Ohio.” The one above is most often identified as that of Sidney Rigdon.58 The one below is identified as that of Hyrum Smith.59

Homes of Dr. Frederick G. Williams in Kirtland, Ohio (from After 100 Years by Nancy Clement Williams).

Nancy C. Williams recounts two anecdotes that occurred while the Prophet was living with the Williamses. The first has Joseph disguised as Rebecca, Frederick’s wife; the other involves hiding Joseph in the doctor’s wagon while he made his medical rounds: “Previous to this move, and while he was living in the Williams home, the mob surrounded the house, cursing and swearing that they would take him. Rebecca, a tall woman, put her sun-bonnet on his head and her big cloak around him. In this disguise he walked out through the crowd in safety. Often, on fearing a mob, Frederick would take Joseph in his wagon or carriage on his visits to the sick, in order to avoid them.”60

Nancy C. Williams also recounts other activities on the Williams farm involving the Smiths, which her father-in-law, Ezra G. Williams, remembered from when he was a boy, including driving the cattle, plowing the fields, a smelly encounter with skunks, and the unauthorized borrowing of the Prophet’s buggy:

The prophet had direct supervision of the farm and the distribution of its products. Father Smith worked the land and Ezra rode the horse while plowing the corn and potatoes and grew to manhood intimately associated with them. Ezra would drive their cows to and from the pastures. One day he found some small black kittens with pretty white stripes down their backs. He tried to catch them but met with a real surprise. In consequence of his experience he was scrubbed and put to bed and his clothes buried.

His father told him at one time to borrow the Prophet’s buggy. He took the horse, hitched it up and then went and asked permission to borrow it. Joseph had been watching him and asked in a kindly tone, “Hadn’t you better ask first next time?” Ezra never forgot the experience and the lesson that it taught.61

The need to provide a home for Frederick G. Williams and his family (already raised in a revelation, May 1831, and at a conference held October 10, 1831), together with assigning a place for Joseph Smith Sr. and his family, continued to be a subject of some concern. And it now took on a greater complexity in connection with Frederick G. Williams’s new assignments as the Prophet’s counselor and scribe.

Kirtland Temple Built on the Northern Portion of Lot 30

The monumental work prepared by Lysle S. and Gladys A. Briggs (a senior missionary couple who served in Kirtland in the early 1990s) titled “Land Transactions of the Saints, Kirtland, Ohio, 1830s & 1840s” and dated August 5, 1993, states that the property on which the Kirtland Temple stands was built on lot 30, on the northern portion that had belonged to Peter French.62 Ezra G. Williams says the temple was built on his father’s farm, but Frederick never received the deed to the northern portion of lot 30.

Peter French was a longtime resident of Kirtland and something of a land speculator. In late 1830, four Mormon missionaries came to Kirtland and converted some one hundred people in four weeks (including Dr. Williams), before proceeding on to Missouri. The success of the missionaries, persecution in New York, and a revelation from the Lord prompted the Prophet to move himself, his family, and the headquarters of the Church from New York to Ohio in February 1831, while the newly converted eastern Saints were instructed to follow in the spring.

Even though Williams had bought the whole of lot 30 and was living and farming on the property, French apparently went back on his word to deed his portion of lot 30 to Williams. Perhaps French thought he could obtain a higher price for his land (which proved to be the case) now that there was an influx of Mormon newcomers in need of land arriving in Kirtland every week. Isaac More may have thought to do the same but was eventually persuaded to keep his promise once he obtained clear title. When French went back on his promise, hard feelings must have ensued. It would have been a difficult situation, especially since the Williams family had been occupying the land and now Dr. Williams was away on his mission in Missouri. In a message from Frederick G. Williams to his wife, Rebecca, contained in a letter from Oliver Cowdery dated April 8, 1831, to Joseph Smith in Kirtland, we read that there was some kind of legal action pending that Frederick could do nothing about until the August term.

Broth[er] Frederick wants Bro. Whitney to write the principle names of those brethren who have been baptized of his neig[h]bours since he left[.] Broth[er] Frederick wishes to inform his wife that he is fine that the Lord called him to come to this country and consequently he shall not return until he calls him back again[.] he also informs her that respecting that suit at Law that there can be nothing done on there part more till August term.63

Could this refer to a case of Williams versus French for breach of promise and his attempt to secure the French property by deed? Could it be a case of French versus Williams attempting to get out of the bargain? A search of the court records for Geauga County, Ohio, reveals no activities involving Williams until the Kirtland Anti-Banking Society, which came much later. Perhaps Williams (or French) had thought to appeal the contract before a justice of the peace. If that was the case, the justice of the peace would not have been subject to the circuit court’s seasonal docket, so the reference to “not being able to do anything until August” would not apply. In any event, the dockets belonging to most early justices in Kirtland are no longer extant.

We know that Peter French lived in his mansion, today’s Johnson Inn, on lot 17 near Newel K. Whitney’s home. We can assume that the Williamses occupied the two-story frame home that Ezra remembered, which had belonged to More. We also know that Peter French had a brickyard on his portion of lot 30, which the Prophet asked Frederick to supervise,64 and it would make sense that French would have a smaller home there as well, perhaps a log cabin; perhaps the log cabin that Ezra remembers Father and Mother Smith living in for a time.

If this scenario is accurate, then the farms spoken of in the May 1831 revelation would be the Williamses’ northern farm (French’s portion of lot 30) and the Williamses’ southern farm (More’s portion of lot 30), while the adversary would be Peter French. Concerning the Williams farm, the Lord admonishes the Prophet to let the bargain stand, but to not pay any more money for the present, and that Joseph Smith Sr. is to “go into the house after thine adversary is gone.”

A Summary Explanation: 
The Williams Farm and Temple Property

The principle facts and discrepancies are these: First, regarding ownership of the Kirtland farm. Fact: In 1830, the government of Kirtland drew up a tax map that showed F. G. Williams as the owner of lot 30 and three-fourths of lot 29. Fact: As a landowner, Williams was allowed to vote in Kirtland on two separate occasions in 1830. Fact: In a revelation to Joseph Smith, given in May 1831, the Lord recognized that Frederick G. Williams was the owner of a Kirtland farm, which, in a subsequent revelation given in September 1831, the Lord said should not be sold.65 Discrepancy: Although both the county government’s tax map of 1830 and the Lord’s two revelations of 1831 recognize that Frederick G. Williams was the owner of a large farm, Williams, in fact, did not hold the deed to any property in Kirtland until 1832.

Second, regarding the ownership of the property on which the Kirtland Temple was built. Fact: The Kirtland Temple was built on property that was purchased by deed from Peter French. Discrepancy: Ezra G. Williams, Frederick G. Williams’s son, declared that the Kirtland Temple was built on his father’s farm, a position that was corroborated by his cousin, Eunice Williams Warren, and by Mother Smith.

Reconciling these discrepancies is possible. In the first place, it is not uncommon to own property and pay taxes on it and yet not hold the deed to it until the terms of the mortgage are fulfilled. Therefore, it is proper for the government, the Lord, and the community at large (including members of the family) to refer to the farm on lots 29, 30, and 31 as the Williams farm, even though Frederick G. Williams did not hold title to any portion of it until later. He eventually did obtain the deed to three-fourths of lot 29, half of lot 30, and a portion of lot 31, which he subsequently turned over to the Prophet. But because the whole of lot 30 (including the portion where the temple was built) was once viewed by the government and by the Lord to be part of the Williams farm, Ezra has a right to state that the Kirtland Temple was built on his father’s farm, even if the statement is only de facto true, but never de jure. In my view, the most plausible sequence of events, which explains and agrees with both the revelations and the documents, is as follows in summary form.

In the May 1831 revelation, the Lord speaks of the Williams farm in the plural: “let the bargain stand that ye have made concerning those farms.” It was known in the community that More and French jointly purchased “a farm” that included lots 29 and 30 in Kirtland; French’s farm took the northern portion of lot 30 and More’s farm the southern.66 It was also known in the community that that farm as a whole was purchased from its two owners by Frederick G. Williams, who was listed as the owner of lot 30 and most of lot 29 on the 1830 Kirtland Tax Map.67

In the revelation dated May 1831, the Lord indicated that he had directed Joseph Smith Jr. to bargain with Frederick G. Williams to purchase his farm.68 This agreement was made while Frederick was still in Missouri; thus, the initial negotiations for the property were likely with Rebecca.

In the same revelation, the Lord directed that Frederick should secure his farm by deed or bond, for the Lord knew he did not yet own the land by deed.69 Either instrument is security to allow the transaction between Frederick G. Williams and Joseph Smith Jr. to be completed. In the revelation, the Lord acknowledged that the property belonged to Frederick and that he wanted Joseph to be able to obtain it pursuant to the bargain that he had with Frederick. He also acknowledged that Frederick was desirous that Joseph have the farm for “he willeth that the brethren reap the good thereof.” However, there were apparently issues connected with the two sections of lot 30 of the farm. The revelation speaks of Joseph being holden to one [farm property] and an adversary holden to the other [farm property].

As previously explained, it was common practice to not obtain the deed to property until just prior to selling the property to another party. One reason for this practice may be that a contract of sale was generally for installment payments. In other words, the seller would not turn over the deed of the property until the buyer had fully funded the agreed-upon amount of sale. In the meantime, the buyer would make agreed-upon payments until the amount was paid in full. If the agreed-upon amount was not paid by a certain date, the seller had the option of retaining the property and all previous payments as rents. For example, despite all of their efforts, the Joseph Smith Sr. family lost their farm in New York when they did not make their final payment.70 The Smiths also lost their prior payments as rents and the improvement on their new home. Similarly, it may be that Frederick was making payments on his farm for two of its parcels until he had completed the financial obligation in order to obtain the deeds.

Looking at the available facts, a plausible scenario is that the property Frederick obtained from Isaac More was the one referred to by the Lord in the first instance and the property obtained from Peter French was the one referred to by the Lord in the second instance. In the first scenario, Joseph was liable for completing the terms of the contract between Frederick and More. In the second instance, Peter French was liable for completing the terms of the contract between Williams and French; but French apparently did not see it that way, making him an adversary to Joseph in his effort to obtain the property pursuant to his bargain with Frederick G. Williams.71

Isaac More’s Portion of the Farm

Pursuant to the revelation, now that Frederick had bargained with Joseph for the farm, Joseph was now responsible for paying the amount due on one of the parcels: “You are holden to one.” In other words, Joseph was now responsible for completing the terms of the contract of sale by paying the final amount. In order to obtain the deed to his farm, as instructed by the Lord, Frederick went through with his agreement to sell or trade his 141-acre Warrensville farm to More for a listed price of $1,500 and bought More’s 144-acre farm in Kirtland72 for a listed price of $2,000, a difference of $500. Frederick (or Joseph) must have paid an additional $100 towards the purchase at some point because, as we’ve seen, Philo Dibble made the final payment of $400 to Isaac More on behalf of Joseph in order to retain the Williams farm. “They [the Smiths] were living on a farm owned by F. G. Williams, in Kirtland, upon which there was a debt of four hundred dollars due, which had to be paid within a stated time or the farm would revert to its former owner.”73

It is interesting to point out that the 1833 Kirtland property tax record still listed Isaac More as the owner of the southern portion of lot 30, even though Frederick had purchased it by recorded deed on April 20, 1832.74 In the column where the recorder listed whether the tax had been paid or not, he wrote “Paid by J. Smith,” thus confirming the bargain between Frederick and Joseph: Frederick had obtained the deed from More as instructed by the Lord, and since Joseph was beholden for it, he made not only the final payment of $400 (through Philo Dibble), but paid the property taxes on it as well.75

Peter French’s Portion of the Farm

In the other instance, it appears that the seller to Frederick, Peter French, was not living up to his contract of sale, thus thwarting Joseph’s ability to obtain the property in question. The Lord refers to the other seller as Joseph’s adversary in completing the bargain with Frederick. “Thine advisary is holden for the other wherefore it must needs be that ye pay no more money for the present time until the contract be fulfilled.”76 In other words, the adversary is responsible for completing the terms of the contract of sale by turning over the deed as agreed. It may very well be that the seller in this instance had demanded more money than originally agreed upon or had accelerated the date by which full payment was due.

Because the seller/adversary in the second instance had already broken the contract of sale or had shown his intention to do so, the Lord says that no further payments should be made to this seller.77 This is likely because paying the seller any more funds would simply mean that both the future payments and the property would be lost. The Lord did not want his servants to throw good money after bad. He wanted them to resolve the situation before additional money was paid.

In a revelation given on September 11, 1831, the Lord reiterated his desire to retain the Williams farm, the whole of it, both the northern and southern sections, because he wanted to maintain a “strong hold” in Kirtland for five years.78 Within five years, the first stake of Zion was formed in Kirtland, with the Williams farm and the Whitney properties as its boundaries; in addition, the Kirtland Temple was built on it, which was the greatest symbol of the Lord’s strong hold in Kirtland.

The sequence of events included the Smith Sr. family coming to Kirtland and occupying the Williams farm in May 1831.79 As noted, sometime after May 1831, Philo Dibble paid $400 on behalf of the Smiths for the Williams farm, so that the property would not revert back to the former owner. Given that the deed for the More property was finally secured to Frederick on April 20, 1832, we can infer that Dibble did help the Smiths secure the deed to Frederick’s southern farm, specifically that portion that had been Isaac More’s property.80

But securing Peter French’s portion of the farm by deed was problematical. Because French reneged on his bargain with Frederick, the Lord had instructed that Joseph not make any more payments to his adversary, presumably French, unless the deed could be secured. Apparently, Frederick had not prevailed in obtaining the deed from French, because one year later it was still a concern.

The Lord placed responsibility for this issue squarely with French, the adversary. He was the one holden to make good on the contract with Frederick, not the other way around. French apparently felt he could get more money from the sale of the property elsewhere and believed in his right to do so as early as May 1831. He therefore reneged on his contract with Frederick. Frederick’s problems with French’s position may have been what Williams was referring to in the Oliver Cowdery letter of April 8, 1831. In that missive, Frederick speaks of a suit at law that he said could not be dealt with before the August term. Perhaps Williams had gone to the court to obtain a declaration that his and French’s contract was valid and by law force French to comply. Or perhaps it was French attempting to obtain relief from the contract through the court.

However, as time passed, it must have become increasingly clear that French was not going to change his position on his view of the legal rights to the property. The issue undoubtedly vexed the Prophet, his agent Whitney, as well as Frederick. On June 6, 1832, Joseph wrote to Emma from Indiana. As part of that correspondence, Joseph instructed her to tell Frederick that he and Newel K. Whitney would see to the farm issue when they returned.81 The issue was not with the More portion of the farm, as that had been secured by deed on April 20, 1832. It was with the French portion of the farm. Joseph’s words to Frederick in the letter to Emma on June 6, 1832, were meant to assure him that they would work out a solution.

A Different Approach

Despite the fact that the Lord placed responsibility with French for the failure of fulfilling the contract with Frederick, Joseph apparently decided to pursue a different solution than pressing French to comply with his duty. Attempting to prevail in court on Frederick and Joseph’s right to the property may have been more costly than simply complying with French’s demand for a greater profit.

To obtain clear title to the property on which the temple was to be erected, a plan was conceived in which Frederick and Joseph would drop their intent to press French at the law. Instead, they decided on March 23, 1833, that Joseph Coe and Ezra Thayer, acting as agents for Joseph Smith, would purchase the French farm for the amount he stipulated, $5,000.82 The purchase apparently occurred on April 10, 1833, but Frederick had already been appointed by “a council of High Priests” the week before, April 2, 1833, to rent the property, superintend the farm, and employ men in the brickyard.83 A short time after Joseph Coe received the deed from Peter French, Coe sold it to Newel K. Whitney, the agent of the Church, in a deed dated June 17, 1833; Whitney then sold it to John Johnson, a member of the Church’s United Firm, who sold it to Joseph Smith on May 5, 1834. Several questions arise from this method of transferring ownership of the property: Why was the sale not made directly from French to Smith? Was the purpose of the exchanges from Coe to Whitney to Johnson to Smith intended to hide the Church’s ownership from French?84 Had French become more of an adversary to Joseph in the traditional sense than simply one in the law? We are not privy to the price at which French had agreed to sell the property to Frederick, since he reneged on his duty and a deed was never furnished. However, French had purchased the property for $100 in 1820. Selling it for $5,000 in 1833 gave him a handsome profit indeed.

Corroborating Testimony That the Temple Was Built on the Williams Farm

Frederick’s son Ezra G. Williams stated that the Kirtland Temple was built on his father’s farm. Of particular interest is that Ezra’s assertion is corroborated by Eunice Williams Warren, Ezra’s non-Mormon cousin three years his senior, the daughter of Frederick G. Williams’s brother, William Wheeler Williams Jr. Eunice, who was still living in Chardon, Ohio, had not been in contact with Ezra’s family for over fifty years, but she responded to a letter of inquiry from Ezra with information about her side of the family. Among other things, Eunice tells Ezra about the agreement under which his father had deeded the temple property.

E. G. Williams, Esq.,
Ogden, Utah
Chardon, Ohio 5 Oct. 1897

Dear Cousin,

I was glad to receive your letter as I have been wondering for years what had become of your family; I have made several inquiries but have never before known where you were living, or any member of your family. I can readily recall your visit to our house in 1835, although I could not have recalled the date. The circumstances you recite of that visit I well remember. It is more than fifty years since I have heard anything from your family. I hope you will write often and make up, in a measure, the lost time. I am unable on account of age and unsteady nerves to use a pen for such a long letter as this one, and have therefore had the same typewritten. My health is not very good and I am quite feeble but am perhaps as well as could be expected at my age. I was 77 July last.

Grandfather Williams was born April 25, 1760, and died Sept. 3, 1831. Grandmother Williams’ maiden name was Ruth Granger. She was born at Suffield, Conn. I am unable to give you the date of her birth. Grandfather Williams had two brothers. John and Isaac; John married and moved to Vermont; Isaac was never married. He was a Revolutionary soldier and lost a limb in one of the battles. My father, Captain W. Williams, was born June 29, 1790, died Dec. 19, 1852. My mother, Nancy Sherman Williams was born June 6, 1795. Died April 7, 1849. They had eight children, Mary Williams, born Dec. 10, 1818; Eunice W. Williams, that is myself, born July 29, 1820; Frederick Williams, born June 4, 1822, died April 1864. Joseph Williams, born May 7, 1824, died Nov. 16, 1865. William Williams born Aug. 1, 1826 died Jan. 16, 1851, [E.] S. Williams born Aug. 23, 1829, died June 5, 1863. George Williams born Dec. 1, 1832; Francis G. Williams born Oct. 4, 183[x], died at Vicksburg July 26, 1863. My brother George lives in this town. I have one child living and reside with him. My husband died in Jan. 1881, and I have but three grandchildren. This is all I can think of now concerning our family, if there is anything more that you want to know let me know what it is.

There is a matter which perhaps you do not know: When your father deeded to the Mormon Church the land upon which the Mormon Temple in Kirtland now stands he put a condition in the deed that when it ceased to be used for church purposes the land should revert to him or his heirs.

I hope I shall hear from you often in the future.

Yours affectionately,

Eunice Williams85

When Nancy C. Williams referenced the Eunice Warren letter, she also stated that lawyers had approached Rebecca and Ezra with an offer of money to recover the Kirtland farm for them, but they refused.

Able lawyers came to Rebecca and Ezra, offering large sums of money for the privilege of recovering the Kirtland farm for them. They answered that Frederick was in his right mind when he deeded this property to the church and did so of his own free will. They did not wish to have it restored to them. . . .

Prior to Ezra’s death on the 1st of August, 1905, at Ogden, Utah, he admonished his children never to interfere with this [the recovery of the Kirtland Temple] unless advised by or under the direction of Church authorities. Both Frederick and Rebecca had a great love for the church and for those who presided over it and the legacy they wanted most to hand down to their posterity was that of obedience and love for God’s chosen servants regardless of the things that might seem hard to fulfill in the service thereof. “Do not ask why, but serve willingly and gladly,” Ezra exhorted them.86

Deeded Property Transactions between Frederick G. Williams and Joseph Smith

Frederick and Rebecca signed over the bulk of their deeded Kirtland farm, some 144 acres, found on lots 29, 30 and a portion of 31, to Joseph Smith Jr. in four deeds executed on May 5, 1834, as recorded in the Geauga County deed records.87 The property exchange may be schematically represented as follows:

SellerBuyerDateLotAcresListed Price
F. G. WilliamsJoseph Smith Jr.May 5, 18342975$977.00
F. G. WilliamsJoseph Smith Jr.May 5, 18343066 & 44/160$1106.00
F. G. WilliamsJoseph Smith Jr.May 5, 1834301 & 116/160$177.7088
F. G. WilliamsJoseph Smith Jr.May 5, 1834311$733.34

Although none of the deeds that transferred property from Frederick to Joseph contain such a condition as “when it ceased to be used for church purposes the land should revert to him or his heirs,” it is possible that the original bargain or contract between them did, for contracts often stipulate not only what measures must be met in order for a deed to be consummated, but also the provisions under which the deed will be acceptable to both parties. In any event, Eunice’s statement reveals that in her family it was common knowledge that the temple was built on her uncle Frederick’s property. The response from the leadership of the LDS Church to the information contained in Eunice’s letter is discussed in the final chapter of this biography.

Lucy Smith Also Corroborates That the Temple Was Built on the Williams Farm

Lucy Smith provides a second corroborative testimony that the temple was built on the Williams farm. After a meeting in which the Prophet revealed that the Lord had shown him the plan for the temple, the Brethren went out to select the spot where it was to be built.

Joseph reminded them that they were not building a house for man, but for God; “and shall we, brethren,” said he, “build a house for our God, of logs? No, I have a better plan than that. I have a plan of the house of the Lord, given by Himself; and you will soon see by this, the difference between our calculations and His idea of things.”

He then gave them a full pattern of the house of the Lord at Kirtland, with which the brethren were highly delighted, particularly Hyrum, who was much more animated than if it were designed for himself.

After the close of the meeting, Joseph took the brethren with him, for the purpose of selecting a spot for the building to stand upon. The place which they made choice of was situated in the north-west corner of a field of wheat, which was sown by my sons the fall previous, on the farm upon which we were then living. In a few minutes the fence was removed, and the standing grain was leveled, in order to prepare a place for the building, and Hyrum commenced digging a trench for the wall, he having declared that he would strike the first blow upon the house. This was Saturday night.89

Lucy’s statement identifies the fact that the two parcels were seen as one farm, the Frederick G. Williams farm. As noted in the beginning of this summary explanation, the Lord had seen it that way too: one farm made up of two farms that had been jointly purchased from Turhand Kirtland by More and French in 1820, who then sold it to Frederick G. Williams in 1830. The southern portion was secured by Williams in a deed dated April 20, 1832, and turned over to Joseph Smith on May 5, 1834. The northern portion was secured by the Prophet’s agent Joseph Coe in a deed dated April 10, 1833, and, after several ownership changes, was also turned over to Joseph Smith on May 5, 1834.

Conclusion

The Kirtland farm belonging to Frederick and Rebecca Williams was a vital acquisition for the Church. It had a large 40' by 40' barn that served as a meeting place and refuge. It had a spacious two-story home and a log house built on it, both of which provided short-term and long-term housing for many visitors and residents. It had horses, cattle, and pigs, and its fields produced crops of hay, wheat, oats, potatoes, corn, and other food staples for the burgeoning Mormon community. A portion of the farm was divided into lots, where the homes of many who would later become General Authorities were built. The Church’s schoolhouse, printing house, and the temple were built on the Williams farm. In fact, virtually the entire upper Kirtland Village, both its commercial and residential neighborhoods, was contained within lot 30, as shown in the 1898 Atlas of Lake County, Ohio.90

Today there is no physical evidence of the Williamses’ presence in Kirtland. The consecration of their farm and the offering of their homes to the Church were so complete that the memory of Dr. Frederick G. Williams as an individual has been entirely subsumed into the general story of the Church in Kirtland, the Lord’s “strong hold.” But in that day, the government tax records, the community at large, and the members of the Church knew that essentially all of Mormon Kirtland had been built on the Williams farm.

In 1844, five months after the Prophet’s murder, two years after Frederick G. Williams’s death, and ten years after Frederick had turned his Kirtland farm over to Joseph Smith Jr., Phineas Young wrote a letter from Kirtland to his brother, President Brigham Young, in which he indicated an interest in purchasing the farm, which he still referred to as the “old farm called the Doct Williams place,” even though it had not been Doctor Williams’s farm for over ten years. “When you were here you said you wished the long shop taken down. This has not been done, but Dagget and others have taken the inside out for to finish their barn. If you wish it taken down by me I will do it and if you control the old farm called the Doct[or] Williams place I would like to have it at a fair price next year if I can stay here.”91


Notes

1. Deeds and Mortgages, Cuyahoga County, Ohio (Cleveland, Ohio: Cuyahoga County Court House), A-1:46–47.

2. Tax Records, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, for 1816 through 1828, Family History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, microfilm #476507, #476508, #476509, and #476510.

3. Municipal Archives in Cuyahoga County, Guide to Records, vol. 18, part 2 (Cleveland: Cuyahoga County Archives, 1938), 245.

4. Deeds and Mortgages, Cuyahoga County, B-2:563–64; L-11:31–32; G-7:443–44.

5. Duplicate of the Taxes Charged in the County of Geauga, Ohio, for the Year 1828, Family History Library, microfilm #020258:81; Duplicate of the Taxes Charged in the County of Geauga, Ohio, for the Year 1829, Family History Library, microfilm #477123:85.

6. Sale to Dewey B. Cook on October 23, 1828, lists Frederick and Rebecca, his wife, of Chardon, Geauga County, see Deeds and Mortgages, G-7:443–44.

7. Dean C. Jessee, ed., The Papers of Joseph Smith, 2 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book Company, 1989–92), 2:2–4.

8. Jessee, Papers of Joseph Smith, 1:112.

9. A. G. Riddle, History of Geauga and Lake Counties, Ohio, with Illustrations and Biographical Sketches of Its Pioneers and Most Prominent Men (Philadelphia: Williams Brothers, 1878), 257.

10. Kirtland 1830 Tax Map, Chardon, Ohio, Geauga County Records. The name written on the remaining thirty acres of lot 29 was “W. Foster,” William Foster. Frederick G. Williams paid a total of 25 cents and 6 mills on personal taxes in Geauga County in 1830; taxes were assessed for a horse, valued at $40, and a cow, valued at $8. Kirtland, Geauga County, Ohio, Personal Property Tax Record for 1830, Family History Library, microfilm #0506576:26.

11. Kirtland 1820 Tax Map.

12. 1830 U.S. Census for Ohio, Geauga County, 272, Historical Census Browser, retrieved November 20, 2010, from the University of Virginia, Geospatial and Statistical Data Center, http://fisher.lib.virginia.edu/collections/stats/histcensus/index.html. Frederick G. Williams is the sixth name on the page under “Names of Heads of Families in the Township of Kirtland, Free White Persons (including Heads of Families).” The census taker marked the wrong age column for Frederick; next to his name should have been a mark in the column titled “of forty and under fifty,” given he would have been close to forty-three. The children’s ages are marked correctly (even though they fudge a little on the age of Lucy Eliza). The unknown female under the age of five listed as a member of the Williams household could have been a baby that soon died. Or perhaps it was someone else’s child they were helping to raise. Had they adopted a daughter? For these questions we have no answers.

13. See “List of Houses Which Were Appraised in the County of Geauga in the Years 1825, 26, 27, 28, 29 & 30,” in Tax Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Family History Library, microfilm #1637390. The pages are unnumbered, but “Williams, F. G.,” together with the value of his house ($325), appears on the fourth page. Although at first reading the initials are difficult to identify as an F and G (they seem more like an L and a K), nevertheless, I believe that that was the intent of the scribe. Of course, I cannot be certain, but to be as sure as possible, I have searched all of the Williamses found on the tax lists of Geauga County for the years 1825 through 1830 in order to compare their names and initials. There are a total of thirty-nine listed among the taxpayers found in twenty of the twenty-seven townships. Of those thirty-nine, ten are listed with a first and second name or initial, to wit: F. D. Williams (Painesville), F. G. Williams, the subject of our study (Chardon and Kirtland), J. C. Williams (Montville), J. H. Williams (Burton), J. M. Williams (Painesville), J. S. Williams (Welshfield), S. D. Williams (LeRoy), S. H. Williams (Parkman), T. L. Williams (Mentor), and T. S. Williams (Perry). F. G. Williams is the only Williams found in Kirtland.

14. Tax Records, Geauga County, Ohio, 1, 3, 4. “Newell K. Whitney,” together with the value of the home ($300), appears on unnumbered page 3; “Whitney, N. K. & Co.,” together with the value of the store ($300), appears on unnumbered page 4; while “P. French” and the value of his house ($900) are listed on unnumbered page 1. There were 197 homeowners listed alphabetically in two columns per page (except the last), together with the assessed value of their houses. The values of the buildings range from a low of $25 (only one) to a high of $2,400 (which is also very disproportionate, since the next highest is listed at $1,400), while the vast majority of homes (154) were listed at a value of between $200 and $500.

15. Doctrine and Covenants 104:34.

16. Frederick G. Williams, “Statement of Facts” Frederick G. Williams file, Church History Library, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, terminal punctuation added. See also Frederick G. Williams, “N. K. Whitney, John Johnson, Oliver Cowdery of the Revelation Concerning Giving Up the Demands &c,” Frederick G. Williams file.

17. Frederick G. Williams, “Account on Farm,” Frederick G. Williams file, Church History Library.

18. Robin Scott Jensen, Robert J. Woodford, and Steven C. Harper, eds., Manuscript Revelation Books, facsimile edition, first volume of the Revelations and Translations series of The Joseph Smith Papers, ed. Dean C. Jessee, Ronald K. Esplin, and Richard Lyman Bushman (Salt Lake City: Church Historian’s Press, 2009), 598–601.

19. The Lord acknowledged that the farm belonged to Frederick G. Williams, even though Frederick did not yet hold the deed. See Land Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Deeds and Mortgages, 16:22–23.

20. “Isaac More (of Warrensville, Ohio) to Frederick G. Williams (of Kirtland, Ohio) Parts of Lots 29, 30, 31, containing 144 acres,” April 20, 1832, Geauga County Deed and Mortgage Record Book, 16:22–23.

21. Geauga County Deed and Mortgage Record Book, 15:435.

22. Geauga County Deed and Mortgage Record Book, 12:447.

23. Tax Auditor Record Book for 1820, Kirtland, Ohio, 34. Records for 1820 through 1828 are on microfilm #0477121:57. Records for 1829 and 1830 are on microfilm #0477123:58.

24. Deed of Sale, Turhand Kirtland to Peter French “being the north part of lot Number 30 . . . containing fifty-one acres and twenty seven rods” for $100, Geauga County Deed and Mortgage Record, microfilm #0020234, 11:410. Since the whole of lot 30 contains 105 acres (and the southern portion contains 70 acres), the 51 acres said to exist in the northern portion (there should only be 35 acres) is an overage that was perpetuated for several years.

25. Tax Auditor Record Book for 1820 Kirtland, 64. Records for 1820 through 1828 are on microfilm #0477121:57. Records for 1829 and 1830 are on microfilm #0477123:58.

26. Frederick G. Williams, “Statements of Fact,” 6, 9, 10.

27. Williams paid a total of .25 cents and 6 mills on personal taxes in Geauga County in 1830; taxes were assessed for a horse, valued at $40, and a cow, valued at $8. Kirtland, Geauga County, Ohio, Personal Property Tax Record for 1830, Family History Library, microfilm #0506576:26.

28. The election was held October 12, 1830. The name F. G. Williams is listed as voter 93 in the right-hand column. The writing at the top of the page reads: “Poll Book for recording the votes for or against the sale of School Lands belonging to the Western Reserve in the State of Ohio given at the election of State and County officers on the 12th of October, 1830.” See Kirtland Township Trustees’ Minutes and Poll Book, 1817–38, Lake County Historical Society, Mentor, Ohio, 74. In the other vote, F. G. Williams is listed as voter 78 in the right-hand column, page 72.

29. “Frederick G. Williams & wife (of Kirtland) to Isaac Moore [sic]” (of Warrensville), 140½ acres in Warrensville, Cuyahoga County, Ohio, for $1,500, sold April 7, 1832, received October 9, 1833, recorded November 14, 1833. Deeds and Mortgages, Cuyahoga County, volume N-13:89–90.

30. Philo Dibble recorded that he paid $400 still owing on the Williams farm, so that it would not revert back to the owner, Isaac More. “They were living on a farm owned by F. G. Williams, in Kirtland, upon which there was a debt of four hundred dollars due, which had to be paid within a stated time or the farm would revert to its former owner.” See “Philo Dibble’s Narrative 1806–1895,” in Early Scenes in Church History: Eighth Book in the Faith Promoting Series (Salt Lake City: Juvenile Instructor Office, 1889), 78.

31. “Philo Dibble’s Narrative,” 76.

32. Nancy Clement Williams, After 100 Years (Independence, Mo.: Zion’s Printing and Publishing, 1951), 61–62.

33. Beginning in 1828, William W. Williams Jr. appears as the owner of lots 91, 92, and 66 in the village of Champion, part of the Township of Painesville. See Geauga County, Ohio, Duplicate Tax Record for 1828, 111.

34. Jensen, Woodford, and Harper, Manuscript Revelation Books, facsimile edition, 600–601.

35. Jensen, Woodford, and Harper, Manuscript Revelation Books, facsimile edition, 600–601. The first part of this revelation speaks of farms in the plural, two or more, that had been bargained for. Apparently the owner of one of the farms was considered an “advisary.”

36. Frederick did eventually sell 142 acres of the farm property to Joseph Smith for the Church, but not until May 5, 1834. See Land Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Deeds and Mortgages, 18:480–81.

37. Lavina Fielding Anderson, Lucy’s Book: Critical Edition of Lucy Mack Smith’s Family Memoir (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 2001), 538–40. The quote follows Lucy’s original 1844–1845 dictated manuscript version.

38. See Joseph Smith Jr., History of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, ed. B. H. Roberts, 2d ed., rev., 7 vols. (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1971), 1:180–81, and especially Newel Knight’s comments found in the footnote (hereafter cited as History of the Church). The members of the Church from Colesville, New York, first settled on Copley’s farm, but when he changed his mind and took back his property, those Saints were directed to migrate to Missouri. Further details are found in Donald Q. Cannon and Keith W. Perkins, Sacred Places: A Comprehensive Guide to Early LDS Historical Sites, vol. 3, Ohio and Illinois, ed. LaMar C. Berrett (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2001), 44–45.

39. Doctrine and Covenants 64:20–21.

40. Frederick says as much in two statements found in the Church History Library. One reads: “From the time I first became acquainted with Joseph Smith Jr—which was in the month of August 1831—I frequently assisted him by letting him have money & other things among which was the use of my Farm in Kirtland for two years for which I never took any note or Security.” Williams, “Statement of Fact,” 12. In another statement, Williams says that the rent on the farm for two years was to have been $300. Williams, “Account on Farm,” 13.

41. Donald Q. Cannon and Lyndon W. Cook, eds., Far West Record: Minutes of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, 1830–1844 (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 1983), 5–16. They state in footnote 3: “See unpublished revelation, May 1831, to Frederick G. Williams, Joseph Smith, Sr., and Ezra Thayer, Kirtland Revelation Book, 91–92. According to this revelation the farm was owned by Frederick G. Williams.”

42. “Henrietta Elizabeth Crombie Williams,” in Frederick G. Williams, Medical Ledger, 245–46, Church History Library.

43. See Todd Compton, “Miracle Tale, Mary Elizabeth Rollins (Lightner Smith Young),” chapter 8 of In Sacred Loneliness: The Plural Wives of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Signature Books, 1997), 205–27.

44. Ogden Standard, May 6, 1899, 8. President Richards is Franklin D. Richards (1821–1899), President of the Quorum of the Twelve Apostles and a long-time resident of Ogden.

45. “Henrietta Elizabeth Crombie Williams,” 245–46.

46. “Henrietta Elizabeth Crombie Williams,” 245–46.

47. “Henrietta Elizabeth Crombie Williams,” 245–46.

48. “Henrietta Elizabeth Crombie Williams,” 245–46. Nancy C. Williams was evidently using this reference for the quote from Ezra, which appears in her biography After 100 Years on page 64: “The Prophet Joseph and his wife Emma, came to Kirtland February 1st, stayed a few nights with Brother Whitney and family and then came to our house. They continued to accept of the hospitality of our home until he was able to build one across the street.” Nancy C. Williams changed the original date Ezra had given (from February 1833 to February 1831) to make it conform to the date Joseph arrived in Kirtland. This change would affect how she recast the timeframe for other experiences in the biography.

49. Anderson, Lucy’s Book, 560–61. The quote follows Lucy’s original 1844–45 dictated manuscript version. However, I have added punctuation and capitalization and removed brackets for easier reading.

50. “Manuscript History of the Church,” in Jessee, Papers of Joseph Smith, 1:379–80.

51. Anderson, Lucy’s Book, 565–66. The quote follows Lucy’s original 1844–45 dictated manuscript version, but with punctuation added for easier reading.

52. Beginning in 1835, Frederick G. Williams paid taxes on seventeen acres of property on lot 18 (see Geauga County Tax record for 1835, 20), which he had purchased by deed from Newel K. Whitney on April 30, 1834 (see Land Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Deeds and Mortgages, 19:203–4). This is likely the move to which Ezra has reference, which would place him nearer the Whitney store. The sale by Whitney may be in response to the October 10, 1831, conference directing that the agent of the Church should provide a home for Williams’s family.

Ezra’s statement is said to be from Ezra G. Williams’s journal, quoted in “Notes on the Life of Frederick G. Williams” by Nancy C. Williams, which was sent to Elder B. H. Roberts of the First Council of the Seventy on June 15, 1932. Elder Roberts then sent it with his own letter on September 9, 1932, to Joseph F. Smith (son of Hyrum Mack Smith and grandson of Church President Joseph F. Smith) of the Historian’s Office, who later became Church Patriarch. Although no journal of Ezra’s is known to exist, the information is reminiscent of that which was recorded by Henrietta about Ezra’s recollections given in May 1899. Nancy C. Williams includes the above information in After 100 Years, 69, but not as a direct quote. Similar information on the farm implements is found in Frederick G. Williams’s farm statements. But with no attribution, one wonders where the information came from concerning the two-story frame house and the two-roomed log house where the Prophet’s father lived. Perhaps from Ezra’s wife, Henrietta, who lived until June 10, 1922.

53. “Philo Dibble’s Narrative,” 78.

54. Dean C. Jessee, ed. and comp., Personal Writings of Joseph Smith (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2002), 265.

55. Riddle, History of Geauga and Lake Counties, 247–48.

56. Riddle, History of Geauga and Lake Counties, 248.

57. Hyrum Smith, Diary, 1832–33, quoted in Jeffrey S. O’Driscoll, Hyrum Smith: A Life of Integrity (Salt Lake City: Deseret Book, 2003), 82–84.

58. See, for example, Sidney Rigdon’s house opposite Kirtland Temple in Howard Major, Domestic Architecture of the Early American Republic: The Greek Revival (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1926), plate 75. A copy was obtained from the Lake County Historical Society in Mentor, Ohio.

59. “Latter Day Saints from All the World to Meet in Historic Mormon Pile,” Cleveland Plain Dealer, March 6, 1904. This newspaper published a lengthy article with several photographs announcing a conference of the Reorganized Church of Jesus Christ. One of the six photographs included with the article is that of the “Home of Hyrum Smith.” The home is still standing and is directly south of the Kirtland Temple.

60. Williams, After 100 Years, 65. The mob actions, such as the tar and feather incident, came while the Prophet was in Hiram; mobs could have threatened the Smiths in Kirtland as well, not “previous to this move [to Hiram in 1831],” as Nancy states, but afterwards [March 1832], as Joseph states in his history. This reference and the reference that Dr. Williams often took Joseph with him on his medical rounds hidden in his wagon to avoid mobs, is another suggestion that the Smith and Williams families were staying in the same house.

61. Williams, After 100 Years, 70.

62. Lysle S. Briggs and Gladys A. Briggs, “Land Transactions of the Saints, Kirtland, Ohio, 1830s & 1840s,” unpublished manuscript, August 5, 1993, Church History Museum, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City.

63. Oliver Cowdery to “My Dearly Beloved Brethren and Sister in the Lord,” April 8, 1831, Joseph Smith Letterbook 1:10–12, Joseph Smith Collection, Church History Library.

64. History of the Church, 1:336.

65. Doctrine and Covenants 64:21.

66. Riddle, History of Geauga and Lake Counties, 257.

67. Kirtland 1830 Tax Map, Geauga County Court House, Chardon, Ohio.

68. “I say unto you it must needs be that ye let the bargain stand that ye have made concerning those farms until it be so fulfilled behold ye are holden for the one even so likewise thine advisary is holden for the other wherefore it must needs be that ye pay no more money for the present time until the contract be fulfilled.” Jensen, Woodford, and Harper, Manuscript Revelation Books, facsimile edition, 600–601.

69. “Let that which belongeth unto my servant Frederick [G. Williams] be secured unto him by deed or bond and thus he willeth that the brethren reap the good thereof.” Jensen, Woodford, and Harper, Manuscript Revelation Books, facsimile edition, 600–601.

70. Anderson, “Joseph Smith, Sen., Loses his Farm,” in Lucy’s Book, 363.

71. Referencing French as an adversary may not necessarily have any bearing on his character but may simply mean that French’s position was adverse to the prophet’s in obtaining the property. The Lord, and Joseph by revelation, knew that Joseph was liable for the conditions of the More contract. More and Joseph were in agreement with the facts of the situation. Joseph knew what needed to be accomplished, and More would not stand in his way, provided Joseph met the conditions. The Lord knew that French was liable for the conditions of the French contract. For whatever reason, French did not see it that way, and his position was therefore adverse. He may have believed that he was owed more money than was contracted with Frederick or that the money was due earlier than agreed upon, but his source for the differing position may not spring from malice as much as mistake. Whatever the source of his differing position, it was adverse to the Lord and Joseph obtaining the property as bargained between Joseph and Frederick. Thus, adversary is just a legal term, two parties who do not see eye to eye on what is the proper solution or is liable to fulfill the contract.

72. Regarding the exchange of farms, Nancy C. Williams stated in After 100 Years, 75 n. 3, that Williams traded his Chardon farm to Peter French for French’s Kirtland farm. Since there is no record of Williams owning land in Chardon, and Williams’s Warrensville farm was traded for More’s Kirtland farm, I’ve always assumed that Nancy had simply mistaken French for More, and Warrensville for Chardon. However, it may be that Williams owned property in Willoughby, then known as Chagrin (similar to Chardon in both sound and spelling), which he traded for French’s property in Kirtland. It is interesting to point out that French did not own property in Chardon, but did in Chagrin, where he was one of the earliest settlers. See Henry Howe, Historical Collections of Ohio (Cincinnati: Bradley and Anthony, 1850), 281.

73. “Philo Dibble’s Narrative,” 78.

74. Although the 1830 tax map shows Williams as the owner of lot 30, the exchange of property was not legally deeded for the southern portion until April 18, 1832 (Williams to More), and April 20, 1832 (More to Williams). In a similar way, the 1830 tax map shows F. G. Williams as the owner of lot 29, except for 30 acres belonging to W[illiam] Foster. According to the deeds, however, those 30 acres were sold by Titus Street to Seth Makepeace on May 15, 1834, who did not sell it to William Foster until March 25, 1836. Yet the 1830 tax map shows William Foster as the owner and the one responsible for the payment of taxes.

75. Tax Records, Geauga County, Ohio. As already noted, the deeds don’t tell the whole story, but neither do the tax records. More often than not, the tax records show only who the county had had on its books as owning the property and who, therefore, was responsible for paying the taxes. The reference by the recorder in this 1833 instance, that the tax had been paid by J. Smith, is a small “gem,” a nugget of truth that confirms and clarifies what had really occurred.

76. Jensen, Woodford, and Harper, Manuscript Revelation Books, facsimile edition, 600–601.

77. A principle in law allows the second party to avoid fulfilling his obligations when the first party has already broken the contract or signaled his intention to do so.

78. Doctrine and Covenants 64:21.

79. Anderson, Lucy’s Book, 538–40.

80. The listed price for More’s Kirtland farm was $2,000, while the listed price for Williams’s Warrensville farm was $1,500, the difference being $500. Frederick or Joseph had in the meantime paid an additional $100, but $400 was still owed, which Dibble paid.

81. Jessee, Personal Writings of Joseph Smith, 265.

82. History of the Church, 1:335.

83. History of the Church, 1:336.

84. There are some irregularities connected with the sale that surpass in wonder the oddity of the various exchanges that come between French and Smith. Although Coe and Whitney were Kirtland residents, Johnson lived in Hiram, Ohio. But having a nonresident purchase property in another township is not unusual. What is unusual is that the deed of sale between Whitney and Johnson is dated September 23, 1836, while the deed of sale between Johnson and Smith is dated May 5, 1834. Legally, Johnson could not have sold the property to the Prophet in 1834, since he did not obtain ownership until 1836. Furthermore, the May 5, 1834, deed was declared illegal and was replaced by a second deed dated January 4, 1837, with Frederick G. Williams, justice of the peace, as the legal officer on the transaction. See Land Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Deeds and Mortgages. See also Kirtland Land and Tax Records, Kirtland Township (“Land Transactions of the Saints, Kirtland, Ohio, 1830s and 1840s”), research by Keith W. Perkins and Lyle S. and Gladys A. Briggs (manuscript notebooks at the Kirtland Family History Center, Kirtland, Ohio).

85. Eunice Williams to E. G. Williams, [October 5 1897], in my possession obtained from my aunt Elizabeth Williams Rogers in 1968. The place and date (“Chardon, Ohio, 5 Oct 1897”) was added later in pencil, as was her married name (Warren) and a note that reads “Find Henry Spencer Warren only son.” The copy at the Church History Library does not have the pencil additions.

86. Williams, After 100 Years, 135.

87. Land Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Deeds and Mortgages, 18:477, 480.

88. This deed, found in Land Records, Geauga County, Ohio, Deeds and Mortgages, 18:477–78, was declared illegal and was replaced by another in 21:226. Oliver Cowdery was one of the witnesses.

89. Anderson, Lucy’s Book, 581–82. It is curious that just as in her first reference to the farm in May 1831 (“we moved onto a farm which was purchased by Joseph and the Church,” 540), Mother Smith does not identify the farm’s owner by name. Throughout her narrative, if she does reference Williams at all, it is in a negative light. Why this attitude when Williams had been their benefactor? Perhaps she was jealous of the close relationship Frederick enjoyed with her son Joseph. Perhaps she thought Williams was overshadowing her husband with his privileged position in the First Presidency.

90. A reproduction of Kirtland Village in the Atlas of Lake County, Ohio. 1898, is found in a 1995 reprint of Frederick Williams, “Frederick Granger Williams of the First Presidency of the Church,” originally published in BYU Studies 12, no. 3 (1972).

91. Phineas Young to Brigham Young, November 26, 1844, Brigham Young Collection, Church History Library.