Shortly after the Saints arrived in Salt Lake City, Brigham Young commenced an ambitious colonization project. Additional land was going to be needed for the thousands of Saints who would eventually gather to Utah to build up God’s kingdom. One aspect of the colonization scheme involved pushing the edge of Mormon influence in all directions from Salt Lake City. By 1856 a string of Mormon communities extended from Box Elder in the north to Washington County in the south. These settlements, consisting almost totally of Church members, were directed by Mormon apostles or bishops and patterned their community institutions after those at Salt Lake.1 The Reformation took a slightly different course in many of these Mormon villages away from Church headquarters. In general the reform was less structured, the emotional pitch was higher, and the physical abuses were greater.
In the comparatively sparsely settled areas north of Salt Lake City, the scarcity of available records during Reformation times makes an accurate assessment difficult. Jedediah Grant did, of course, inaugurate the Reformation in the Davis County settlements and hundreds of Church members in that area were rebaptized in [123] September and October of 1856. Exactly what course of reform Davis County residents followed after that time is not clear.
It is known that Mormons in these northern locales were visited by home missionaries. In December of 1856 Joshua Midgley and two other elders were asked to serve a mission in the northern counties. Undesirable climatic conditions made travel difficult, but they still managed to complete a series of tours through settlements in Davis County, Ogden, and present-day Brigham City. Their usual procedure was to contact the local bishop as soon as they arrived in a settlement, who in turn called the local members together for a meeting. The missionaries then told the Saints that they had been asleep and must repent and reform.2 It is clear that while Midgley and his cohorts used the catechism, the majority of Saints did not avail themselves of rebaptism. In all probability, this ordinance was postponed until the onset of warm weather.3 After a last circuit northward in March 1857, Brigham told Midgley that he could consider his mission completed.4
The Reformation was far more spirited in most of the southern settlements. Many of the local leaders learned of the Reformation [124] while in attendance at October general conference.5 They were informed by Church leaders that the Saints needed a spiritual rejuvenation, that lethargic leaders needed to be dropped, and that apostates needed to be pruned out of the fold. With these rather vague guidelines local leaders were told to return home and commence the purification of their individual branches.
The response of Isaac Haight, stake president at Cedar City, was likely a typical one. Upon returning from Salt Lake, Haight called a special meeting on October 18 to inform the Saints of some important matters that had been discussed in general conference. Haight told them that “the teachings of the Presidency were to the point; the word of the Lord is as a two-edged sword.”6 Haight observed that in the conference sessions the presiding leaders focused their remarks on three areas: (1) the labors and successes of the missionaries who had recently returned from overseas assignments, (2) the stranded handcart companies on the plains, and (3) “the last time that has come to this people to repent and renew their covenants.”7 Like other local leaders, Haight was charged with doing something about the third item. “I feel the weight upon me as the pastor,” he said, “and I for one am determined to do my duties.”8
And Haight did do his duty. He immediately began to preach reform throughout southern Utah. Most Saints responded [125] enthusiastically. Those that did not were quickly dropped. Within weeks Haight cut off members who had disobeyed council not to go to California and replaced a counselor who presumably lacked the necessary fervor.9
Perhaps because of they responded more quickly and more fervently to stern rhetoric, Church members in these Mormon villages were fed a regular diet of fiery preaching and stern threats. Saints in Harmony were told that “the time had arrived when the hypocrite shall tremble in Zion,” that it was a wonder that God had spared them as long as he had in view of the abominations that were in their midst.10 Members were advised that failure to take hold of the Reformation would bring about doom and damnation.11 Endeavoring to impress upon the Saints the enormity of their sins and the necessity of their repentance, Haight told local congregations that the lethargy of the Saints had caused Brigham great despair. “President Young felt once to go forth among the people with his knapsack on his back,” Haight informed Saints at Harmony. “But President Grant volunteered to assume the burden and the undertaking was so great that it crushed him to his grave, and his death had been the salvation of this people.”12 [126]
It was a time of much preaching and sifting.13 In some communities meetings were held nearly every night at which testimonies were borne and various individuals manifested a desire to live more righteously.14 Priesthood members were given rather frank advice on proper sexual protocol, and occasionally there was some speaking and interpreting in tongues.15 Saints who opposed reform sentiment were dropped from membership. Bishop Welcome Chapman of Manti cut off three members for recalcitrance and announced that no one could partake of the sacrament until all dead branches had been removed.16 At Springville Nephi Packard was disfellowshipped for insulting the [127] priesthood, and Stephen Healey was cut off “for manifesting an uncharitable spirit when called upon to donate for the relief of the brethren on the plains.”17
The emphasis, however, was on salvation rather than severance. Interspersed amid the threats and fulminations were promises that sins could be forgiven and that God would allow those desiring forgiveness to renew their covenants and be rebaptized. Even Saints who were cut off for what was construed to be undesirable behavior in the early weeks of the Reformation were quickly taken back upon showing an increase in faith. Nephi Packard was restored to fellowship within six weeks when he acknowledged his error. Similarly, Stephen Healey, cut off on January 17, 1856, was voted into his former standing some two weeks later when he made satisfaction to his presiding leaders.18
The reform in southern settlements took on a definite millennial tinge. Isaac Haight told a congregation of Saints at Harmony that unlike other revivals, this one would continue until a dividing line was drawn.19 Church member Samuel Pitchforth of Nephi advised all Mormons to wake up “that they may be prepared to stand the test which is shortly at hand, when every man and woman will be tried to the very center.”20 Pitchforth was [128] certain that the instigation of a reform throughout the Church and calling home of Saints from Carson Valley and San Bernardino were two more signs of the times.21
There was much excitement and emotion, and fervor and harangue prevailed when tact and adroitness might have better suited the circumstances. This emphasis in part was due to a general lack of direction among local leaders who had but vague notions as to how the reform should be conducted. Church leaders had not precisely delineated the methods by which reform was to be achieved, and, expectedly, local officers reflected this haziness. It was a need for more guidance that prompted Welcome Chapman to petition Brigham for advice:
Since I came from Conference I have Baptized my family and my Council and their families and we are trying to do the best we can the people generally seem to feel the necessity of a reformation but we do not seem to go in to it whole hearted and with their mights some wish to be Baptized I tell them they may as well see if they can live their religion I have been waiting for the missionaries to come and assist us in the work but we almost give up hope of seeing them this fall as we hear they are all called back to the city, but if we can be favored with some of them coming here we would be thankful what we do wish to do correctly, and if you will give us some instruction concerning the matter we shall be thankful for we confess we are dull scholars but wish to do right.22
Chapman’s desire for home missionaries was never realized, at least not on any regular basis, but in the fall of 1857 the First Presidency began mailing catechisms to presiding leaders. Accompanying [129] the catechism was a brief set of instructions. Isaac Haight was told to observe the following procedures:
In relation to the Catechism, I enclose you one; confess and forsake, and if necessary, repent and restore; either to your Father in heaven of your Brethren; meeting in the same circle; then let them answer to you, as before Heaven, in this sacred place, after this divide the labor or catechising among a few of your most faithful brethren; and let no man publish what is confessed.23
Unlike those in Salt Lake County wards, many Southern Utah Mormons were rebaptized soon after completing catechismal procedures. The majority were rebaptized in October and November 1856. Some waited until the following spring. In addition to performing this ordinance some branches re-blessed children under the age of eight.24
Diary accounts of individual Church members give evidence that the Reformation did bring about a more desirable religious climate. “Never did I enjoy the spirit of God as I do now,” wrote Samuel Pitchforth. “Our meeting house is full to overflowing,” he further commented, “and instead of no one feeling like speaking, many rise up at the same time and wait for a chance to speak.”25 After a particularly moving sermon, Rachel Lee noted that “never since Harmony has been settled has there been such feelings of penitence and contrition and joy and thankfulness to God for his mercies and loving [130] kindness toward us through all our wickedness.” Like others in Harmony, Lee was thankful to God “for giving us a chance . . . before it was too late to repent.”26 Joseph Fish of Parowan went away from his baptism determined to serve God. “I felt a strong desire,” observed Fish, “to so order my life that I might become useful.”27 Perhaps the most poignant account of religious renewal was penned by John Brown, seventies quorum leader in Lehi:
By a continual striving, my mind was entirely turned to the things of God. I received the light little by little, and when I got my eyes open and saw the awful darkness I was in, also my family, and the people, it caused me to weep and shed tears of sorrow, but when I thought of the goodness of God in forgiving my sins and opening my eyes, I felt to shout Hosannah to God, etc.28
Aware of the spiritual vacuum that he and his family had existed in, Brown met with them to chart a course of improvement:
I commenced talking to my family and made my confession. I told them that I had not done my duty towards them as head of the family in teaching them the principles of the gospel, etc. I then asked them individually to forgive me, which they all did. They all in like manner confessed and were forgiven. We were all bathed in tears and when we forgave each other, the Lord forgave us, poured out His holy spirit upon us. We were one and had a love and affection for each other that we had never before experienced. We could see in a measure the relationship we sustained to each other. And my prayer is, “Oh Lord, may this knowledge never depart from us but increase all the time.” We could look back upon our past lives and see where we had missed it and stumbled through our darkness, I never had such a happy day in my family before.29 [131]
While there were many individuals who shared experiences similar to those of Brown and while it seems fair to collectively evaluate the Reformation in the south on the positive side of the ledger, there was a seamy side. There were instances of unrestrained preaching, of rigid, unbending parochialism, and of harsh treatment of those who decided they could no longer wear Mormonism’s colors.
Utah County was a fertile bed for emotional extremes. James Hovey, a zealous home missionary who had labored in the area, was in part responsible. A major area of difficulty centered around the doctrine of plurality of wives. Apparently some of the brethren were pressuring Mormon males to be more diligent in pursuing additional wives. Upon learning of this situation Heber C. Kimball instructed President James Snow of Provo to use his influence to stop this kind of preaching. “We do not wish this matter forced,” wrote Kimball, “but would prefer that water flow in its natural channels—running down hill, rather than attempting to force the currents upwards.”30
A more serious problem had to do with the harassment meted out to nonconformers and apostates. Apparently even those who expressed ideas which crossed the grain of the majority were subject to maltreatment. N. B. Baldwin of Fillmore observed that the spirit of bloodthirstiness was the prevailing topic of the Reformation in his community. Baldwin said that “men were permitted to abuse and [132] threaten the lives of myself and some others for merely expressing our views in a meeting of seventies.”31
Indeed, to be labeled as an apostate was a cause for concern. There is little question that Church members in many Mormon villages forgot some essentials of New Testament Christianity in dealing with their fellow but fallen brethren. In March 1857, an entry in the Utah Stake Elders Quorum Minute Book declared that many elders “expressed their utter aversions to the spirit of apostasy and their contempt for Apostates.”32 “The word apostate,” wrote Don Carlos Johnson, “stood for all that was vile. To call a man apostate was the epitome of all that was evil.”33 Johnson, author of a brief History of Springville, described how vindictive tricks were played on those who might have aroused in the slightest degree the enmity of the fanatical fringe.34
It was especially unfortunate that some of the people labeled as apostate were not embittered, outspoken critics of Mormon society but rather law-abiding types who had difficulty complying with certain Church doctrines or practices. Samuel Pitchforth noted that a majority of the nineteen apostates who left his area were honorable [133] men and had conducted themselves accordingly. “All the wives of these men have opposed the Law of Celestial marriage,” said Pitchforth, “and they with the exception of Watts have not paid much Tithing.”35
The fact that emotional excesses were more common in outlying areas than in Salt Lake Valley is understandable. Local leaders had heard the harsh rhetoric and threatening sermons that Church leaders gave at the outset of the Reformation, and these pronouncements logically served as guidelines for reform movements in their individual communities. What they had not heard were the cautionary, temperate remarks on conducting a sensible, judicious reform that issued from such leaders as Wilford Woodruff when it became apparent that many leaders were heavy on foot-stomping and lean on tact.36
Perhaps the most vivid example of emotional excess during the Reformation occurred at Fort Supply. Mormons had purchased this outpost in the southwestern corner of Wyoming in 1853 as a final supply center for those commencing the last leg of the journey into Salt Lake. Besides outfitting emigrants, fort residents were expected to civilize the Indians and assume control of the Green River valley by establishing a permanent Mormon community.37 By 1855 missionaries [134] were permitted to bring their families to the fort, and it soon resembled a Mormon village.38
The Reformation was introduced to Supply settlers in October, 1856, and under President Isaac Bullock, reform fervor reached a feverish pitch by January of 1857. In their sincere efforts to bring about reform, fort leaders resorted to solemn threats and abusive tactics.
The major abuses at Fort Supply took place when fort leaders insisted that Church members confess their sins. When Rowlin Bowman refused to admit to theft, threats of death were used to pry an admission of guilt.39 Similar threats were leveled at two other members guilty of stealing:
M. Cole was tried for stealing a spade—but that was not the worst—when he came in he brought a knife and revolver concealed and intended to use them if he thought the council was too hard on him. We had a hard time to save him. The knife and revolver was known to one of the council the night before in a dream so they were taken from him before he had any occasion to use them. We fasted and prayed nearly 2 days before we could decide. Then the Spirit moved the prest to decide and all the council agreed that it was right, on order to satisfy justice, that he should lay his head on the floor as a token that he was willing it should be taken off if we thought it was necessary to make atonement for the sins. But when he had straightened himself on the floor the spirit bore testimony to all the council that it was enough—then mercy had claim on him. He made all the confession that was required. So the council blest him and sent him out with good spirit on him. . . . [135]
Thos Bird was a hard case. It took sometime to get him on the ground where he could be saved. He was old and hardened so we had to come out very rough and heavy on him. The council told him plain he could have his choice, to come out plain with the whole truth, confess and repent and make satisfaction so that mercy could have claim on him, or he would be cut off from the church just below his ears, for justice would not be satisfied without one or the other.
He finally confessed that he had stole about three bushels of turnips, some potatoes, onions, and some nails form the Blacksmith. The President swore him. He raised his hand and swore that he had confessed the whole and if we ever learned of anything more of his stealing again we might take his head and be clear in doing it.40
At Fort Supply the Reformation became the all-encompassing interest. When Brother Robinson arrived as a home missionary from Salt Lake and told them that dancing had ceased in the valley, it was decided that dancing must cease at Fort Supply also.41 A variety school was also stopped so that the people would “have nothing to take their attention from the reformation.”42
Robinson also introduced the catechism to fort residents. On February 15, 1857, he read the questions to assembled Saints and told them not to answer the questions at present but to ponder over them until the time came for them to confess.43 The actual confessions did not take place until May 10 when Isaac Bullock asked three other individuals to assist him in administering the catechism. The four went to different locations where they could conduct the confessions in a private manner. Individuals who confessed their sins were told [136] that their sins were now remitted, both on earth and in heaven, and that they would no longer be remembered by the Lord.44
Rebaptism was performed a week later. Before being baptized the assembled brethren made additional covenants that they would not commit adultery, would keep all of the Lord’s commandments, would do all in their power to build up the Kingdom, and would avenge the blood of the prophets. They were then baptized by Bullock and Robinson.45
Undoubtedly a good many of the reformative practices at Fort Supply would have been disconcerting to presiding leaders at Church headquarters. Still, they should not have been totally surprised by the passionate and irrational acts of some lay members. Mormonism’s foundations were rooted in a revivalistic past. Though Joseph Smith was uncomfortable with the tension caused by revivalists, his restoration movement paradoxically took on revivalistic elements. In part this was due to the influence of early Church converts, many of whom had evangelical backgrounds.
That variant spiritual irregularities could crop up among well-meaning but unsophisticated Saints is best attested by the Kirtland experience. Here, some members were crashing their heads on roof-beams or engaging in ludicrous gyrations in order to bring [137] about a religious experience.46 While obviously some progress had been made in removing religious eccentricities, it is apparent that some Saints retained a penchant for this type of expression.
Regrettably, it is this irrational, idiosyncratic spirit that has come to be associated with the Reformation. It is regrettable because the emotional excesses of Fort Supply and other Mormon villages typified is but one segment of Mormon society. Fortunately, a more reasoned and balanced spirit prevailed elsewhere. [138]
