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The Life of David W. Kilbourne in Caleb F. Davis Collection

Source Note

Biographical sketch of David W. Kilbourne written by his son, George E. Kilbourne, in 1883, part of the Caleb F. Davis scrapbooks, 1882–1898 (State Historical Society of Iowa), volume 2, 427–556. The Caleb F. Davis scrapbooks are ten volumes of clippings, correspondence, biographical material, etc., relating to the early history of Iowa gathered by Caleb F. Davis during the 1880s and 1890s, kept by the State Historical Society of Iowa at the Des Moines Historical Library (MS 275). For more information of the Caleb F. Davis Collection, see “The Story of the Caleb F. Davis Collection,” p. 1–7 herein.


Historical Introduction

George E. Kilbourne, the author of this biographical sketch, was born in New York City, on May 26, 1832, the son of David W. Kilbourne.1 When the Kilbourne family moved to Iowa in early 1837, George was a small boy. Yet, for this biographical sketch of his father written in 1883, which he wrote and sent to Caleb F. Davis, George admits that he was “obliged to trust in my own memory for many incidents.” George did have in his possession several letters, newspapers, and other “stray items” to aid him in assembling this work. His father, David W. Kilbourne, had passed away in 1876. At the time of writing this document, it had been at least forty years since some of the events which George recorded. The Kilbournes first lived in Montrose, Iowa, and then in Fort Madison, Iowa, and then they settled in Keokuk, Iowa, where David W. Kilbourne became the mayor in 1855.2 George lived in Keokuk, Iowa, for the remainder of his life.

Photograph of George Kilbourne

Photograph of George Kilbourne. From the Caleb F. Davis Collection. Courtesy State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines.

Since David Kilbourne became an antagonist of the Latter-day Saints, his life sketch includes accounts of many interactions with members of the Church living in Iowa and in Illinois. Kilbourne was brought to live in what would become the Territory of Iowa because of land opportunities. He was, among other things, an agent for the New York Land Company. Because of the uncertainty of claims on the Half-Breed Tract and because of his position as a land agent, Kilbourne frequently found himself at odds with the Saints. Another important figure in this relationship was Isaac Galland, whom Kilbourne accused of fraud regarding this land. However, there is evidence to support the claim that Kilbourne himself may have been abusing his position for personal gain.3 Regardless of who might have been defrauding whom, Kilbourne’s biographical sketch provides insight into the position of someone who was not only an Iowa contemporary of the Saints’ time in Nauvoo, but one who became openly antagonistic towards the Saints.

Subjects of interest which this biographical sketch discusses include the Half-Breed Tract; American Indian chiefs Black Hawk and Keokuk; histories of Montrose, Keokuk, and Fort Madison, Iowa; the Latter-day Saint settlement of Zarahemla; John Smith (uncle to Joseph Smith); and reports of thieving in the Nauvoo area.

Document Transcript

[p. 429] Keokuk
May 1883

C. F. Davis Esy
Keokuk, Iowa
My dear Sir,

By your request I have written a sketch of the life of my father the late David W. Kilbourne.

I have written under many disadvantages and as my limited time would permit, and I have been obliged to trust in my own memory for many incidents in the history of my father’s connection with Lee county.

I have been enabled to pick up stray items which have been of some assistance to me. Errors [p. 430] may have crept in which others will perhaps detect in relation to dates and other minor points.

It has been my endeavor to make my statements as correct as possible, and in giving a history of my father’s life, to add such other circumstances connected with the early times in which he figured, as might be of some use to the future historian of Lee County.

Very Truly yours

long time friend

Geo. E. Kilbourne

[p. 433] David Wells Kilbourne was born in the town of Marlborough, Conn. on the 12th day of April 1803, and died in the city of New York, April 24th 1876.4

It is a matter of history that the Kilbournes were originally from Kilbourne in Yorkshire, where they went into Cambridgeshire and Essex. The family took their surname from Kilbourne in Yorkshire where they were originally seated. The town [p. 434] of Kilbourne is mentioned in the Domesday Survey, about the year 1070, and the next account of it subsequent to the Domesday Record is that it was a royal hunting park in the time of William Rufus and Henry 1st.

Thomas Kilbourne, the common ancestor of all the Kilbournes on the western continent, was born in the parish of Wood Ditton in the county of Cambridge, England. On the 15th of April 1635, he embarked in the ship Increase from London [p. 435] with his family which consisted of a wife and five children, for New England. On their arrival in this country, the family settled in Weathersfield Conn. David W. Kilbourne is of the eighth generation from this ancestor.

Mr. Kilbourne attended school in his native town until about fifteen years of age, when he went to Amherst, Mass., where he completed his school education. He then occupied a position as teacher, which he resigned at the end of a year. He [p. 436] became restless under the confinement of the school room, and like many other New England boys, struck out for a larger field of operations. At this time, his parents lived in Pittsfield, Mass.

In company with a young man about his own age, he started out to seek a home and a business. They had less than $50 between them, and half that value in clothes, and started out on foot, and walked to Albany, New York, where they arrived one Saturday [p. 437] evening. The next morning, Mr. Kilbourne started in search of a Sabbath school and found one in the church of the Rev. Erskine Mason, where he afterwards became an active and prominent member.

His friendship and intimacy with Dr. Mason was such that he gave to one of his sons the name of Erskine.5

He soon found employment in Albany and advanced rapidly. In 1826 he embarked on his own account in the provision business. In the fall of this year, he went to Cin-[p. 438]cinnatti, Ohio to pack pork, lard, hams, &c, for his Albany house returning home in the spring of 1827, having made a very successful trip. At this time there was but one other house in Cincinnati that operated so largely as Mr. Kilbourne. Soon after his return to Albany in 1827, he married a daughter of Nahum Rice [illegible] who at that time was rated as one of the rich men of the city.6 He established a branch house in the city of New York in 1830. The business having [p. 439] largely increased, he discontinued the Albany house the following year, and moved his family and interests to New York.

During the following five years, his business increased rapidly, and he was very successful until the great fire in the winter of 1835, when the principal business part of the city was burned.7 Mr. Kilbourne lost all he possessed, as the insurance company failed, and involved in a general ruin all who were in the burnt district. The night of that fire was intensely [p. 440] cold. Mr. K. lived in Amity St., now 3rd, and when he saw the fire, it was about 9 o’clock in the evening, and he walked on down Broadway to learn its whereabouts. I have heard him say, in contrasting the city with what he lived to see it, that he walked on from Amity to Canal St. before he met a single person. The distance must be quite a mile.

Instead of yielding to discouragement, he had arranged three days after to establish another house. He was [p. 441] however, importuned by men who had great confidence in him, and who had invested in Iowa, and who tempted him with large offers, to go out to what was then called “The Far West.” This move he always considered the great mistake of his life. He was a very active business man, well known by, and intimately connected with, most of the old business men of New York, several of whom have become noted for public spirit, charity, and wealth.

He continued his acquaintance with this class of business men [p. 442] and old New Yorkers up to the time of his death.

One of the oldest and most prominent men of New York said to the writer as they were standing together looking upon the lifeless form of Mr. K. “I have known this man in business and social relations for fifty years, and I never knew a better man or a better friend. It was always a pleasure to be with him.”

During his residence in New York, he bought largely of real estate, at one time, with two others buying a tract [p. 443] of land of one thousand acres, which is now a part of New York city, and would sell today for more than all Lee County. Full of enterprise and tempted by brilliant offers, Mr. Kilbourne, in 1836, gave up all that was good, and reasonably certain, and emigrated from those surroundings which make life pleasant and comfortable, with his wife, a frail woman weighing hardly ninety pounds, and entirely unused to toil, and his three little children.

They traveled in canal boats, steamboats, stage coaches, and other ways [p. 444] with all the discomforts, delays, and annoyances of going in early times, and by almost constant traveling, after a journey of three weeks, reached the happy land, the promised land, and the palatial log house, in the wonderful town of Montrose, on the Western bank of the Mississippi river. Today, it would be hard to find a place in the Republic so remote as to take three weeks to reach it, and so far from common comforts.

Mr. Kilbourne arrived at Fort Des Moines, (now Montrose) in 1837 and [p. 445 is an image; p. 446] after the departure of the troops, he took possession of the Fort at that place.8 As the General Agent of the New York Land Company, he made extensive purchases of land, and became intimately well acquainted with the celebrated chiefs, Keokuk and Black Hawk.9

In his explorations of the country he often spread his solitary tent in the forest, or on the open prairie, with no human habitation within many leagues of him, saw here and there an Indian wigwam.

In ten or twelve years [p. 447] after his emigration to this region, he had to spend much time in adjudicating the titles to a tract of land known as the Half Breed and Fox Reservation, which embraced 119,000 acres, including the site of the present city of Keokuk.10

As this necessarily led to much litigation, he fitted himself for the bar and was regularly admitted as an attorney and counsellor at law before the Supreme Court of the state, and the U.S. District Court.

Many of these lands had been settled upon [p. 448] by squatters, who attempted to establish their claims thereto by preemption, and who were led to regard Mr. K. as arrayed in opposition to them.

Demagogues and other aspirants to office, made the question a hobby for self-promotion, and it became the theme of many a boisterous harangue in caucus, and many a sage debate in the bar room. The final decisions of the state and federal courts were in favor of Mr. K., and his claims were thus fully established.11 On the 19th January 1839, Robert Lucas, then Governor of [p. 449] the territory of Iowa appointed him Justice of the Peace for the County of Lee, which position he held during the remainder of his residence at Montrose. In this position he administered justice without fear or fain. At times there were in his court for trial, the worst of criminals, and the guilty were always punished according to their deserts. The writer recollects on one occasion early in the morning, two stalwart ruffians standing over a prostrate negro woman named Edith, the wife of old [p. 450] Jack, who was the servant of Gen. Jesse B. Brown, lashing her partly nude back with cowhides. Mr. Kilbourne commanded them to stop. As he approached, one drew a revolver, and the other a knife, and they swore they would kill him if he advanced a step. He rushed upon them, knocked the man down who held the revolver, and took it from him, released the woman, and marched the cowards to the barracks jail.

Mr. K. was appointed postmaster at Montrose in 1839, which position [p.451] he held until 1842.

One of the advantages of the office at that time was, that all official and personal letters to and from him, were free of postage, which was quite an item, as at that period, postage was twenty-five cents a letter. The first post office established in Keokuk was in 1840, prior to which time, any citizen of Keokuk, or “The Point” as it was then called, who might be at Montrose, would take all the mail for Keokuk, a month’s accumulation hardly filling one pocket.12

[p. 452] The following is part of a letter written by Mr. K. to a friend in New York.

“Montrose

Upper Mississippi

Feb. 22nd 1840

The Indian name of this place is We-so-e-nock. It was occupied by Muk-e-tah-me-se-kah-kah (or as he is called in English Black Hawk) and his party, previous to the establishment of the Indian village at Rock Island. At the close of the “Black Hawk war” the U.S. troops were stationed here; it was then called Fort Des Moines. The troops evacuated the fort almost the middle of June 1837, and [p.453] joined the troops at Fort Leavenworth. Afterward, I laid off the town, and the name of Montrose was given to it. Just below the town on the bank of the river, is an apple orchard, surrounded by forest trees, planted some forty or fifty years ago by a Frenchman who made his home for a season with the Indians, encamped here at the time. Above the town, a short distance from the river, are some forty or fifty mounds, usually denominated Indian mounds. They are situated on a high [p. 454] prairie, and contiguous to each other. They have been occupied from the earliest recollections of the oldest red man here, as Indian burial places. On some of them rough monuments made of wood one now standing, some of which are covered with hieroglyphics, done with red paint. I have attended several burials at these mounds, and have heard the moanings and lamentations of the tawny savages for the loss of their friends; and when the fountains of their own tears were dried up, have seen them make [p. 455] payments to others of their tribe to weep for them.

The hired mourners will weep and wail until the terms of the contract he fulfilled, whether it be for one hour or for a whole night. I lately attended by moonlight at one of these mounds the funeral of Kal-a-we-quois, the only daughter of an Indian woman, who died of lingering consumption at the age of eighteen.13 A few of her own race and of the whites were at the grave, but none wept save the poor mother of the girl.”

Mr Kilbourne had the entire confidence and respect of Black Hawk, [p. 456] Keokuk, and the other chiefs and subordinates of the Sac and Fox tribes of Indians. He was frequently called upon to settle differences between them, and his decision has generally satisfactory to both parties.

After the Black Hawk war, Black Hawk was formally deposed from his authority as chief, and was informed that the President wished him to listen to and conform to the counsels of Keokuk, and he was also given to understand that his land was thenceforth to be merged into that of Keokuk, whom the president would [p. 457] recognize thereafter, as the principal chief of the Sac and Fox nation.

This was extremely humiliating to Black Hawk, and caused him great grief. Keokuk was not a hereditary chief, and he and Black Hawk had not been on friendly or speaking terms for a long time. Black Hawk with some of his loyal band spent part of the years 1837 & 8 in camp about two miles above Montrose, while Keokuk and his band were encamped about two miles below Montrose.

Early in 1837 these two great chiefs met in the [p. 458] house of Mr. Kilbourne, and by his interposition a reconciliation took place, which made them strong friends to the end of their lives.

These two men were directly opposite in their tastes and characteristics. While both were great and eloquent, Black Hawk had but one wife, was modest and retiring, and a strictly temperate man.

Keokuk had six wives, was fond of show and display, and was a hard drinker. The two chiefs visited Montrose nearly every [p. 459] day, and were almost constant guests at Mr. Kilbourne’s table, and often remained all night, sleeping in the same room with Mr. K. and his family, stretched out on the carpeted floor with their feet to the big fire place, where the four fort logs were piled on and in case the fire got low, one or both the great men would go out to the wood pile and get a fresh supply. The writer slept in a bed in the same room, and many a night he left his bed and crawled [p. 460] in between those two Indians in front of that big fire place. The wife of Mr. K. was an accomplished musician and she brought her piano to this country when she first came, and it is supposed to be the first one in the territory of Iowa.

It is still in possession of the family in this city.

Mrs. Kilbourne was greatly admired by the Indians, Black Hawk and Keokuk treating her with the greatest politeness and courtly consideration. They often brought their families to her house to hear her sing and play on [p.461] her piano. Hardly a day passed that she did not have an audience of ten or fifteen Indians, men, women, and children, to listen to her music. She would play and sing for them for hours together. Mr. and Mrs. K. and their children spoke the language of these tribes. Mr. Kilbourne’s Indian name was A-si-en-nia, meaning Goldfish. Mrs. Kilbourne’s was I-o-nes-e-Ka-qua, meaning singing woman.

In 1840 Joe Smith the Mormon leader, with his followers, numbering about four thousand, settled at Nauvoo, Illinois. [p. 462] Large numbers of them crossed the river into Iowa and became squatters upon the Half Breed tract. The advent of this element was the beginning of Mr. K.’s real troubles.

U.S. Census, 1840, Township 66, Lee County, Iowa Territory

U.S. Census, 1840, Township 66, Lee County, Iowa Territory. Township 66 included Montrose, Nashville, Ambrosia, and the area that would become Zarahemla, all heavily populated by Latter-day Saints. Over half of the names on this page are Latter-day Saints, including Brigham Young. David W. Kilbourne also appears on this page, giving an idea of how many of his neighbors were Latter-day Saints by 1840. Courtesy FamilySearch.

Joe Smith and his gang on both sides of the river, at once arrayed themselves against him, raised the black flag and proclaimed war.14

Mr. K’s brother Edward had built quite a good building in the same enclosure with his brother’s log house, in which he kept a general country store. In this [p. 463] same room, in the rear part, Mr. D. W. Kilbourne had the post office and his Justice Court, where he also transacted the business as agent of the New York land company. In the rear of the house was the log stable about two hundred feet long which had been used by the troops, part of which was used by the Kilbournes for stabling horses and cows, and for storing heavy goods belonging to the store.

Not long after the arrival of the Mormons, they commenced their petty annoyances against the Kilbournes, such as [p. 464] shaving the horses’ tails and manes, throwing stones on the house top, placing large timbers against the doors, to fall in when they were opened, pulling down fences, and all such mean cowardly acts.

Mr. K. had brought from New York a very nice carriage, which, for safety he had enclosed in part of a porch of his house. One night they took all the wheels off the carriage. Several years after, he was told by a reliable party that those wheels were sunk at the lower end of the island in the river opposite to Montrose. These annoyances became more serious. Five [p. 465] horses and cows were poisoned and died. The store and warehouse were robbed of large and valuable stocks of merchandise, and the lives of the Kilbournes were constantly threatened. At one of these robberies twenty pieces of current prints were taken.15

Several days after, Mr. Edward Kilbourne was in Nauvoo, and nearly every woman he met had on the same kind of Calico dress. Mr. K. was almost sure they were the goods taken from his store. The same day he met Joe Smith and told him his people were stealing from him. Soon [p. 466] after that, in a public meeting in Nauvoo, Joe Smith referred to this conversation with Edward Kilbourne, and said “don’t let me hear of one of you being caught stealing from the Kilbournes.” On one occasion Joe Smith and his brother Hiram came into the Montrose store.16 Joe sat up on the counter with one foot resting upon a wood bottomed chair, and commenced abusing Mr. K., who was in the rear of the store.

He came front; and told Joe, if he did not behave himself he would put him into the street. [p. 467] Joe became very violent, shaking his fist and making threats, and he brought his foot down upon the chair with such force as to split the bottom entirely across. By this time a large number had gathered inside and out of the store. Mr. K. attacked Joe, who was a large, strong man, but his resistance was of no use, Kilbourne was more than his match, being at that time a very powerful man and afraid of no one. Joe went through the door minus part of a coat on double quick. Both parties had their friends [p. 468] and lackeys. Braxton N. Gillock was sheriff of Lee County about this time and was present as Mr. K’s friend, to see fair play. The excitement soon subsided and the Smiths went off making great threats. Several days after this fiasco the Kilbournes received a number of anonymous letters from Nauvoo, threatening if either one of them crossed the river to Nauvoo, he should not go back alive.

They had a way of disposing of people in Nauvoo called “Whittling them out of town.” A gang of these fellows would go for an enemy with sticks [p. 469] of pine and long knives and they would surround him and whittle towards him. If he did not move lively, the knives would go beyond the sticks and cause much damage.17 The Kilbournes took warning and did not go to Nauvoo until peace was declared between the parties.

I take the liberty of incorporating in this paper an article written by the Hon. D. F. Miller of this city for the Keokuk Constitution, dated June 26th 1877.18

[p. 470] Mormonism and Anti-Mormonism in Lee County

— A Treaty of Peace in 1842

In 1838 Smith, the Mormon Prophet, and his several thousand followers been driven out of Missouri by mob power, and settled extensively at Nauvoo, Illinois, and on the Half Breed Tract in the then territory of Iowa. By 1842 they had settled so numerously on the Half Breed Tract that they constituted two thirds of all of its inhabitants. And here as well as in Missouri, they soon became embroiled in controversies with their Gentile neighbors; each accusing the other of unneighborly conduct [p. 471] and hostile dealings.

About 1836 the late David W. Kilbourne Esq. settled at Montrose as agent of what was then known as “The New York Company,” an association of Eastern Capitalists, to buy interest in the land of said Half Breed Tract. Mr. Kilbourne, as all old settlers will testify, was mighty gifted in intellect, genial in nature, and the latch string of his door always hung out in true Western hospitality.

In the controversy above referred to, Mr. Kilbourne sided with his gentile neighbors, and was generally accepted by then as their advisor and leader. [p. 472] It seemed to be the object of the Mormons to gain possession of the whole Half-Breed Tract and make a new land of Canaan of it, for the gathering of the saints; while Kilbourne and the Gentiles were struggling to keep their hold here, and also to coax or drive the Mormons away.

From 1839 until the Spring of 1842 the feelings between the two parties were so angry and belligerent, that there was constant danger of civil war on the Half-Breed Tract of no small proportions.19 But the storm was quieted by a finesse [p. 473] of Mr. Kilbourne, which may be related as follows:

In the Spring of 1842 D. F. Miller Esq. was one morning passing through Montrose on horseback to attend to some business at Nashville, when Mr. Kilbourne came out of his house and called to Miller, and requested him to stop until he could speak to him a moment. Mr. Miller reined up his horse and met Kilbourne, who stated that he, on behalf of the Gentiles on the Half-Breed Tract, and John Smith the uncle of the Prophet on behalf of the Mormons, had agreed [p.474] on a treaty of peace, and he had proposed to put the terms of the treaty in writing; but that Smith objected and insisted on an oral treaty with a man to be mutually agreed upon as witness; and that he and Smith had mutually agreed upon him (Miller) as the witness.20 He requested Miller to remain a short time in Montrose until the treaty could be consummated. Miller consented, and Smith, who resided a short-distance west of Montrose, was soon on hand accompanied by two Mormon Bishops. Mr. Kilbourne, Mr. Miller, Smith, and the two Bishops then went into a room up [p. 475] stairs over a store then kept by Edward Kilbourne Esq., a brother of David W. Kilbourne, which house is still retained as a store house in Montrose, and is the old settler house of that village.

When in the room Kilbourne related to Miller the terms of the treaty, which in substance were that Kilbourne and those whom he influenced should on their part cease hostility to the Mormons, and the Mormons should cease hostility to them; and that if they did not choose to neighbor with each other they should pursue the let alone policy, and do no harm to each other; and that Miller was mutually [p. 476] selected as a witness of these pledges.

When Kilbourne was done speaking, Smith, who was once six feet high, and whose head was whitened with the ghosts of 75 minutes, stepped forward and took hold of Kilbourne by the hand, and said:

“Mr. Kilbourne, you have stated the terms of the treaty correctly, and while grass grows, and water runs, and stars twinkle in the firmament of Heaven, so long will the Mormons observe the treaty.” Smith then turned to Miller and said: Mr. Miller, Mr. Kilbourne first wished the treaty to be written and signed, but [p. 477] I objected, because I wanted a witness in the land of the immortals against the violator of this pledge of conciliation. And I now summon you as a witness to the judgement at the great day in the hereafter, and if I and the Mormons violate this treaty, bear, then, testimony against us; and if Kilbourne and his followers and friends violate this treaty, bear then testimony against him and them; and may the Lord preserve us all in concord.”

From that time forward the Kilbourne brothers (David and Edward) and their families were always [p. 478] treated with kindness and courtesy by the Mormons.21 When the war broke out between the Mormons and Gentiles in Hancock county, Ill., in 1845, and fighting went on almost constantly for several weeks, and when few strangers called about visiting either of the hostile ranks, the Kilbournes bore charmed lives and went and came as they pleased through Nauvoo and its suburbs to witness the movements of the contending armies.22

About four years ago David W. Kilbourne and his estimable wife, who [p. 479] survives him, went to California, and on their way stopped at Salt Lake, and the old Mormons who used to reside on the Half Breed Tract, and at Nauvoo, who still survived, called upon him in numbers and showed him every mark of respect.

For native talent, business enterprise, and generous hospitality, David M. Kilbourne was a splendid specimen of the Old Settler age of Iowa, and his memory will ever be cherished by his surviving Old Settler comrades and friends.” [Likely the end of the article written by Hon. D. F. Miller, starting on p. 470]

[p. 480] In July 1841 Joe Smith crossed the river to Montrose with a corps of engineers, laid out four miles sequence (including the town of Montrose) into town lots and had the plat recorded, and sold quite a number of the lots. He called the town Zara Hemla.23 He told the people he had bought the land of the New York Company. His dupes soon found out that they were deceived. But it was to the Mormons he had sold, and I suppose they were reconciled when told that I’ve had a dispensation from the [p. 481] Lord to do it. In 1840 the government concluded to establish an armory on the Mississippi river. In 1841, Mr. K wrote to an influential member of Congress, the following letter.

“Montrose Aug 28th 1841

“I learn by the papers that Congress has appropriated $75,000 for the purchase of land in the West suitable for the establishment of an armory, and that the neighborhood of the upper rapids of Rock Island on the Mississippi river has been examined for that purpose. Now there is no section of country on the [p. 482] Upper Mississippi, where it could be established with so much advantage to the government and to all this upper country as at Keokuk. Here all the land could be secured at very low prices together with immense water privileges.

Please give this matter your attention!” Mr. K wrote a number of letters on this subject, and used his utmost endeavors to accomplish it.

The armory however, was finally located at Rock Island. Mr. Kilbourne had within the enclosure in which his house stood several acres of ground. In the spring of 1837 he set out a large number [p. 483] of young peach and apple trees, also different kinds of berry bushes. He also planted largely of shade and ornamental trees, flowers, and shrubs, and as a result, he had the pleasure of eating ripe peaches from his own trees, the first of the fruit grown in the county, and before he moved from Montrose, his grounds were considered the finest in that part of the county.

Early in 1843 occurred the Rail War at Summitville, on Muddy Lane as it was commonly called, between the squatters and the decree party, the former led by Garry Lewis, and [p. 484] old messenger as he was called. There was considerable skirmishing and threatening, but no lives lost, the decree men came out ahead as usual.24 During Mr. K.’s residence of six years in Montrose, he returned several times to New York which in those early times was considered a great journey. The hardships of pioneering in a new country can only be appreciated by those who have had experience in them. There is probably no part of the continent of America today where settlers would have to endure what the early pioneers of Lee County [p. 485] passed through. During the first two or three years of Mr. K.’s residence at Montrose, there was no Doctor, no minister, no school, no butter, milk, or eggs, nor comforts of any sort; and not more than half a dozen families one could meet socially. For weeks and months at a time, members of the family languished upon beds of sickness, with typhoid fever and chills; at one time but one member of the family of six able to be out of bed.

Which of us could or would endure such hardships months and years together in these days of Railroads and [p. 486] telegraphs? Montrose was the head of the rapids where boats during low water, were obliged to unload and lighten over the rapids to Keokuk, or the “Point,” and where they had to lay for several days waiting for their cargoes to come from below.25 These delays made the place the temporary residence of all the river rats and steamboat roustabouts, the gamblers, assassins, and outlaws of the Upper Mississippi. They made day and night hideous and black with their drunken debauches.

These things, and the privations and hardships of the early settlers of Lee County made life a burden. Through all [p. 487] these trials Mr. K. and his family had a few noble and devoted friends and relations who stood by them, sustained and defended them. Among them was Mr. William Coleman, Mr. Booth, Mr. [Henry S.] Austin, Mr. [Thomas] Gregg, Mr. Bisdell, and several others whose names are forgotten.26 His noble brother Edward too, who was a young single man, remained at his side sacrificing himself to his interests, abandoning comforts and fine opportunities elsewhere. And his devoted and loyal wife, who left friends and a home of luxury, never knowing what care or trouble meant, following him to this far off country, shared her husband’s troubles, meeting with him wants and privations. . . . [p. 490] her presence often protecting him from the midnight assassin, aiding him in the support and care of his children, making with her own hands the clothes they wore, and often cooking their food. In many respects, Mrs. Kilbourne has been a very remarkable woman. She is still living, and although at an advanced age possesses all her faculties. She has never wore glasses, and can see to do the finest needlework. She has always been a devout Christian woman.

In 1843 Mr. K concluded to remove from Montrose. Fort Madison and Keokuk both offered inducements. Keokuk was still the “Point” with scarcely anything but Rat Row and here and there [p. 491] a shanty on the hill. It was still in an uncivilized state. B. A. Williams had built pier out in the river near the fort of Main St, about 75 feet long by 25 feet wide, on the end of which he had built a house which he used for a store. Most of the boats landed at the Williams pier. William Coleman had moved from Montrose to Keokuk, and was keeping the hotel pier below Main St. on the levee (the old house still stands.) It was the principal hotel, and about the only one in town. About this time, Drs. Millard, Birdsall, O’Harrah, and Collins came to Keokuk.

The Hines brothers (Dan and Adam) were extensively engaged moving cargoes from steamboats over the [p. 492] rapids to Montrose. They had a large number of lighters or barges, and scores of horses, and they did all the “towing” business, canal fashion. Dan Hine was a whole souled generous fellow as ever lived in Keokuk. He died in 1852 with cholera.

There were several of the Boatman brothers who kept a little store on the hill near the corner of Main and Second Sts. All the family moved to California in 1848 or 9, except Samuel who died here about 4 years ago. Valincourt Vanorsdall of course was here, does anybody know of his ever being anywhere else?27 A. Brown had a little store on the upper end of the levee, and Jolly Brooks had a saloon next to him.

Madame Gaines and her two sons John and William were prominent in those days, [p. 493] the Doughertys were here, and Henry Bartlett, Charlie . . . , Chris McClain, Lyman E. Johnson, Bucket Campbell, the Burtis brothers, and many others who acted their part in the drama of early times.28 About this time the two Anderson brothers, Geo. C. and Thomas Wm. H. were steamboating. Geo. C. commanded the old “Osprey” and Bill Holliday and Capt. Lloyd Goll were pilots.

The square bounded by 2nd and 3rd and Main and Blondain Sts was enclosed with a rail fence and used as a race track. Johnson St. was the principal thoroughfare from the river to the hill. There was a road on Main St. cut through from 1st to 2nd about 20 ft wide with banks on either side ten to fifteen feet [p. 494] high, up a steep hill, almost impassable, but used with light loads. Lantaume[?], Bill Price, Hord, and McBride were noted characters. Lantaume was a sort of leader, a cutthroat and kaveling[?] gambler. Bill Price was the bully and terror of the Rapids. The Rapids Hotel was built about 1842. I do not know by whom, or who the first proprietor was. It was a great centerpiece, and was 90 ft. long and three stories high. About 1843 or 4, Mr. K. bought the property and William Coleman became proprietor, and he did a large and successful business for several years.

In view of the unsettled state of affairs at Keokuk, Mr. K. decided to move his family to Fort Madison [p. 495] which was then a most desirable town in this part of the state for a residence. It had fine houses, good schools and churches, fine society and every comfort of living.

Mr. K. bought one of the most desirable places in the town, and moved his family to that point in the fall of 1843. His business being at this end of the county, he himself spent more than half his time in Keokuk.

His brother Edward, having married about two years before, accompanied him to Fort Madison where he engaged in the mercantile business, connecting with it, pork packing. About 1845 [p. 496] the Kilbourne brothers embarked in the sheep and wool business, thinking to make it profitable, and an element of wealth to the county and state. Edward Kilbourne bought sheep in Missouri and Illinois, and also went to the Eastern states and bought some of the finest wool sheep he could find, paying as high as a hundred dollars for a single ram, and forwarding to Fort Madison at a large expense by express. They also erected at Madison a carding machine with suitable buildings, which was very successful. One year they clipped three thousand sheep. Pens were built along the river [p. 497] bank below Fort Madison where sheep washing was done prior to the shearing. Many a Madison Man will recollect what fun we had washing the sheep. Edwin Guthrail was warden of the penitentiary and the Kilbournes made a contact with him for convict labor (there were about 20 convicts) to assist in washing and shearing the sheep. Some guards were furnished to look after them. In those days it was customary to hire convicts about town. You could see them in gangs cutting wood and doing other work, in care of a single guard. The farmers also hired them to harvest their crops.

The sheep enterprise [p. 498] was a financial failure, and the Kilbournes concluded to dispose of their flocks. They could not sell them all to one person, so they fattened about 400 of the mothers and shipped them to New Orleans. This paid well. Men were sent into the country to sell to the farmers. Mr. K. instructed his men that if they found a farmer who would not or could not afford to buy, to give him half a dozen. Several were disposed of in this way in Iowa, Illinois, and Missouri. There being about six hundred left, Mr. Edward Kilbourne drove them to Davenport where they then owned a farm adjoining the town. [p. 499] Probably all the sheep within two hundred miles of Keokuk are the descendants of those flocks.

In 1848 the gold discoveries of California were causing great excitement all over the states. Everyone was going or talking about it, to the far off Pacific.

Among the numbers that went from the county in May 1849, were four young men from Madison, all except one under the age of 21. One of the four was Mr. K’s eldest son Henry, as noble and promising a young man as ever lived. He was to have entered Yale college in the fall of the same year. But his particular young friends were going—and he decided to go with them, very much [p. 500] against the pleadings of his parents. But they thought only of gratifying his wishes. The four young men packed through over land as it was called. Each one had a pony to ride with two others to carry supplies &c. In this way it was thought they could go more rapidly.

No party had a finer outfit. Before those young men arrived at Sacramento, their sufferings were simply dreadful. They were six months constantly traveling from St. Lo. Mo. to Sacramento City, where Henry died within a week after his arrival, and in less than three months, three of the four were dead. Nothing was heard of these young men [p. 501] after they left Laramie[, Wyoming]. The first tidings were the news of Henry’s death which was published in the N. Y. Tribune. The death of this son was a fearful blow to Mr. Kilbourne; it affected his health and spirits for many months thereafter.

During his residence in Madison, he aided largely in the construction of the first church building in the town. He aided also in the administration of the city’s affairs and had its best interests at heart. In 1851 & 2 there was quite an emigration of old residents of Madison to Keokuk. Among them the families of Edward Kilbourne, G. H. Perry, H. T. Reid, L. R. Reeves, A. Nescott, A. L. Deming, I. C. [p. 502] Parrot, N. C. Stripe. And Gary Wells and George B. Smith had just married Madison girls and were living in Keokuk, also Samuel B. Agnes and his son Horace, D. F. Miller, Hon. Geo. H. Williams late attorney General of the United States, Col. I. M. Reid, and William Lighton who had spent some time in Madison, all settled about this time permanently in Keokuk. There were others whose names are not at this moment recalled.

Keokuk had now grown in size and importance considerably. Mr. K.’s interests were all there, his business affairs had largely increased, and his presence was required there all the time, and in the spring of 1852 he moved [p. 503] his family to that place. In several years prior to this date, however, as he was in Keokuk most of the time, he called it his home. From this time he gave his undivided attention to Keokuk and its interests. Although the title to property at this time was in doubt and constant litigation was being carried on in the courts, Mr. K. by his own acts and improvements inspired confidence in others who bought of him under the decree title, and Keokuk steadily grew in population, in business and in wealth.29

The old rooknies[?], the classic Rat Row, the low daggnies[?], and gambling ponses[?] fast gave way to fine blocks of buildings [p. 504] occupied by merchants doing heavy wholesale and retail business. Fine churches, schools, public buildings, and private residences were built, and a class of able men were developing and in training, who subsequently filed, with credit to themselves, their town and their country the highest and most responsible trusts in the gift of government; men who in the hour of the nations danger, defended her and protected her rights, in battle on land and on sea. Keokuk has a right to be proud of her name and of her sons. By a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States made in Jan. 1855, the [p. 505] last cloud upon the titles was removed, making what is commonly known as the decree title to Keokuk, and to the whole Half Breed Sac and Fox reservation, indisputable, finer[?] and effectual forever.30 This decision gave a new impetus to Keokuk, everything was on the boom, the price of property advanced with rapidity, capital was pouring in. It was a case of “Great Expectations” “Millions in it.” Addition after addition was hitched on to the town, everybody was buying and speculating in lots, paying any price, glad to buy anything, from one to a dozen. It was feared that would not be enough to go [p. 506] round. Hawkins Taylor was in his glory, digging canals all over the city, heaping up the debt and burden of taxation. “It was alright, Keokuk was going to have millions of inhabitants.”

Silas Heaight with the yellow handbill meetings, with H. W. Sample as ringmaster were the amusement of the town. Keokuk did grow, but finally a reaction took place, and then it grew the other way.

But Keokuk has had a steady improvement, each year adding here and there a substantial well built business house and residence; enterprising men have [p. 507] grown in wealth and today it is generally conceded to be the best built town of its population in the west. Its streets attract universal attention. Many of the enterprising men of the town have passed away, but they have left their monuments of fine effort and good deeds behind them, to admonish us to emulate their labors of love and loyalty to their chosen city. I have in my mind at this moment the Hon. Thos. W. Claggett. He was one of the most liberal, high minded, genial gentlemen ever in Keokuk; he had his peculiarities and hobbies like all of us. I must here relate quite [p. 508] an amusing incident that took place between him and Mr. K. who were good and cordial friends for long years. The article I copy from is headed “Know Nothing Reminiscences.”

“Quite an amusing scene came off during the Rail Raod excursion the other day, which afforded a great deal of sport to those present, and has caused many a broad grin in the recital since. That our readers may help enjoy the fun, we give the conversation as related by the eye witness:

J. W. Claggit approaching D. W. Kilbourne says - “How do you do, Hindoo[?] Chief?”

K. - “You do some of your Democratic friends great injustice by honoring me [p. 509] with the title of Chief of the Know Nothings.”

C. - “I never joined the Know Nothings—never believed in them.”

K. - “How came you in their meetings? You and I often met there.”

C. - “Well I went in one night in September and never attended again.”

K. - “Indeed! I was in the East when the society was organized here, and did not return until some time in November, and joined after that; and I found you there when I went in.When I joined, the official chairs were held most by good Democrats, and one of the highest democrats in town opened the mysteries of the order to me.” [p. 510]

C. - “Well I did not stay in; I left them at once and made speeches against them.”

K. - “You left them the same time I did. When the concern trust[?] up, we all went out together. You got in more than two months ahead of me, but we all made our __ from the falling institution at the same time.”

C. - “I tell you I never belonged to them!”

K. - “I have often heard you say it was a secret society; if you did not belong to them, how did you get it? before Did you not make two or three unsuccessful attempts to get in before they would admit you? I have understood there was a little blank balling in your area.”

[p. 511] C. - “Well, they played off on me.”

K. - “Now, Clagget, you had better own up. It is a little more severe I know on you than it is on me, because you are a politician; but I have no aspirations for office, and am willing to confess that I was caught in the trap with the great majority of my fellow citizens; but I came out first as good a Republican as I went in.

The strong Democratic proclivities of the institution did not lead me to change my politics as it did some of my friends.”

Exit Clagget with a group of friends, to explain how he attended the secret sessions of a secret order without being a member.

[p. 512] The crowning success in the business life of Mr. K. was the part he took in building the Des Moines Valley Rail Road from Keokuk to Ft. Dodge. To him, more than to any other man are we indebted for this road, and had he continued to control it, the road would have benefited Keokuk far more than it does at present. When he first undertook this enterprise, it was for the sole benefit of Keokuk; from its conception he was a liberal subscriber and supporter, a director and advisor from the start. When the road was built to Farmington, the funds being exhausted, there it was likely to remain. [p. 513] He formed a combination with several others, who like himself were determined that the road should go on. They invested all their own resources, borrowed all they could, and pushed ahead. It was not long before they reached the end of their string, but they had built and were operating about twenty miles more of the road. It was up hill work, but they struggled on. Mr. K. went to New York in 1859 to see if he could raise money there. They issued bonds, but for some time they could not sell them. Sanford J. Smith, one of the partners died, and the firm name became Kilbourne Lighton and Company.

[p. 514] The war came on, everything doubled and tripled in price, nothing could be got for building railroads. Mrsrs. Reid and Perry, two of the partners, abandoned the enterprise for a time, and went into the war, leaving Mr. Lighton in Keokuk, and Mr. Kilbourne in New York to face the music. With Mr. K.’s former acquaintance and standing in that city, he was enabled to raise money from time to time on his own credit, hypothecating bonds, and becoming personally liable by inducement and guarantee; his personal obligation at one time amounting to over half a million. In this way he was enabled to carry [p. 515] on the work, but at a great sacrifice. Mr. K. was elected president of the road. In 1869 he went to Europe to negotiate a large loan to carry on his enterprise, in which he was entirely successful. After finishing his work there, he traveled extensively in Europe, and with his acquaintance with prominent men of Europe and his introductions, he enjoyed great social privileges. During Mr. K’s temporary residence in Europe, and while in Paris, the London Times published a very severe and uncalled for article, reflecting on the credit of Iowa, and disparaging most unjustly the Des Moines Valley Rail Road. Permit me to make a few extracts [p. 516] from a letter published in the same paper, in answer to the article, by Mr. Kilbourne, showing his loyalty to his country, his state, and his enterprise.

“Paris June 11th 1870

“To the editor of the Times

. . . I have seen the very refreshing article in the Times of yesterday on Iowa repudiation, in which is charged in the Des Moines Valley Rail Road. The State of Iowa, as such, does not owe one dollar, and has more than a million in the treasury.

Many years ago, several of the counties of Iowa issued coupon bonds to build courthouses, schoolhouses, and to aid Railroads. The terrible war prostrated every kind of [p. 517] business in the northwest, and for several years the produce of the country was almost valueless.—and these counties, like many counties in Illinois and other states, and like St. Louis, and the state of Missouri, failed for a number of years to pay their interest, but Iowa as a state never failed to pay interest promptly, and has paid all the principal as well. The courts of Iowa follow strictly the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States. the Judge of whom the Times speaks as “assigned to the Federal Court in which is the State of Iowa,” “sympathizing with the people, &c” I have to say is as honest a judge as can be [p. 518] found in England or anywhere else, and could not be influenced in his decisions ever by British gold. +++ I would like to have the Times point out to me, a state, young or old, or a corporation of any kind, in any country, that can show a better financial condition than the young state of Iowa. +++ Perhaps the Times sympathizing so strongly with the south, is led to misrepresent Iowa, because she has been so loyal, sending 72,000 men to the war, without a draft, to fight for the Union, and whip their rebel friends; but why the Times should manifest so much hostility to the Des Moines Valley Railroad Company, I cannot [p. 519] conceive. The road has paid its interest, always paid 20 shillings in the pound, has purchased most of its iron in England, and paid for it, and does not now, to my knowledge, owe one dollar for iron or equipment, and why Mr. Sampson, or whoever the writer may be, should chaq[?] the Des Moines Valley Railroad into these abusive articles against the state and counties, I cannot understand, unless it be a feeling of malice against everything American.”

Mr. Kilbourne returned to New York in 1870 after an absence of nine months. The road was completed to Frt. Dodge.

Wishing to retire from [p. 520] an active business life of fifty years, early in 1872 he tendered his resignation to the directors of the road, and received the following letter in reply:

“Hon. David W. Kilbourne,

Prest. Des Moines Valley R. R. co.

New York -

My dear sir,

I have received your letter of 25th inst. to the board of Directors of the Des Moines Valley R. R. co. resigning the office of president, your resignation to take effect upon my presenting same after the present plan of reducing the bonded debt is consummated. I will hold same, and when advised of the event, upon which the resignation is contingent, will hand [p. 521] same over. Allow me to express on this occasion the high confidence with which you have inspired myself, and, I believe, all of your friends, without a single exception by your long and able course, markedly strict integrity of purpose in many a trying hour.

I remain, as ever your friend and servant,

W. S. Gilman”

Mr. Kilbourne’s work was done. In this year, he and his wife went to California for pleasure and recreation. After an absence of about a year they returned to Keokuk, where they spent the winter of 1873 and 4, returning in the spring [p. 522] to New York. Mr. K. never again visited Keokuk. His business in connection with the building of the Railroad had kept him in New York most of the time since 1859. But he always continued to claim, and to hold, his residence in Keokuk, and on numerous occasions, he made the trip from New York to Keokuk for the purpose of casting his vote.

The following are extracts from a lecture delivered by Mr. Kilbourne some years since in Keokuk.

“Early in the summer of 1843, Rev. James A. Clark of Fort Madison, organized the first presbyterian church in Keokuk, consisting of [p. 523] two elders and eight members. With this church the Rev. Daniel Jones commenced to labor on the first day of August 1843. The act of incorporation was not made till Feb. 6th 1845, at which time Rev. D. Jones was minister and __ Wycoff elder.

The first record of this church was Dec. 8th 1843 as follows: At a meeting of the male members of the First Presbyterian church of Keokuk held in pursuance of previous notice for the purpose of taking into consideration the present condition of the church, it was resolved 1st that one connection with the First Presbyterian Church of Keokuk be, and is hereby dissolved. 2nd That we [p. 524] proceed to organize ourselves with such of the sisters as sympathize with us into a new church to be called the Congregational Church of Keokuk. On the eleventh of December this new organization adopted an abridged confession of faith and church covenant, signed by four males and one female. These doings are signed by Danl. Jones Moderator. Rev. Jones was the first resident minister of Keokuk, and he was sustained by the Home Board. He administered the sacrament of the Lord’s supper the first time it was ever administered in this town on the 3rd of Sept. 1843; and held the first monthly concert[?] ever observed in the place, on the following evening.

[p. 525] On the 6th of February 1845 this new organization membered eleven persons, having received six additions by letter. Under this date, we find the following record.

“At a meeting of the church held by appointment on the 6th of Feb. 1845, the following preamble and resolutions were adopted.

“Whereas we have become fully satisfied that the Presbyterian form of government is upon the whole best adapted to the circumstances in which we are all placed in this mixed community, and that such an organization would be calculated to harmonize the feelings of the religious community in this place, therefore, Resolved; 1st That we consider it expedient to lay aside our present [p. 526] organization and to adopt the Presbyterian form of government under the name of the Presbyterian Church of Keokuk.

“2nd That all the present members of this church now absent be considered as included in the present organization

“3rd That we adopt the Confession of faith of the Presbyterian Church of the United States and retain for general use in receiving members our former abridged summary of Antics of Faith and church covenant.”—At this meeting we also find the following:

Resolved:—That Mr. Jones be requested to give if desired to Mrs. H. a respectable Christian certificate attesting her good and regular standing amongst [p. 527] us both before and since the dissolution of the Presbyterian Church in this place of which we were formerly members. We also find that a letter was granted to Mrs. H. according to the above, and she was subsequently received into the church under this last organization. This church was on the 10th of April 1845 at its own request received under the care of the Des Moines Presbytery, which was the first ecclesiastical connection of this church. The Rev. Danl. Jones continued to labor with this church as missionary, receiving a mere pittance of a support from the Home mission society, and next to nothing from the [p. 528] church, till June 12th 1847 when he resigned.

During Mr. Jones’ labors thirty persons were connected with the church, of whom thirteen had again removed[?] by letter, and two had died. During the forgoing period, the church had no house of membership. A very inferior sort of log cabin with puncheon floor, which stood on the south side of Johnson St. near the corner of 3rd, served as a school house and place for preaching for all denominations. To indicate when it was occupied, the door was left wide open. It was the very personification of squatter, or pioneer accommodations. That cabin was private property, and was finally converted to other purposes [p. 529] leaving no place for the public worship of God.

The first attempt to build a house of worship in this town was made by this church in 1844, and about $200 were pledged by the citizens for that purpose. The subscription so far as paid, was consumed by the building committee in an unsuccessful attempt to make sunburnt brick, and the building was finally abandoned. That was a sad failure for the church and greatly hindered its prosperity causing crimination and reexamination. Amongst some of its members, quarrels occured, impairing the confidence of the community. The church held thin meetings for a time under the guarded [p. 530] old oak tree on 2nd St near the corner of the alley where Dr. Longford’s brick stable now stands, and in a school room on Main St. near the corner of 3rd.

The congregation was small, and the minister was subjected to many trials. The population here at that period were not all saints. The Rev. Glenn Wood was invited to the church to become their minister Oct. 26th 1847, and he continued with the church until November 1850. Mr. Wood commenced labors here in a small room about fifteen feet square on First St. near Blondeau. In September 1847 the trustees of the church purchased the rear half of two lots on the S. E. corner of 2nd and Concert Streets, being 70 ft on 2nd, by 100 ft deep, [p. 531] for the sum of $100. In 1848, the church erected on this property a small frame building at a cost of $1000.

Thirty nine members were added to the church and thirteen had died or were dismissed, leaving the number of the communicants thirty eight.

On Dec. 20th 1850, I sold to the ladies of the church for the trustees, the front half of the same property for $500, making the cost of the two lots $600, and by the efforts of the ladies, these lots were paid in full by the 20th of December 1852.

The Rev. Wm. H. Williams was the stated supply of the church from Dec. 1850 to June 1852. At this time, the number of the communicants was 76.

In the two years previous to June 1852, the Baptist, [p. 532] the Episcopal, and the Westminster Presbyterian churches were organized.

The Rev. S. K. Snead was pastor from January 1853 to June 1855. The church was then without a minister until April 1856 when the Rev. Ira DeLong became pastor, but only remained until April 1857. Then the Rev. Mr. Macks of Quincy and Rev. Charles H. Williams occupied the pulpit for a time.

In 1857 the church sold the property and bought two lots on the corner of Fourth and High Sts. for which they paid $10,000, built a small church at a cost of $7000 and had no debt.” After the war, when the old and new school Presbyterian churches were united, this little church, of which Mr. K. [p. 533] gives a history, united with the Westminster church, and sold them property to the Roman Catholics.

In the latter part of 1840, Gen Harrison was elected President of the United States; Gov. Lucas’ term of office would expire on the 4th of July following.

Mr. Kilbourne was more prominent than any other man in the Territory as successor of Governor Lucas. He was supported by influential men in the Territory, in New York and Connecticut. Had Gen. Harrison lived, he would undoubtedly have been appointed Territorial Governor. In 1840 and again in 1841 he was the whig candidate in his district for the Territorial Senate, at one time falling but seven votes short of being elected.

[p. 534] In December 1848 “The Navigation and Hydraulic company of the Mississippi Rapids” was incorporated by the Legislature of Iowa, with a capital of $1,000,000, having for its object the improvement of the navigation of the rapids, and the formation of a water power by means of an artificial channel with locks and dams.

Mr. Kilbourne was elected a member of the first Board of Directors, and as agent of the company, subsequently closed a contract with Mrsrs. Bangs & Co. of New York, to complete the works for the sum of $950,000. This contact was afterwards annulled. In 1849 he was chosen an Alderman of the city of Fort Madison where he then resided. In [p. 535] 1852 he was President of the Whig State Convention. He was also a Whig delegate from the State at large to the National Convention, which during that year assembled at Baltimore, and resulted in the nomination of Gen. Scott for President. In 1854 he was a prominent candidate before the Whig state convention for the office of Governor, and on the second ballot stood next to Mr. Grimes, the nominee. In 1855, he was elected Mayor of the city of Keokuk, the population at that time numbering about 10,000. In 1858 Mr. K. was chairman of the committee on resolutions at the Republican State Convention held at Oskaloosa.

He was a director in the Des Moines Valley R.R. from [p. 536] its organization, as well as President of the company for a number of years.

He was a director in the old Plank Road company, the Keokuk and Mount Pleasant R. R. Co. and the Missouri, Iowa, and Nebraska R. R. Co. In 1873 he had been invited to be the orator of the Old Settlers Meeting to be held that year at Fort Madison. He was compelled to decline. I give below a letter written to him on that occasion.

Keokuk July 17th/73

D. W. Kilbourne Esq.

Your lines of the 14th disappoint and grieve me greatly. I do not think anyone living can supply your place fully; none now living know so much of the history of Lee County, and write with that knowledge, such a happy faculty of relating same, as yourself. But [p. 537] if any can supply your place, it is your brother, and I will see him as soon as I can.

Your old settler,

Friend

Daniel F. Miller Sr.

Mr. Kilbourne had known Mr. Lincoln intimately in Illinois and when he was elected President of the United States, in the trying times of his administration, he often saw the President and gave him all his support and encouragement. He was loyal to the support of the Union Cause, loyal to his state, and to his friends.

In the midst of his business transactions he was not unmindful of his duties as a christian and a good citizen. Regarding nothing as unworthy his attention [p. 538] which has for its object the moral and social well being of his race, the cause of religion and education ever found in him an efficient friend supporter.

He performed faithfully the duties of trustee of the church, a teacher and superintendent of Sabbath school, President of a Bible society, President of the Fort Madison Lyceum and Library Association, Delegate to the National Convention of the Sons of Temperance, President of the Order of the Sons of Temperance for the State of Iowa, and President of the Iowa Church election Fund.

In person, Mr. Kilbourne was large and robust standing above 5 feet 9 inches, his usual weight 225 pounds. In all his personal intercourse with others, and in every [p. 539] relation in life he exhibited in an eminent degree the qualities of a true gentleman. His kindly disposition found constant expression in words and deeds of cheerfulness and of benevolence. His private life was upright and blameless, characterized by honesty and integrity in his intercourse with others, and by fidelity and affection in his family relations. In his friendships he was frank and sincere and he valued and enjoyed beyond most men the quality that may be called friendliness.

Among the many letters of condolence that were received by the family after Mr. Kilbourne’s death, I take the liberty of giving a copy of one. –

“Mr. David W. Kilbourne was a man of [p. 540] masterly character, naturally endowed with superior abilities, trained in an atmosphere of morality, industry, and frugality. Early in life he became possessed of those commanding attributes which subsequently conquered success spite of obstacles. He filled his nitch[?] in this life with a rare degree of fidelity and efficiency. Not only may his own family and his immediate associates thank him for their fortunes but all Southern Iowa is greatly indebted to him for its prosperity. In my varied and extensive acquaintances with business men, not one is there to whom so many people are under obligations. So faithfully and fully did he fill the positions to which he was assigned that I almost cease to [p. 541] regret that he was not called to aid in our government councils for which he seemed so admirably fitted. His clear conceptions of right and wrong, his comprehensive views of public polity, together with his liberal conservatism would have won for him no second place among our senators of the last decade. The possessors of suddenly acquired fortunes who spend them in riotous extravagance are cancers upon the community, but he who judiciously invests his wealth in enterprises that benefit his fellow men deserves to be called noble. The state of Iowa and the city of Keokuk have cause to mourn his loss. May the memory of his upright and useful life inspire those whom he leaves behind to emulate his example.” (written on the side: David W. Kilbourne died in New York City April 24th 1876)

[The next pages have several articles printed in two different Keokuk newspapers that tell of Mrs. Kilbourne’s death, and give a brief biography of her. There is as well an article of the death of George E. Kilbourne, then an article about “the most notable event in Keokuk’s social history,” the marriage of John M. Schofield to Miss Georgia Wells Kilbourne.]


Notes

1. Nelson Commins Roberts and Samuel W. Moorhead, eds., Story of Lee County, Iowa, 2 vols. (S. J. Clarke, 1914), 2:434.

2. D. W. Kilbourne, Inaugural Address of D. W. Kilbourne, Esq., Mayor of the City of Keokuk. Delivered at Concert Hall, April 10, 1855 (Keokuk, 1855), 3.

3. See generally Mark Goodmansen, Conspiracy at Carthage, the Plot to Murder Joseph Smith (Deseret Book, 2016).

4. A short account of David W. Kilbourne’s life can be found in Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 2:434.

5. George is here referring to himself, his full name being George Erskine Kilbourne.

6. The 1810 and 1820 U.S. Censuses show a “Nahum Rice” or “Naham Rice” living in Albany, New York. “Naham Rice,” United States Census, 1810, FamilySearch, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed June 1, 2021, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:XH2S-M7R; “Nahum Rice,” United States Census, 1820, FamilySearch, accessed June 1, 2021, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:XHGC-YV6. David Kilbourne’s marriage certificate shows he married a woman named Harriet Rice on August 8, 1827. “Harriet Rice,” FamilySearch, accessed January 11, 2020, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/1:1:F7GY-9J7, citing “Connecticut, Marriages, 1630–1997.”

7. For more information on the fire, see Stephen F. Ginsberg, “The Police and Fire Protection in New York City: 1800–1850,” New York History 52, no. 2 (1971): 133–50.

8. Stanley B. Kimball, “Nauvoo West: The Mormons of the Iowa Shore,” BYU Studies 18, no. 2 (1978): 135.

9. For more information on Black Hawk and Keokuk, see Kerry A. Trask, Black Hawk: The Battle for the Heart of America (Macmillan, 2007).

10. The Half-Breed Tract was a large section of land which had been set aside for Native American mixed descendants in 1824 as part of a treaty with Sauk and Meskwaki tribes. Originally, these “half-breeds” could occupy but not sell the land. That provision was revoked in an act passed by Congress in 1834. This change brought in many land speculators, such as David W. Kilbourne and other agents for the New York Land Company. However, because the language of this act was vague, it was unclear who held legal titles to the land, and legality remained questionable for several more decades. Brady Winslow, “David W. Kilbourne: The Creation of an Iowa Anti-Mormon,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 78, no. 3 (2019): 245–46. Generally, see also Lyndon W. Cook, “Isaac Galland—Mormon Benefactor,” BYU Studies 19, no. 3 (1979): 264–65; B. L. Wick, “The Struggle for the Half-Breed Tract,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 7, no. 1 (1905): 17, 20; David Ress, The Half Breed Tracts in Early National America: Changing Concepts of Land and Place (Palgrave Macmillan, 2019).

11. Historian Timothy R. Mahoney explains, “The New York Land Company’s effort to purchase large tracts of the Half Breed lands in 1837 were met with violent opposition by the few hundred settlers, squatters, ruffians, and mixed-blood people who had occupied and claimed rights to the land. When the territorial legislature supported the settlers by allowing them to claim and hold a plot until they settled all legal issues, the New York Company retaliated by getting the District Court to grant a consent decree of partition of the land to 101 persons, including both mixed-blood settlers and those who had purchased directly from mixed-blood owners, which rewrote the deeds on the land in “the tract” to facilitate its purchase and sale, on May 8, 1841. Many other claimants sued on the basis of insufficient notice of judicial proceedings and were countersued by the New York Company, entangling both sides in a complex litigation that would continue for fifteen years.” Timothy R. Mahoney, Provincial Lives: Middle-Class Experience in the Antebellum Middle West (Cambridge University Press, 1999), 73.

12. Another advantage of being postmaster was that he could operate the postal service out of his store, which would also bring in customers. This was a common practice for postmasters in small communities during the early nineteenth century. See Winslow, “David W. Kilbourne,” 259n55.

13. An account of this girl’s death is found in “Obituary,” The Western Adventurer, and Herald of the Upper Mississippi (Montrose, Wisconsin Territory), August 12, 1837, 3. Evidently, a stone marker was placed just north of Montrose to commemorate the girl. Mrs. Russell Hancock, Montrose in Retrospect (TELCON, 1969), 14–15.

14. Kilbourne’s antagonism towards the Mormons actually took time to develop. Initially, he noted only their activity in his correspondences. It was in March of 1841 that he first began to write of any annoyances he had with the Mormons. See Winslow, “David W. Kilbourne,” 248–49.

15. Kilbourne published a list of robberies which he had been victim of which he attributed to the Mormons. This is found in “Latter-Day-Ism: Number One,” Warsaw (Ill.) Signal, October 6, 1841, a transcription of which is included in this publication. Kilbourne was not the only neighbor of the Nauvoo Mormons to accuse them of theft. Significantly, anti-Mormons in Hancock County, Illinois, in 1844 published articles in the Warsaw Signal to document theft in the area. See John E. Hallwas and Roger D. Launius, Cultures in Conflict: A Documentary History of the Mormon War in Illinois (Utah State University Press, 1995), 67, 70–71. Hallwas and Launius explain, “Some of the Mormons, embittered against the Gentiles because of their recent experience and impoverished because of their forced abandonment of homes in Missouri, stole food, livestock, and other things from farms in the Nauvoo area.”

16. This occasion was most likely following a military training in Montrose in September of 1841, which Joseph and Hyrum Smith, along with John C. Bennett, were invited to attend by General Swazy and Colonel Fuller of the Montrose Regiment. At or after the parade, Kilbourne read a proclamation to the people gathered there inviting the citizens to leave the ranks. Reports of this military parade can be found in “Difficulty at Montrose,” Warsaw Signal, September 15, 1841, and in W. Waterman Phelps, “Falsehoods Refuted,” Times and Seasons 2, no. 23 (October 1, 1841): 562–63. Joseph Smith’s history records the event much as it was reported in the Times and Seasons, but adds that after the military exercise was over, Joseph “went to Mr. Kilbourn’s store, and desired to have some conversation with him, but was peremptorily ordered out of doors. This conduct greatly disgusted his few friends, who upbraided Kilbourn with his ungentlemanly conduct.” “History, 1838–1856, Volume C-1 Addenda,” 19, The Joseph Smith Papers, Church Historian’s Press, accessed August 19, 2025, http://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/history-1838-1856-volume-c-1-addenda/19.

17. The Latter-day Saints in Nauvoo employed this tactic multiple times when they felt that an individual posed a threat. Groups were organized known as the “Whistling and Whittling Brigade.” Mosiah Hancock, a resident of Nauvoo, explained the practice and claimed, “In no case did I ever help to engage in whittling any one down to make them cross the great river unless they were known to be lurking around the Prophet’s premises quite late or to be seeking that which was none of their business.” Thurmon Dean Moody, “Nauvoo’s Whistling and Whittling Brigade,” BYU Studies 15, no. 4 (1975): 485.

18. Daniel F. Miller was an attorney who lived for many years in Keokuk. He specialized in criminal law. He was also the mayor of Fort Madison, a town north of Montrose, in 1858. See Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:126, 2:270. An obituary for Daniel F. Miller is found in “Daniel F. Miller,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 2, no. 4 (1896): 324–25. The 1840 United States Census lists “Daniel Miller” living in Township 68, Lee County, Iowa. “United States Census, 1840,” Iowa Territory, Lee County, Township 68, image 29, FamilySearch, accessed August 15, 2025, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33S7-9YYL-93GS?cc=1786457&wc=31SV-PYY%3A1588666013%2C1588666055%2C1588666188, citing NARA microfilm publication M704 (National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.).

19. Another instance of possible violence occurred on September 1, 1841, when an anti-Mormon lecturer stopped in Montrose. Reportedly, a crowd of Latter-day Saints gathered and created a disturbance by “howling, cursing,” and throwing objects. They also “made an effigy” which they burned and exclaimed “thus may old Kilbourn burn,” afterwards smearing Kilbourne’s store door with rotten eggs. See “Mormonism at Montrose,” Warsaw Signal, September 22, 1841.

20. John Smith was the president of the Iowa Stake. For more information on his life, see Jeremy Carl Schwendiman, Uncle of the Prophet: The Life and Achievements of John Smith (Lulu, 2011).

21. Another reason why Kilbourne may have been able to achieve more peace with the Latter-day Saints at this time was that the Zarahemla (Iowa) Stake had been dissolved on January 6, 1842, and Joseph Smith placed an emphasis on gathering to Nauvoo, which meant that fewer Saints were coming into Lee County and more were leaving. This would have eased the tension between Kilbourne and his Latter-day Saint neighbors as he was no longer worried that their numbers would keep increasing. See Kimball, “Nauvoo West,” 139–41.

22. An account of this event, written by Daniel F. Miller as part of a larger history of Iowa, is also found in “The Anti-Mormon War in Iowa,” Salt Lake City Herald, January 2, 1887, https://newspapers.lib.utah.edu/ark:/87278/s6xh0xsj/10767025

23. Joseph Smith first advised that a town called Zarahemla be built just west of Montrose on July 2, 1839. “History, 1838–1856, Volume C-1,” 957. Efforts to build the town did not begin in earnest until March of 1841, when Smith declared that it was time to build up the city. Kilbourne writes more about the experience of surveyors coming in to plat the city in his article “Latter-Day-Ism: Number 3,” Hawkeye and Iowa Patriot (Burlington, Iowa), October 14, 1841 (a copy of this article is provided in this publication). The settlement soon became the largest Latter-day Saint settlement in Iowa. In August of 1841, the name of the Iowa Stake was changed to the Zarahemla Stake, reflecting the emphasis on building up this city. At some points, the Saints expected Zarahemla to rival Nauvoo in size and become a twin city to Nauvoo on the Iowa side of the river. They even expected to build a temple on the Iowa side. See Alexander L. Baugh, “Remembering the Mormons in Lee County, Iowa: Marking the Past in Montrose and Keokuk,” Mormon Historical Studies 4 (Fall 2003): 175–84; and Kimball, “Nauvoo West,” 132–42.

24. For more on the conflict between the “decree men” and “anti-decree men,” see Mahoney, Provincial Lives, 92–95.

25. The Des Moines Rapids made the stretch of the Mississippi River from Keokuk, Iowa (Warsaw, Illinois, on the east side), to Montrose, Iowa (Nauvoo, Illinois, on the east side) difficult to navigate. Because of this, boats carrying cargo had to stop at one of these towns, unload their cargo, and have it transported by land, a process called “lightering” or “lightening.” While this was inconvenient for river travel, it afforded these towns unique business opportunity, as residents in these towns operated lightering businesses. See Ben Hur Wilson, “The Des Moines Rapids Canal,” Palimpsest 5, no. 4 (1924): 117–18.

26. Henry S. Austin was a land agent and attorney for the New York Land Company. Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 2:57. Thomas Gregg was a newspaper editor who lived in Montrose for a short time, but spent most of his life in Hancock County, Illinois. He is well known for his History of Hancock County, Illinois, Together with an Outline History of the State, and a Digest of State Laws (Chicago, 1880). For more information on Gregg, see David C. Mott, “Thomas Gregg, Local Historian and Author,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 14, no. 4 (1924): 263–70.

27. This is most likely Valencourt Vanorsdal (sometimes spelled Van Orsdal), who moved to this area in 1827 with his family at the age of ten. The History of Lee County, Iowa, Containing a History of the County, Its Cities, Towns, &c. (Chicago, 1879), 715.

28. Lyman Johnson, the son of John and Alice Johnson, was baptized by Oliver Cowdery on October 25, 1831, and quickly became a leader in the Church, serving missions to eastern states and Canada and attending meetings of the School of the Prophets. He was a member of the Quorum of the Twelve from 1835 to 1838, until he was excommunicated on April 13, 1838. He remained friendly with the Saints and frequently visited Nauvoo. He moved to Davenport, Iowa, and then to Keokuk, where he continued to live until his death in 1856. See Andrew Jenson, Latter-day Saint Biographical Encyclopedia: A Compilation of Biographical Sketches of Prominent Men and Women in the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, vol. 1 (Salt Lake City, 1901), 91–92.

29. For a history of the city of Keokuk, see Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:135–51.

30. This is most likely Coy et al. v. Mason, 58 U.S. 580 (1855).