Biographical sketch of Laban Bramble Fleak, presumably written by himself, written in 1882, part of the Caleb F. Davis scrapbooks, 1882–1898 (State Historical Society of Iowa), volume 2, 328–526. The Caleb F. Davis scrapbooks are ten volumes of clippings, correspondence, biographical material, etc., relating to the early history of Iowa gathered by Caleb F. Davis during the 1880s and 1890s, kept by the State Historical Society of Iowa at the Des Moines Historical Library (MS 275). For more information of the Caleb F. Davis Collection, see “The Story of the Caleb F. Davis Collection,” pp. 1–7 herein. Subheadings have been added. Page numbers include both the manuscript page and the page within the Davis scrapbook.
Historical Introduction
At the time of writing this autobiography of his life, Laban Bramble Fleak was nearly seventy-four years old and, as he explains in his introductory letter, “getting old and terribly forgetful.” However, throughout the document, Fleak mentions referring to papers, documents, letters, and other source material to aid him in assembling his autobiography. For example, he quotes extensively from an article written by Hawkins Taylor and published in the Brighton Sun, a newspaper which Fleak was the editor for, regarding the Battle of Nauvoo. Fleak’s choice to write in third person reflects other autobiographies submitted to the Caleb F. Davis Collection, such as Hawkins Taylor’s.
Fleak was not a stationary person, and his autobiography reflects this. He moved constantly, and often had multiple homes in multiple locations. During most of the time covered in his autobiography, Fleak lived in either Missouri or Iowa. Since the focus of the Davis Collection was to gather histories related to Keokuk, Iowa, Fleak focuses primarily on his experiences in Keokuk and includes short profiles of many of the early citizens of Keokuk.
Photograph of L. B. Fleak. From the Caleb F. Davis Collection. Courtesy State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines.
Fleak frequently interacted with the Latter-day Saints both in Missouri and in Keokuk, which he writes about. Fleak was a captain in the militia that was organized to march against Far West, Missouri, in 1838. His account appears to be the only primary source that mentions Mormon women being armed and prepared to fight alongside the men at Far West. In Keokuk, Fleak became a prominent anti-Mormon, helping to organize anti-Mormon meetings, trying to aid in capturing Joseph Smith and extradite him to Missouri, and helping the anti-Mormon militia that fought in the Battle of Nauvoo. Fleak discusses crime in Lee County, much of which was attributed to the Mormons, and Danite activity, which he blames for the multiple attempts on his life during the time that the Saints were in the area. Other subjects of interest include the Battle of Crooked River, the Missouri-Iowa Border War, Isaac Galland, Lyman E. Johnson, and the Anti-Mormon political party in Lee County, Iowa.
Document Transcript
Brighton January 14, 1882
C F Davis Day,
Dr. Liv,
Enclosed I hand to you my photo & will send you Mrs. Fleak’s as soon as the weather is such as she can go out to have it taken.
Yes I remember you very well since reading your letter although I had forgotten you entirely. I am getting old and terribly forgetful. I was born Jan. 27th 1808 consequently I lack but 14 days of being 74 years old. I accepted to be at your city to attend the grand & glorius willow of the masonic bodies at your place a week or two ago, but ill health prevented I have the photograph of Rev L. B. Dennis if I remember aright, the first Methodist ever assigned to duty then.
Truly yours, LB Fleak
[Early Life: Childhood, Education, Work, First Marriage, Separation, Near-Death Experience, Second Marriage, Move to Missouri]
[p. 1 (329)] Laban Bramble Fleak,1 son of Peter & Lavina Fleak, was born on the 27th day of January, 1808, in Columbia Township, Hamilton Co. State of Ohio, on a farm, 8 miles East of the Court House of Cincinnati. His father was engaged in winning produce, by flat boats to New Orleans (no steamboats in use at that time) and died in 1813, on his return from his last trip, leaving three children, of which the subject of this memoir was the senior.2
He had been placed in a common county school before his father’s death and remained there until he was ten years old, when he was transferred to the Madisonville Academy, one mile from his mother’s [p. 2 (330)] home, where he remained three and a half years. Soon after which he was placed in the High School of Cincinnati, where remained three years & graduated very satisfactory to his friends. A bachelor uncle of his who was in business in business [sic] in Liverpool, England wrote for him to come at once & assist him. In about two months he left for that far off country never expecting to return, but as a visitor. The trip was nearly ended, at last, & Liverpool could be seen in the far distance, when the vessel was stopped & quarantined for ten days, for the reason that a babe on board had the chicken pox, but claimed to be the small pox by the visiting physician.
[p. 3 (331)] Being detained so long, almost in sight of uncle’s residence, he became homesick, and told him that he did not like the country & that he thought he should go back to America. The uncle did everything in his power to induce his nephew to remain but all to no purpose, & without any notice to his mother; he left England and returned to his old home, taking her greatly by surprise, having been gone but little over four months, & nearly or quite half that time was taken up by crossing & recrossing the Atlantic. After enjoying himself among his friends until in the spring, he left to visit the uncle for whom he was named, in Dearborn County, Indiana, where he [p. 4 (332)] remained for several months enjoying the sports of fishing and hunting in that then wild country. After which he drifted off to Columbus, in Bartholomew County, when he was induced to take charge of a school in that vicinity, & where he remained about 18 months, both satisfactory to himself, and those who employed him.3 During his stay as above named he became acquainted with a most estimable young lady by the name of Harriet Sundbeck, & married her in Dec 1828, one month before he was 21 years old. They remained together but about 8 months, when they separated, she going back to her parents, where three months after she gave birth to a son; now a prosperous [p. 5 (333)] farmer in Missouri. This son was raised & educated by his grandparents & in 1847 came to remain with his father in Keokuk. Two years after his birth, his mother obtained a divorce & was married again. The cause of her separation from her first husband is much more chargeable to his overbearing disposition than any thing wrong in her.
Soon after the above occurrence he obtained his portion of the money due him from his father’s estate & left for the north & finally brought up at Detroit where he remained but few months, when he crossed the river & brought up in Canada [p. 6 (334)] on the River Thames, where he bought a small stock, which, after he found there was no money in them, he sold out & commenced buying wheat and shipping to Detroit, at which he made some money. He finally quit the wheat business, & with his money secretly used, a small schooner was built, and he had charge of her on Lake Erie until when she was sold & he got his money back. This vessel was really built for a smuggler, & I have little doubt but that she carried a great amount of contraband goods from one shore to the other. She never carried one dollars worth of improper freight where he commanded her, but sometimes he was ashore at Buffalo, Detroit or Cleveland for from one to two weeks.
[p. 7 (335)] Smuggling was done on an extensive scale across the Detroit River in that day. Capt. Fleak was confidentially approached once by one of heavy dealers in Canada, & offered $1000 if he would take 20 tons of English woolen goods across the Detroit river at night, 7 miles below the city, but he declined, whether through honesty or fear, I leave the reader to conjecture. In the next two years he spent the most of his time in the summer & fall in buying and shipping wheat to the U.S. & in buying French Ponies & taking them to Michigan, Ohio & Pennsylvania & selling them, sometimes losing, & sometimes making some money. He having thoroughly studied the [p. 8 (336)] French language thoroughly at the high school in Cincinnati. After he had been among them a short time, he spoke that language as fluently as he did the English, which made him a favorite among the French people in general, particularly the ladies; at which time 4⁄5 of the citizens of that country were French. During the winter, hardly a day passed without a sleigh ride, & hardly a night without a dance, either public or private. But all things must have an end & in Feb 1834, he took a reluctant farewell of all his friends & took the stage for Buffalo N.Y. where he arrived about the last day of that month. He spent a few days very [p. 9 (337)] pleasantly among some friends in that city. He was stopping at the “Seneca Great House” kept by Green & Bio, one of which came to town in about 1840 & settled in Cedar Rapids, & is after years was known as Jaclyn Green of that place.
He had determined to visit some friends in Alleghany County & was about to leave, when a sudden & very severe attack of cholera caused a delay. The leading physician of that city was called in & he at once told him he must die, & did nothing for him. In a few moments his old friend Capt. Miller, accompanied by a young physician came in, & he suggested a hot bath, but Dr. Chapin berated the young M.D. with contempt, but he [p. 10 (338)] insisted on the experiment & got a barrel, with about 10 gallons of warm water, & placed him in it, when to all appearance the patient died. Dr. Chapin ordered Green to have the body taken away at once & buried. The young man placed his hand under the left arm of the body. When he took it out he told the old Dr. that the patient was not dead, & drew a small pocket knife & told the Dr. that this person was not dead & the body would not be taken away for burial until he was satisfied of the death, unless done over his dead body. After a few minutes, he tied up the left arm of the patient, & made an incision with [p. 11 (339)] his lancet where a drop of fresh blood showed itself, and he turned to the old Dr. & asked him if he had ever seen a drop of fresh blood come from a dead man. A galvanic battery was obtained, and applied several times, when the patient revived, after remaining a corpse, apparently, for nearly three hours.4 In about two weeks thereafter, he left for Centreville, when he met a young lady, Miss Julia A. Pennock, with whom he had become acquainted whilst visiting her brother in Canada.5 They soon became attached to each other and in June 1835 following they were married. He spent about three months [p. 12 (340)] very pleasantly among his new friends, and left early in October for the South Western States, in search of a home. He passed through portions of Ohio (his native state), Indiana, Kentucky, Tennessee, Alabama, and finally brought up at Richmond, Missouri, and opened a small jewelry store in the Winter of 1836, & was so well pleased with the town and its people that he determined to bring his wife to that place & make it their future home.
Accordingly he left Richmond landing on “Big Muddy” on a steamer bound for St. Louis & there boarded a steamer headed for Pittsburg, and arrived at his destination at Centreville, N.J. about the first of August.
[p. 13 (341)] After remaining about two months with friends, he and his wife left by stage via Erie, Pa. for Pittsburgh, from whence they took a steamer for St Louis, and had one of the most pleasant 1200 mile trips ever made. After remaining at St. Louis a few days they embarked on the steamer “Kansas” for Richmond, but she ran a snag through her & sunk about four miles above Booneville.
They then were hauled to Chariton (now Glasgow) about 21 miles, when they met the stage & went in it from that to Lexington, 80 miles, and the next day reached their destination, in good condition. [p. 14 (342)] No pains were spared by the citizens to make their new home pleasant & the newly arrived groom & bride had one of the gayest winters of their lives. In the spring of 1837, Col. Thos Phillips, & (afterwards Hon) Mordecai Oliver conceived the idea of locating a town on Crooked River, three miles from where it emptied into the Missouri River, and seven miles East of Richmond, & offered Fleak one third of it, if he would aid them in the enterprise. He accepted the proposition at once, & laid off 20 acres in squares & town lots soon after and named it Buffalo City. He then went to Gov. Lucas & got him to certify that the River was navigable to that place [p. 15 (343)] for steamers of the largest size.
This certificate was published in handbills, with a notice of the public sale of the lots, and scattered all over the country. Then the day of sale arrived, there were at least 500 persons on the ground. Lots at first brought from the 40 to 50, but shortly began to disperse. Unfortunately Phillips & Oliver had forgotten to bring any whiskey on the ground and a large share of the crowd left for a saloon about a mile off. Lots went down to about $15 & when the sale was closed there were not more than 50 persons left. About 40 lots were sold, at an average of about 28$ each & thus ended [p. 16 (344)] the sale of lots in Buffalo City. Richmond concluded that its growth would insure the growth of that place and its citizens took a strong stand against it.
Oliver built a large two story log building for a hotel & Fleak built a good sized storeroom & dwelling & moved into the dwelling part & put a good stock of groceries into the storeroom & did well in the business. In the fall of 1838 he was notified by his wife’s guardian to come to Burlington, Iowa & settle with him. On their way up, they fell in company with that noted odd genius Judge Jos Williams [p. 17 (348)] an able lawyer, and one the most fun loving beings ever met. He was a ventriloquist by nature of the highest order, & he used his ability in that line to amuse or sell his friends at all times. He was then on his way to Burlington, Iowa, to take his seat as one of the Territorial Judges.
When the steamer arrived at Keokuk, the river was found to be too low for her to crop the rapids, & no team was to be had.
They met Major Taylor, who kindly offered to take them from Nashville in his carriage, & the Capt. of the steamer agreed to send the lady passengers. Mrs. Gen Gehon & Mrs. Fleak up to Nashville in his yawl, whilst Judge Williams, Porter of Detroit, & Fleak [p. 18 (346)] footed it. The Judge with his speeches, songs & ventriloquism, made it so interesting & amusing that none felt any ill effects from the 8 miles walk; and they found the ladies, with Major Taylor in the carriage, awaiting them. He left in a few minutes & passed through Camp Des Moines (now Montrose) which had been evacuated by Col Kearney & his officers & men, among whom was Cap Nathan Boone, son of the historical Daniel Boone. They drove on to Fort Madison, and this was when Gen Jesse B. Brown & Judge Williams first met. They stopped about an hour, got an early supper & drove to Augusta, spent the night there, & arrived at Burlington for dinner the next day. To attempt [p. 19 (347)] describing the Judge’s antics on that trip, would occupy several pages. The first Territorial Legislature had just convened at Burlington & Gen Jesse B. Brown was president of the Council, & a more dignified officer never occupied that chair.
This was about the last of Nov. or first of Dec. 1838. Judge James, the guardian of Mrs. Fleak, had died a few days before their arrival, but all was settled satisfactory, and Major Taylor kindly took them back to Keokuk, and they stopped with Mrs. Gaines to await a boat. Lieut. Lee, who was there J.S. Engineer for the improvement of the rapids, was boarding with Mrs. Gains & Spared no pains in showing them [p. 20 (348)] the beautiful location and surroundings of what is now the flourishing city of Keokuk. They were so pleased with it, that they determined to return to Mo., sell out their store-room & stock and return to what appeared to them the Garden of Eden, early the coming spring. They took a steamer for St. Louis & from thence another for their home.6
[Missouri War: Crooked River, Far West]
When the boat was about to land at a little Mormon town called “Adamondiaman” in Carroll Co, they discovered that a fight was going on between the Mormons & the citizens at that county.7 The boat did not land but passed on up to Richmond landing, 25 miles above, where Fleak and his wife got off & went to their home & found the whole county in commotion.
[p. 21 (349)] This was on Friday, and the next day a battle was fought on Crooked river, about 7 miles N. West of Richmond, by the Mormons & citizens; and that night, two men who were in the engagement came to Richmond, & reported the balance of their companions killed, and the Mormons marching on Richmond in full force; which so alarmed the people, that nearly every lady in the town and country around left their homes, & crossed the Missouri river to Lexington.8
That night, Col Sparks of Richmond, sent an order to some person in each township of the county, to call out every able bodied man [p. 22 (350)] organize them as companies, elect officers, and report at headquarters, at Richmond the next day.
His order for Crooked River township was addressed to Fleak & was received about 5 O’clock on Sunday morning, & by six he had sent out six negroes with short notes, to prominent men in the various parts of the township, requesting them to come to Buffalo, & to bring with them every able bodied man of their respective neighborhoods, armed with their rifles, & prepared to march at once.9 At 2 o’clock P.M., 182 men presented themselves for duty, organized a company, & [p. 23 (351)] elected L.B. Fleak as their Captain by a unanimous vote.10 About 30 of these volunteers were from 70 to 84 years old. The Capt. & many of his men tried to induce these old veterans of the war of 1812 to return to their homes, but only succeeded with about the half of them, & about 35 of the younger who were shaking with the ague, were sent back, leaving about 135 for duty & anxious to fight. After taking supper & getting their bottles, canteens & themselves well filled with whiskey, at the Capt’s expense, they left at 10 P.M. for Richmond where they arrived about sunrise [p. 24 (352)] the next morning, & reported to Col. Sparks. Soon after, a number of the reported killed militia arrived at our camp, & stated that but one of the militia had been killed, & one slightly wounded, whilst the “Bullet Proof” leader of the Mormons & one of his men had been killed, & 7 or 8 of his men, wounded.11 After the first fire, both parties retreated for dear life; the Mormons for Far West, and the militia to any place they could find where there were no bullets flying around. Soon after dinner our regiment took up its [p. 25 (353)] line of march for “Far West.” All of our force was mounted, and we made about 15 miles that afternoon when we encamped fed our horses & got our suppers & were about to retire, when our S. East sentinel reported a regiment from Chariton & Carroll counties, commanded by Col —— composed of 1100 men.12 There was great rejoicing in the Ray Co. regiment, & no effort was spared to make the newcomers comfortable & happy.
The next morning, at an early hour, both regiments were up, and soon after were in line of march, & [p. 26 (354)] started from our camp. About 2 P.M. a regiment from Clay County, commanded by Col. Acheson & one partly from Clay & partly from Jackson county joined the other two regiments, forming a Brigade, which was placed under the command of Col. Acheson, as Brig. General and the next day the militia were drawn up in line of battle in front of the Mormons, who were also in line, about 1500 strong in front of their town. Among the Mormon force, there must have been from 150 to 200 women, armed with corn cutters, Bowie knives, & [p. 27 (355)] whilst preparations were being made for a charge by the state troops, a flag of truce was seen at Mormon headquarters.13 The militia were determined to pay no attention to it. They said they had come there to exterminate the devils, & were going to do it, but the officers, with much difficulty, succeeded in quieting them & not a gun was fired. The Mormons surrendered, & they agreed to leave the state in six months. They also surrendered several of their leaders, among whom were Jo & Hiram Smith, & Rigdon, who were to be held as hostages, until the terms of the treaty were fulfilled.14 The militia [p. 28 (356)] were then disbanded, with the understanding that they should be subject to a call from their officers, at any moment.15
Col. Sparks took charge of the prisoners, & took them to Richmond. They were treated kindly & allowed the privilege of the town on their pledging their honor that they would not attempt to escape.
About a week thereafter on a dark & rainy night they were found to be missing, & the next heard from them they were in Quincy, Ill., where they were looked upon, & treated as martyrs by the citizens & civil authorities.16
[p. 29 (357)] To attempt giving the causes for which they were driven from Missouri, would require much time and space & will only say that it was from the same cause that they were driven from Illinois, in 1846 & 7. Theft, robbery, murder & every thing else in the catalogue of crime, was the cause.17
[Move to Keokuk: Partnership with McCall, Opening First Grocery Store, Trouble with Ruffian, Growth in Keokuk]
Capt. Fleak returned to his business in Buffalo City, but was not discharged until three months had expired, when he was paid well for his services, & mustered out.
He and his wife were still much afflicted by a disease known to them as Keokuk on the brain and determined to go to that land of [p. 30 (358)] promise & lovelings. Accordingly, he sold his dwelling, store, & goods to man by the name of Taylor & turned all over to him, and received his money the evening before he was to commence his journey to Iowa.
The amt. of the money was $2200, & was placed in a small tin trunk, which was put under a table at the head of the bed in which he & his wife slept. It was placed there in the presence of Taylor. About 2 o’clock in the morning he was awakened by his wife, who whispered to him that there was some person in the room. He quietly left the bed and discovered a man [p. 31 (359)] stooping down where the trunk was left, & before the scoundrel saw or heard him, he struck him a severe blow with a chair, which felled him to the floor, & repeated it until he begged, & told him that he merely wanted to light his candle, although he had one burning in the storeroom. In getting into the room he had unlocked three doors. He did not have Taylor arrested, as he had always borne the character of an honest man, & cried and begged so hard to have the matter kept a secret, promising with his hand on the Bible, that he would never again be guilty of a dishon[p. 32 (360)]est or dishonorable act. They left the next day for their long desired home; having loaded a wagon the day before & sent it ahead. They had a most pleasant ride for several days when his wife & baby took cold which settled in their eyes, & when he arrived at Col. Mitchells, 10 miles below St. Francisville, they were both blind, and the Col advised the calling of Dr. Mayland of the above named town.18 He was sent for and the eyes of both soon commenced improving. When the Col was informed that the party were going to Keokuk, he spoke in strongest terms against it & told them then [p. 33 (361)] that there was not another such a band of desperados in the country as inhabited that place; that the devils incarnate, as he called them, would rob & murder him & his wife before they had been there a week.19 He advised Fleak to buy a good stock of groceries and open them in a little town (Winchester) 2 miles from his residence.20 Fleak took his advice, went to St. Louis, and bought a good stock, and had an excellent trade from the beginning. Whilst returning from St. Louis, he noticed two quiet young men, deck passengers, who kept themselves aloof from the [p. 34 (362)] balance of the deck passengers, but who were always ready to do their duty, when the boat stopped for wood. They attracted Fleak’s attention, & he determined to make their acquaintance. He approached them and politely asked them where they from & where they were going. The youngest told him that they were from Watertown, N.Y. that they had been chopping wood down in Mississippi but did not like the country or people, and were going North in search of work. They were about 18 & 20 years old. He was pleased with the boys and offered to hire the youngest, but said they would [p. 35 (363)] not be separated. He then proposed to hire both on condition that if work could be obtained so near by that they could lodge together would they work apart? They both said they would, & went home with him.
A few days after, he got a place for the oldest one, with a man by name of Wheeler, whose farm joined Winchester. A year after when he removed to Keokuk, the boys went with him making the same agreement with them as before. He soon got a place for the older one with Val Vanorsdal, & two better and more reliable young men was never in that town.21 Their names were [p. 36 (364)] John & Harvey Loomis, well known by the old citizens of Keokuk & greatly respected by all. John died in that city a few years ago & Harvey resides in Clark county Missouri, a Farmer and an esteemed citizen.22
Fleak’s wife & little daughter remained at Mitchell’s until both house & store were in good condition. They were very pleasantly located & were visited nearly every day, by the Col. or his daughters but he still was affected by his disease on the brain, night and day.
During the winter he went down to Alexandria on business, & met [p. 37 (365)] Dr. Mitchell at his store after a few moments conversation, he told the Dr. that he had been wanting to move to Keokuk for some time, but that he dare not go alone, on account of the desperados in and around it.
Without a word, they took him by the arm & led him across the room & introduced him to Mr. McCall, & said you both wish to go to Keokuk, but dare not go alone. He then went back to his customers.
Two hours had not passed before arrangements were made between them to go to Keokuk, as soon as possible, & to stand to each other, under all circumstances [p. 38 (366)] McCall was to go into the storage and commission business, & Fleak into the grocery & lighting business.
The Dr. was much pleased with the arrangement, & told them that they would find two honest, reliable men there John Hillis (afterwards knows as double head) & Val Vanorsdal. The next day Fleak went to Keokuk & bought the [illegible] right to the house formerly occupied by Dr Muir, Indian agent, then owned by Henry J. Campbell, for which he paid him $800.23 The house was a good one for that day, being 48 feet long & 38 feet wide & divided into three rooms. It was built of [p. 39 (367)] squared logs, laid in mortar, and dove tailed wherever the ends met. The doors, floors, & windows were all in good conditions, & twenty feet from it, was a good log kitchen, & little further off there was a fair stable, with about 50 acres fenced for pasture. Fleak went back to Winchester, & sold his goods, & wrote to McCall to meet him at Keokuk on the 7th March. He made every preparation for an early start on the morning of the 7th, but did not arrive at Keokuk until the 8th of March 1840, where he found McCall awaiting him. He brought with him, besides his family carriage [p. 40 (368)] five large wagons, one loaded with his furniture & the others with corn, oats, flour, meal, hams & bacon. He most of the inhabitants in a starving condition & no money or credit to buy anything. Mrs. Gains had furnished them with provisions as long as she could spare them.24 Even Major Taylor who occupied the house Fleak purchased, had nothing to eat except a few little potatoes, & his two horses were living on hazel brush. Before night Fleak sold about $25 worth of bacon, flour and corn meal to them, on credit, but soon rec’d his pay, in work.
[p. 41 (369)] On his arrival at Keokuk, he found that there were no groceries to be had nearer than Warsaw, South & Fort Madison north, & he at once ordered a good stock of them, together with boat stores, and opened them in an old log house on the levy, nearly in front of his residence. This was the first store of any description ever opened in Keokuk. McCall had not been there but two or three days, when he made Hillis’ acquaintance & they commenced at once, building a large stone house, for the storage & commission business one story high; on which, the next year, was built the Rapids [p. 42 (370)] Hotel.” Fleak had a very good trade from the Wrights, Gillerlands, Kerry25 and a few other settlers in the country & the three or four poverty stricken families of the town, but his principal trade came from the steam boats that had to remain there sometimes, three or four days before they could get their freight over the Rapids; Hillis & Vanorsdal, with two or three little boats, being the only persons then engaged in the lightning business.26
In about a week after Fleak had opened his grocery & whilst waiting on a lady customer, Mrs Gillerland, a ferocious looking man, of large size, [p. 43 (371)] & gritting his teeth terribly, stepped in & asked “Is your name Fleak?” He answered that it was. Then said the ruffian, “I am King of this country & I order you to come out next Monday & work on the road.”
He told the ruffian that he knew nothing about that kind of work, but that he had two young men that could work if necessary, and just at that moment, he saw McCall passing the door, with his (Fleaks) little daughter on his left arm & his right hand in his overcoat pocket. He kept walkin by the door, very busy talking to the little girl. Fleak told the ruffian to go and sit down, continuing to a sack of salt, until [p. 44 (372)] he got through with his customer and then he would talk to him. Soon the lady finished her purchases and left. Fleak immediately started around into counter & quietly slipping a cheese knife up his coat sleeve, & went to where the man was sitting & told him to sit over as he wished to talk with him. He took a seat at the right hand of the ruffian. On looking at the door, he saw McCall had stopped in front of it, his face was a little pale, but full of determination, he had sent the little girl up to the house by a girl that was living with Mrs. Fleak.
Fleak then said to him your name is Bill Price, is it not.27
[p. 45 (373)] He grated his teeth terribly and said “Yes by G-d, it is; I am king of this country & I will have no G-d d-d dandies around here, and if you don’t come and work on the road next Monday, I will give you Jerry hop” Fleak then said to him, King Willian, I have heard of you before & I tell you now that I will not work on the road. There is no need of any trouble between you & me; for I have come here to earn an honest living which will not interfere in the least with your occupation. I have heard from reliable sources that you are a thief, robber, & murderer, & one of the meanest men in the territory, and from what I have seen of you [p. 46 (374)] today, I believe every word of it to be true. Now allow me to say to you, if you ever molest me, either directly, or indirectly, I will kill you, & think I am doing both God & man, good service in doing so. He then arose & told Price that he had nothing more to say to him. Price then arose, grating his teeth terribly and left, without saying another word, and this was the first and last trouble he ever had with King Willian although he met him on the levy both night and day. McCall was greatly excited, & doubtless would have shot him when in the stone, had not Fleak shook his head at him, when in the act of drawing [p. 47 (375)] his pistol. He had seen Price once or twice before, and knew him at sight, & happening to be near, when he saw him go into the store, he feared no good was intended, & followed him. Price, like many other over-bearing scoundrels, was a coward.
Before the month of March had expired, steam boats had commenced arriving, in many case loaded with immigrants for this part of Iowa, and the American Fur Company’s building, afterwards known as “Rat Row,” was filled to overflowing, and every available shed of the place was occupied, & small log huts were erected for temporary use.28
In fact, 1840, was the beginning [p. 48 (376)] of Keokuk’s prosperity in trade, as well as growth. As soon as navigation had fairly opened, Fleak bought a keel boat for lighting purposes and placed it in charge of Major Taylor, & paid him $8 per day for the services of his nearly starved span of horses, & himself for their work in transferring the cargos of steam boats, from Keokuk to Nashville, and when the river was very low, to Montrose.29 At that time, & for two years after, the price paid per day, for a span of horses & driver, was $8, & boarding on the trip for both man & team
Fleak brought from Missouri, two spans of horses, one of which was always [p. 49 (377)] in charge of Harvey Loomis.
The wages paid a Keelboat Pilot, at that time & for two years after, was from $3 to $5 per day, and for a bowman from $1.50 to $2, either of which could be hired to chop wood &c for 50 ¢ per day.
[Profiles of Early Keokuk Citizens: Galland, Mrs. Gaines, Mr. Chittenden and Mr. McGavic, Lyman E. Johnson, Col. John Hillis, Rev. Samuel Clark]
In the summer of this year, 1840 Dr. Isaac Galland built the first frame house ever erected in that city. It was built on the levy, one lot below main street, & was three stories high, the basement being of rock, the two upper stories being frame work. It was weather boarded with shaved clapboards, & was partitioned with inch green oak lumber. The only seasoned lumber used, was for doors & windows.
[p. 50 (378)] Dr. Galland claimed at that time to be the owner of the Half Breed lands, and had induced many persons to settle on the reservation, at different locations.30
After he had finished his hotel, he rented it to Fleak, who moved into it, & called it the Keokuk House, which was the first Hostel ever opened in Keokuk.
Soon after, the Sheriff of Lee County levied an execution on it to satisfy a judgement, held by a St. Louis man, against the Dr., & it was sold, and bought by Fleak, for $800. The St. Louis man offered the property to, on three year’s time, without interest. He told him if he would [p. 51 (379)] deduct three years interest on the amount, at 10 percent he would pay him the cash for it. The proposition was accepted, & the house became the property of Fleak’s subject to redemption by the Dr. in a year from sale. The Dr. never redeemed it, & he remained in the house until he sold it Val Vanorsdal who I learn still owns it & that it is still kept as a boarding house—Dr Galland moved to Keokuk & had much litigation before he learned that he had but a small interest in the Half Bred Reservation.
In June of 1840, the first Steam Packet that ever ran on [p. 52 (380)] the upper Mississippi, commenced her regular tri weekly trips, her name was “Rosalie,” and was commanded by Cap. Littleton, a boatmam, his family living on a farm near West Point.31
She was a fine boat, & had every eating & sleeping accommodation that any one could desire.
During the latter, part of Summer the Steamer “Boreas” made her appearance as a Packet between St. Louis and Keokuk, the Rosalie leaving St. Louis one day, & the Boras the next. She was larger than the Rosalie with equal accommodations, and was one of the noisiest boats, that ever was on any river.
[p. 53 (381)] She could be heard, distinctly, at Keokuk, when stopping at or leaving Gregory’s landing, 10 miles below, and when she arrived late at night, as she did sometimes, when the river was very low; no persons awaiting her arrival had to be awakened. Mrs. Lucy Gains called her the “Baby Waker;” by which name she was known as long as she ran on the River.
Mr. Gaines & his wife settled in Keokuk about 1837 & he died in 1838,32 she remained there, living in a good sized, & comfortable log cabin, on the north side of Main Street, & on the levy. She had many friends, particularly among the boatmen, who made [p. 54 (382)] her house their home, when off duty, and if any of them happened to be an invalid, she tenderly cared for them. When a boat arrived at night, no matter at what hour, a light was seen burning in her house, ready to welcome any of her acquaintances that might be on board. She had two sons, John, the elder, was a wild youth & of no benefit to her; the youngest son went to Louisville, KY to live with some of his fathers relatives. The received a great many to her, valuable presents from her river friends, such as barrels of flour & apples, packages of coffee, sugar, hams, bacon steak to.
She sometimes kept a few barrels [p. 55 (383)] and always gave them the best of satisfaction. In the spring of 1840, she built a small hewed log stove room near her residence, and leased to Abm. Chittenden, of Warsaw, and a few years later, she built a small house back from the river for a residence and moved into it, after selling her old home. She died a few years ago in rather destitute circumstances. A Chittenden came from Warsaw, Ill. in the summer of 1840, with a small stock of dry goods, and opened them in the building he had leased of Mrs. Gains.33
His health bad, at the time at the time of his arrival at Keokuk. Few persons who ever acquainted [p. 56 (384)] with him supposed he would survive the coming winter. He was supposed to be far advanced in consumption; but by good care of himself, and the simplicity of his diet, he soon got the better of his disease, & showed rapid improvement in health. He had a good trade, & was much esteemed by all who knew him. When among the young ladies, he was a perfect Chesterfield. There were but three of them in Keokuk at that time, Miss King, Miss Ball, & Miss Hine.
In the fall his partner, W. S. McGavic, came from Warsaw & joined him, adding a few more goods to their store, or stock.34 [p. 385—photo of Abram B. Chittenden] [p. 386—photo of William S. McGavic] [p. 57 (387)] They were reliable men, and were highly esteemed by the community, & had a liberal trade, during the winter.
In the spring of 1841, they built a small frame storeroom on the levy, and moved their goods into it.
A few years later, they built a large, two story brick store, near their latter one, and filled it to its capacity, with goods of every description, and from that time can their real prosperity be dated.
Both married & brought their wives to their homes, and success attended them in their every movement.
McGavic & his wife died long ago, and left a son to inherit their [p. 58 (388)] estate. He was a wild, reckless youth, and died a few years ago.
Chittenden built a fine brick residence, on the top of the hill, from which he could look over three states, where they yet reside enjoying the reflections over a well spent life, & proud of the unblemished character of their children which surround them.
Lyman E. Johnson, the first attorney that settled in Keokuk, came there, with his family in 1841. He was formerly a Mormon, and continued so, until the surrender of “Far West,” when he, with the other prisoners, was brought to Richmond [p. 59 (389)] where he denounced them, & renounced all allegiance to them, and was never, after, associated with them in any way whatever.35 He built the first brick house which was erected in Keokuk. It was on the hill, near the corner of Main & Second street, where he resided. He was a fair lawyer for that day, in a new county, and attended well to his profession. His wife was a most estimable lady, the mother of two children, whom she idolized.36 She died of consumption early in the spring of 1848.
Some time after he established himself in Prairie Du Chien37 in the [p. 60 (390)] business of his profession, and about two years after the death of his first wife, was married again; shortly after, whilst he was sleigh riding on the ice of the Mississippi, his team broke through the ice & he was drowned. Sarah, his daughter married Joel Mathews, a young lawyer of Keokuk who died in a year or two after their marriage. Some years after husband’s death, she was married again, to a man named Snow, and said to be living in Pella. There are many incidents both serious & funny that should be written about L. E. Johnson, but lack of space prohibits. [p. 391—photo of Lyman E. Johnson]
[p. 61 (393)] Col. John Hillis, alias “Double Head,” was one of the early residents of Keokuk.38 He came there, with his family, in 1839, and commenced the lighting business, in company with V. Vanorsdal. It was quite enumerative in that day, as during low water, all freights coming up the river on steamers, for points above Keokuk, had to be transferred in lighters, over the rapids, to Nashville or Montrose, by horse power, when it was delivered to the steamers for further transportation. Hillis was a brother of the then Gov. of Indiana, but was without means when he came to Keokuk.39 By industry and economy, he soon found himself in favorable circumstances, & had the good will of all the river men. In 1840, he & McCall commenced building what was afterwards known as the [p. 62 (394)] Rapids Hotel.40 They at first intended it for a warehouse, and put up the first story of stone, and used it for that purpose, for one year, but when they learned that Fleak was determined to quit the Hotel business, they determined to add two more stories to it, for hotel purposes, and when it was finished, its appearance was such that it would be no disgrace to Keokuk, as a levy hotel, at this day. Hillis was a large man, very quiet & seldom, if ever, took any part in the troubles, that the early settlers had with the desperados, who almost controlled that part of the country in 1840, and some years previously. He was very fond of a country dance, but never attended a party given in town. In fact, it was not thought in that day that a “hoe down” could go off in the country [p. 63 (395)] unless Hillis, H. J. Campbell, and Fleak were there. On one occasion. Dr. Ely who lived about one mile from what was then the town invited Hillis, Campbell & Fleak, & I think a young man known as Henry Fulton, to a dance at his house, & what is wonderful, they all went; Hillis & Campbell (with a gallon of “old rye.”) in an old sled & Fleak on horseback. They left the whiskey in the sled, covered up in straw. Soon after, Fleak went out, & took the jug from the sled, & hid it in a brush pile nearby. After dancing two or three times, Hillis & Campbell, becoming thirsty, went out to the sled to take a “snort,” when to their dismay, they discovered that their jug had disappeared. They came back to the house, looking savage as meat axes, & [p. 64 (396)] and enquired of several persons if they had been out to their sled; all of which answered negatively. Fleak noticed their disappointed appearance, but was wonderfully busy with the ladies, & they did not speak to him on the subject. Soon after, Fleak made arrangements with Mrs. Ely to put an inch and a half of pepper sauce, & 3 inches of water in a bottle, wrap it in paper, and hand it to him; whilst he was talking to Hillis & Campbell. She did as directed; & soon as he received it he slipped behind the bed curtains & drew the cork out & was apparently about to take a drink, when H. M. rushed in & grabbed the bottle, & he took two large swallows of it before he discovered what it was. He threw the bottle on the floor, & as soon as he [p. 65 (397)] could breath, he yelled at the top of his voice, “Fire, fire, murder, murder,” & ran out from behind the curtains, followed by Campbell. The whole company was greatly excited, until they ascertained the cause, when there was an outburst of laughter from the whole crowd, that might have been heard ¼ of a mile. There is one highly esteemed lady, in Keokuk at this time, who was present on the above occasion.
Soon after the excitement was over, Fleak went out, & put the jug back in the sled, where he had got it. Hillis & Campbell left about midnight for their homes, and in the morning, when they went to the sled to take care of their robes, they found the jug, just where they had left it, and as they had left it, the “red eye” untouched.
In the morning when Fleak went to get his horse to go home, he did not find it & had to make the trip on foot, but he did not have go alone. Two young ladies who had been at the dance, had lost their fellers, by their having indulged too freely in the “oh be joyful” which they had taken with them, and Fleak escorted the young ladies to their residence in the suburbs of the town.
Fleak arrived at his home at 4½ o’clock A.M. & was astonished to find his family all up & a magnificent breakfast prepared for him alone. His wife, his sister & and his niece, took him by the arms, & conducted him to the table, and [p. 66 (398)] waited on him in a style that led him to believe, that he was President of the United States, or some other country.
On going out to the stable, he found his horse lying down, on a good bed of straw, looking as though he had been at home all night, instead of being tied to the post when his owner left him. Matters looked a little suspicious, but Fleak never learned how his horse got from Dr. Ely’s to the stable. Hillis left Keokuk in 1843, in comfortable circumstances, and eventually drifted back to Indiana, taking with him the good wishes of all his acquaintances.
Revd Sam[ue]l Clark (father of Hern G. Clark editor of the “Gate City” of Keokuk) preached the first Protestant sermon, ever delivered in that town.41 The meeting was held in a beautiful grove, near the now crossing of Johnson and Seventh Street. It was in the summer of 1841 or 2.
He had a rough looking crowd of hearers on Saturday, & not very numerous, but those who were present, were quiet & attentive, and appeared much pleased with the sermon. When he arrived on the ground the next day (Sunday) he found the inhabitants of the whole county for miles around, men, women & children, awaiting his appearance. He took the stand immediately & preached a sermon, which for common sense, sublimity, oratory, and sound moral teachings, had seldom, if ever surpassed in that place. When [p. 67 (399)] he had closed his meeting, there was an outspoken endorsement of his sermon, & several ladies of my acquaintance, some of which were leaders, asked to be introduced to him, & shook his hand most cordially, and said to him that they were sorry that he had not preached all day, that they had never heard so good & so true a sermon before, & they hoped to hear him soon & often again. In fact every person who heard him was ready to say, “Well done good & faithful servant”. His family resided in Van Buren County, Iowa, but he spent his life as a minister in the M. E. Church, and had the profound respect, not only of his church, but of the whole people, wherever conference sent him. When he preached in Keokuk, he was the invited and honored guest of L. B. Fleak. He died some years ago; his loss to the church being universally regretted.
[Gen. Jesse Browne: The Missouri-Iowa War, the Schoolmaster Lawyer, Territorial Council of Iowa]
Gen Jesse B. Browne was one of the early citizens of Lee County Iowa. He was born in Kentucky, and when quite young he became a Lieut. in the U.S. army, but was soon promoted to a captaincy, and assigned to duty in the Regiment commanded by Col. Kearney. He commanded a company of Dragoons, during the Black Hawk war, and distinguished himself in several little skirmishes with the Sacs & Fox Indians in Illinois.42
[p. 68 (400)] After the trouble of the Sac & Fox war was ended, Col Kearney was ordered by General Scott, to remove his Regt either to Port Madison or Camp Des Moines (now Montrose) as early as 1835 I know he was stationed at Camp De Moines for I visited it that winter, in company with the family of Capt Nathan Boone, son of the celebrated Daniel Boone, Capt Nathan Boone commanded a company of Dragoons at that time, under command of Col Kearney.43
In 1836, Col Kearney was ordered to remove his regiment to Ft. Leavenworth; then Capt Brown resigned & joined his family in Fort Madison & went into the Dry Goods & business in that place. At one time, when in the army, Col Kearney sent him to Springfield, Ill, on business connected with the service, and on account of the overbearing course he pursued toward the customers in the barroom of the hotel at which he was stopping, he was not treated with that marked respect, which he felt himself entitled to. One cold morning he came into the room to get his usual “snort” as he called it; after taking it, he looked around but no one spoke to him or offered him a seat. He deliberately walked around the counter & picked up a powder keg & walked towards the fire with it, & said, “God Almighty [p. 69 (401)] G-d-D-m my soul to hell, if we have all lived long enough; and threw it over their heads into the fire. No barroom was ever vacated quicker; every one ran for his dear life, expecting every moment to see the house blown to atoms. After waiting some time, and not seeing or hearing an explosion, they went back to the barroom and found the captain sitting in front of the fire, with his feet on the mantel of the fireplace; by his side was a stand, on which was a decanter filled with Old Bourbon, with a tumbler by its side, & in the corner of the chimney stood the powder keg, which, on being examined was found to be an empty one. He acknowledged he knew it was empty when he threw it into the fire. The Capt. in his Chesterfield style, invited them all to drink with him, never once alluding to the keg, or the stampede it had caused. From that time until he left, he never failed having the most comfortable chair in the room offered him whenever he went in. When finished his business, he left for his post talking the good wishes of all whom he had been made acquainted in Springfield.
Soon after he resigned his commission in the U.S. army, he became Gen of Militia in the Territory of Iowa, and led his forces to Keosauqua, to meet the Missouri Militia, under [p. 70 (402)] command of Gen Allen. A most bloody fight was expected & many of the militia of both sides bid as they feared, a final farewell to their families, never expecting to see them again.
The Missourians claimed that their line extended 20 miles north of its present N.E. corner & Gen Allen in his speech to his soldiers in Clark Co, said they would have it no matter what blood it cost.44
The gallant armies met near Keosauqua, and after a grand drunk of one or two days; a conference was held between the two Gen’ls and their staffs, and they agreed to let the government settle the matter. The gallant troops of both armies were discharged & they went home rejoicing, bearing their “blushing [illegible] thick upon them.”
Whilst Gen Brown was on business in Ft. Madison, a man came there from the Texas war, ragged, & without money, in search of work. He fortunately met with a Mr. Drake of that place, who gave him employment, to chop up his woodpile, but he had been at work only a few days, when Drake discovered, from his conversation with the children in the evening after they came home from school, that he was a man of more than ordinary education, & quiet & gentlemanly in every sense of those words, & he proposed to the stranger to give up the chopping business & take charge of a private school, which he proposed to procure for him & he consented at once, & gave [p. 71 (403)] answered satisfaction, during the few days he taught. About this time a man was arrested for larceny, & wanted a lawyer to defend him but had no money. He met Gen Brown & asked him if he could not help him procure counsel. Just at that time, the new school master happened be passing & 3 pointed him out to the prisoner, and told him that he was the best attorney in town, & that he was always ready to get damned scoundrels out of trouble. Brown had never spoken to the schoolmaster, but he had seen him on the streets & heard that he was teaching school. The man went to the teacher, & explained his case to him, & asked if he would defend him, without prospect of getting any reward for his services. The teacher told him that he was not practicing law, but that he would do the best he could for him, & went with him to the Justice office, and the case was called at once and the attorney for the prosecution opened the case, and turned his sarcastic remarks more at the school master as he called him than he did at the prisoner.
When he got through, he took a seat, and asked to hear from the school master. The S. Master arose, & commenced the defense, with such ability as astonished all of his hearers, not once alluding to the personal & sneering remarks of the prosecutor. He showed at once that he was an attorney of the first order. Gen Brown was present & was greatly [p. 72 (404] surprised & delighted at the S. Master’s ability. He stepped behind him & slapped him on the back, & said, “Your my schoolmaster.” The justice ordered the Gen to be quiet, but the S. Master had not spoken five minutes more before the Gen repeated the offence, & was fined five dollars which he immediately paid & the case was resumed again. When the Gen slapped him on the back & with a voice loud enough to be heard 100 yard sung out again “Go it my school master”.
The justice then fined him $10, but before he had time to get it out of his pocket, the crowd raised the money & paid the fine. The school master spoke about an hour & everybody was astonished at his ability. The prisoner was discharged, & the Gen.’s friends took the school master to his (B) store, where he made him pull off his old clothing, presented him with the best suit he had & said to him, “Now G-d d-m you if you ever go into a school house again I’ll kill you.”
From that day, his ability was clearly recognized by every body, & until his health failed him, there was scarcely a case in that part of Iowa, that he was not employed by the litigants, on one side or the other. This man was no other than Alfred Rich, a very able attorney, a Kentuckian by birth, & the first Whig candidate for Congress, in opposition to Sen. A. C. Dodge.
[p. 73 (405)] I omitted to mention interview that took place between Gen Scott, & Capt Brown soon after the close of the Black Hawk war.
Gen Scott being on a visit to Fort Gratiot near Detroit, concluded to visit Fort Dearborn, & finally drifted down to the seat of the late Indian troubles. He had been in Col Kearney’s quarters but a short time, before he saw passing by, a tall, dignified looking officer and asked the Col who he was. The Col told him that it was Capt Brown. He asked what the Capt’s height was? He was informed that it was six feet seven inches. The Genl sent for him immediately, & met him a short distance from the Col’s quarters, & reached out his hand to him most cordially, & said to him, “Capt Brown I presume, you are the only man in the U.S. Army who outranks me. I am Gen Scott. You outrank me one inch in height. Scott treated him with marked respect, & told the Col, if Capt Brown lived he would one day wear the space letter of a General. Scott always esteemed him greatly & wrote him, expressing his regret at his resignation, and several years after, when the Gen was living in Keokuk, & there was to be a meeting of the officers of the army, at that point, Gen Scott sent a pressing & earnest invitation to him to attend it, & make Scotts quarters [p. 74 (406)] his home during the meeting which he did.
It lasted some three weeks. He sent him a general Government pass over any road or route he might think proper to travel, and $100 to pay his expenses in going. He remained at Gen Scott’s Head Quarters all the time he stayed at West Point, & had one of the most pleasant times of his life, & was the Genl’s guest while he remained in Washington City. When he concluded to return to Iowa, he was furnished with another pass, and money to pay his expenses to his home in Iowa. The General had failed in his business in Fort Madison, through carelessness and extravagant waste of his means; soon after which, his estimable wife died. His two youngest daugthers were cared for by friends. Mary, his oldest daughter, was attending the female college at Galena, Ill, (making her home with her uncle, Judge Brown of that place) where she graduated with much honor.
The judge & his wife, knowing the habits of the Gen’l, used every effort in their power to induce her to remain with them, but all availed nothing; she said she must go and take care of her father. Soon after her return, the Genl went to Keokuk, & his daughter, Mary, followed him. He had no home for her nor himself. Mary had no ambition or she would have had no trouble in using her fine education to advantage. [p. 75 (407)] There were but few persons in Keokuk who knew any of the family aside from the General.
Mrs. L. B. Fleak had been intimately acquainted with Mrs. Brown, & esteemed her very much. As soon as she heard that Mary was in town & doing the drudgery, I think of Mr. Anderson’s kitchen. She sent for her, and offered her a home, as her adopted daughter, which she gladly & thankfully accepted. Mary was then about 22 years old, and a more pleasant companion Mrs. Fleak never had.
She was treated as a daughter in every sense, & was beloved by every member of the family, both old & young. She remained with them for nearly two years. The General visited her occasionally and appeared most thankful for this manner in which his daughter was treated. In the Fall of 1849 she was married to a good man by the name of Cook, one with some means & they settled down for a short time very pleasantly, & took the General home with them, but soon after the California fever became epidemic, & Cook had an attach of it, & after making arrangements for his wife to go back to Mrs. Fleak, he left for that far off land, & located a town which in honor to his wife, he named Marysville, now one of the flourishing cities of that country. Mary did not go to Mrs. Fleak’s for soon after Mr. Cook left, Fleak sold out & moved to near Fairfield & she concluded to stay with her father, [p. 76 (408)] who had been appointed Justice of the Peace to fill the vacancy made by the resignation of Fleak. After being gone a year, Mr. Cook came back & took his wife to the pleasant home he had fixed for her, in the lively little town which had been named for her, & where they yet remain if living. At the organization of the Territory of Iowa, Gen Brown was elected a member of the council, & was his own successor for several years. That body selected him as its president at its first session, which position he held until he retired to private life. He was noted for his dignified appearance, gentlemanly deportment, as well as correct judgement & unbiased decisions in all cases that came before him.
When the business of the first session was completed, a motion was made to adjourn sine die, which, by a vote of the council was decided negatively, as many of them had not had a sufficient quantity of whiskey to go home on. The following morning, the motion was again offered & again voted nay. Soon after this vote, the President, who had about all the liquid he needed, removed his hat, stepped from his seat, over his desk, & onto the Secretary’s desk & from that to the floor of the council chambers & as he passed, not looking right or left, he raised his right hand & brought it down with a vengeance & said, in a thundering voice, “This house is adjourned by God” [p. 77 (409)] and this is the manner in which the first Territorial Council of Iowa was adjourned.
[Gen. Browne: Kicked Out of Fleak’s Hotel with Ed Johnstone, Lost Campaign for Congress, Justice of the Peace]
In 1842, Gen Brown & Ed Johnstone, were candidates for the Territorial Council, & in their electioneering tours, visited about every cabin in the county, Johnstone to do the speaking & Brown to do the shaking hands with the women & nursing & kissing the dirty children and during that campaign, one night they arrived at the Keokuk House, kept by Fleak and asked him if they could get lodgings?45 He told that he had but one unoccupied room in the house & that it was surrounded by distinguished guest, and, if they would promise to keep quiet in it they could occupy it, which they promised most emphatically that they would. He told them that Gen Jones & his wife, of Dubuque occupied the room on the left, & N. S. Senator of Missouri a relative of Gen Dodge, occupied the one on the right.
It was raining a little when they arrived. Fleak himself showed them to their room, and cautioned them again in regard to their making any noises. As he passed by them to go out, he thought he could smell something resembling the smell of whisky, coming from their breaths. He had barely got to the foot of the stairs when Gen Brown hoisted the window & gave an Indian hoop that could have been heard across the river. Fleak was angry & sent his night clerk up to their room, to tell them [p. 78 (410)] if that occurred again that they must leave. They both sent back apologies & said their act, was unthoughted, & that nothing of the kind should occur again, but the clerk had not got his message more than half delivered, when two more Indian hoops came from the room, louder if possible than the first. Although it was raining and dark as a stack of black kittens, Fleak told the hostler to go & bring out their horses immediately, and he picked up a large iron poker, & went to their room, & told them they must leave at once.
They both attempted to apologise, but he told them he only need apologies from gentlemen, & that they should not remain there minutes longer in the house, & that their horses were at the door, waiting for them. Brown had taken his coat off & swore a few of his oaths, about having to leave, in the dark & rain, but put it on again, & they left & mounted their horses. Johnstone went out in the country to H. J. Campbell’s alias Bucket whist Brown started up the levy, & was found the next morning, at daylight, trying to force his horse up the steep hill, near Price’s Creek.
Johnstone came in the next day, & tendered a gentlemanly apology to Fleak, but Brown was very angry, & did not come to the house until a few days before the election. Gen Jones & his wife & the Missouri Senator heard the whole affair, & were greatly amused, as they told me next morning.
[p. 79 (411)] In 1848, the Gen was nominated by the Whig Convention, as a candidate for Congress, in the first district of Iowa, and claimed a large vote; more in fact than came from his party, but as was expected by his friends, he was defeated. There were few townships in the district that were not Democratic in that day.
One thing worthy of note was that during the campaign, the Gen on no occasion, indulged in the use of spirits. His headquarters were at Fleak’s & his daughter Mary or Fleak answered all of his correspondents, under his instructions. The Gen received the news of his defeat very complacently, but that same evening, he indulged pretty freely in the social glass, with his personal friends, both Whigs & Democrats, prominent among whom was Henry J. Campbell, alias Bucket, who was the leading Democrat of this part of Lee Co. In the spring of 1850, as was mentioned before, he was appointed as Justice of the Peace, to fill that place, made vacant by the resignation of Fleak, who left Keokuk, & moved to a farm near Fairfield. Esq Brown’s office was in the Graham building, immediately under the Masonic hall, & in June, the Grand Lodge met there. Grand Master was there in charge of the Order. The Gen had expressed [p. 80 (412)] a desire to be present at its opening & the Grand Master appointed a young lawyer, by the name of Cowles, & Fleak, as a committee to go to the Esq’s office, and invite him up, & introduce him to the Grand Lodge. When they reached the Esq’s office, they found him very busy docketing a case that was to heard in a few minutes. The committee made their business known to him in a whisper, he accepted the invitation most courteously and turned to Atty [Attorney] Reeves, & asked him if he was ready to proceed with his case? Reeves scratched his head and said that he was, but that his clients witness would not be sworn, without having his fee advanced, and that neither he nor his client had the money.
The esquire asked in a very stern manner who the witness was? Reeves called his name, and pointed him out to the squire. The justice arose from his seat in the most dignified manner, and looked at the witness, as though he intended to look through him, and there spoke to him as follows, as if in the greatest anger, [p. 81 (413)] “Get up you G-d Almighty G-d d-d horse thief, an be sworn, and not detain this honorable court.” The witness being badly frightened, arose at once and was sworn and the case was finished in about ten minutes. Cowles was so amused at the Justice’s remarks to the witness that he could hardly suppress a yell that filled his throat. He threw himself down on the hall floor & rolled over & over, & laughed most heartily. As soon as the case was concluded, the committee took the Gen up, & introduced him to the Grand Lodge. Grand Master Humphrey rec’d him in a style which he only could receive the dignified brother.
There were a great many amusing & interest incidents connected with the Gen’ls Keokuk that have escaped the memory of the writer.
After the Genl had served his term as J.P. a position was given him on the Plank road from Keokuk West and a comfortable house was furnished him in the suburbs of the town, where he took his two youngest daughters. He was appointed toll collector, and gave entire satisfaction to the company as I have been informed. During the session of the Legislature of 1855 & 6, the office of Assistant doorkeeper, was created, and he was appointed [p. 82 (414)] to fill the place, in order that his opinion might be obtained on questions that frequently came up before that body, & his decisions were generally endorsed by that body. A great many amusing circumstances transferred in Iowa City, during that winter, in which the Genl was the leading actor; many of which were too vulgar for my modest pen to enumerate.
About this time his second daughter, Mickey, was married, & went to Covington, Kentucky, where she still resides in a pleasant home & in easy circumstances as I am informed.
About the commencement of the Rebellion the Genl took his final leave of Keokuk and went to his daughters home in Covington, KY. His youngest died about this time, but whether in Keokuk or Covington, I do not recollect.
Soon after his arrival at his daughter’s he attended a [protected?] religious meeting and took much interest in it from the beginning, and soon became converted, and loved and died one of the most active and energetic members of the M.E. church, of that city. He was very strongly opposed to the Rebellion & devoted much of his time in opposing it. It is said by those who ought to know, that he spoke in every school district in the county in the most enthusiastic manner, and is credited by many of the best citizens with having saved Kenton Co. from rebelling.
[p. 83 (415)] He died at his daughter’s home, shortly before the close of the accursed rebellion, with the great will of all with whom he had become acquainted. His death was greatly regretted by the church of which he been so active a member, and so ended the singular career of one of nature’s noblemen.
[Profiles Continued: Henry Campbell, Moses Gray, Major Hughes Marriage Nearly Canceled, Then Performed by Fleak]
Henry J. Campbell, alias Bucket No. 2 came to Keokuk about the year 1838 about the time or soon after the reservation was made by the Government, in the South East corner of Lee Co. for the benefit of the “Half Breeds” of the Sac & Fox tribes of Indians.46 The reservation amounted to 110,000 acres of choice lands, and at first there were but about 100 claimants, but the number had run largely over that by 1840. Soon after he came to Keokuk he formed an acquaintance with a half breed young woman, and married her. She made him a good and dutiful wife, and was respected by all white persons in that county and they always lived happily together. She had received a little education, and taught her children to read as soon as they were old enough there being no school in Keokuk until 1842. Campbell secured his wife’s share of the reservation, and I think sold it at an early day, at remunerative figures, and made good use of the proceeds. He liked to look over his littler finger, but seldom used the operation to any great excess. He was a good law abiding [p. 84 (416)] citizen and was always at the front, when necessary to aid in arresting the desperados that flourished so extensively in 1840. He was recognized as the leading Democrat of the Half Breed track, and no one ever worked harder nor with better success than H. J. Campbell.
I think he represented that county once or twice, but I may be mistaken. If he did not it was not the Democratic party’s fault, but his own. In 1845, Campbell superseded Brown of Kentucky as mail agent for the states of Illinois, Missouri, and the Territory of Iowa, and occupied the position until he resigned near the close of Polk’s administration, when he returned to his home in the vicinity of Keokuk to help fight the Whigs at the approaching Presidential contest. There are many interesting incidents connected with that the writer of this is not now in possession of they have slipped from his memory.
Moses Gray was an early citizen of Keokuk, but year he came, I am not certain, but think it was in the fall of 1841.47 He was a widower, and I think boarded with Mrs. Gaines for some time. Many thought they would be tied together for better or for worse. He claimed to be a lawyer, but never practiced except in a Justice’s court.
He built a small house on the South side of Main Street, & soon after he hunted up a young wife and took her to his house and they lived most happily. He had charge of the bar of the wharf boat for some time. Bill Clark was one of his [p. 85 (419)] almost constant customers, and put up many tricks on him that would not appear well in this manuscript. The old Col as we called him, was not a bad citizen; the only trouble about him was, he placed a little too high an estimate on his abilities, legal and otherwise.
Major Ross B. Hughes48 came to Keokuk, in the summer of 1840, on Private Sec’y to the ever memorable Dr. Isaac Galland, who at that time claimed to be the owner of the whole Half Breed reservation and had about concluded to fence the whole concern in. About this time, he sold Commerce, afterwards known as Nauvoo, to the Mormons and moved his headquarters to Keokuk.49 He offered to sell lands at very low figures to anyone. Some few bought of him. Hughes doing his full duty in aiding him in his sales. But the Dr soon got into litigation with the New York Company, who claimed to be the real owners of a large share of the tract, and that all the interest the Dr had they claimed, was as their agent, and that needed the Major’s sales for the Dr, but he was still retained as private secretary, and received a salary that would be remunerative at this day.50 In the Spring of 1841 the Major moved his deputy to Keokuk and put up a small residence near that town. His two elder daughters stayed at Fleak’s the principal part of the summer until he got his house modeled so that they could be comfortable at home. In 1843, Dr. Galland [p. 86 (420)] not finding any further business for Hughes discharged him, or rather he discharged himself as his salary though high in price, was becoming tardy in payment. He then commenced the coopering business and opened an extensive shop which proved a success and after carrying it on for a year or two, he drifted into the Dry Goods and business with Dr. Duryea. Some time previous to this he lost his estimable wife. This was a severe stroke on him, as there few husband more attached to a wife than was he to his.
A year or two after the death of his wife, he made the acquaintance of a Miss Barnum, and it was generally understood that they were soon to be wedded, but a very trifling officer nipped the matter in the bud, and she would not permit him to see her. The trouble was the major had made the acquaintance of a Mrs. B. A. N----s, who lived on the hill, near the old Catholic Church and one evening, soon after her husband had gone to his store, the major concluded to make her a pleasant call and spent a few moments with her in the absence of her husband. In a short time after his arrival, he found it necessary to draw off his boots, which he did, and placed them by the side of a bed, that happened to be in that particular room. A few moments later the front door of the house was opened and he saw B.A. Ns entering much earlier than usual, and the major left the [p. 87 (421)] house, by a back door in a hurry, forgetting to take his boots with him. N---s discovered them at once, and asked his wife whose they were. She in her quiet manner told him that a drunken fellow who was passing in a wagon had thrown them into the door yard and she supposed that he had sent them home and that on that supposition she had brought them into the house. N---s thought there might be a colored gentleman, alias nigger in the woodpile, and he took them down to his store the next morning and related to the crowd that was in his store the circumstances and on examining them closely the name of R.B. Hughes was found on the upper part of the lining, one of the crowd stated that he saw Hughes running for dear life down the hill about half after 8 oclock, the night before. This was soon after circulated all over the town and came to the ears of Miss Barnum, and she determined at once to discard him. After three or four months had passed, through the intervention of Harry Fulton, at the earnest request of the Major, Miss Barnum consented to a short interview with him, at the house of Mr. Mecker, where she had been washing that day. When the major arrived that evening, she had made no change in her apparel, but received him as she was when she left the washtub, old sunbonnet on, and her clothes wet from top to bottom. Harry stuck with them, until their troubles were all adjusted.
[p. 88 (422)] The Major then asked her when the marriage should take place, she replied, at any time that suited him; then he said “By G-d, it shall be to night. He then requested Harry to go to the clerks office and get a license and then hunt Esq Fleaks up, and tell him to come and marry them. Harry found the Clerk and Fleak, both in Eagle Lodge, and at 10 oclock that night, the twain were made one, she still in her washing apparel and he the happiest man in the world. The next morning, he went to the Keokuk House and ordered the Landlord to get up the finest supper in his power for the whole town and started messengers out to invite every body to it.
Gen. Humphrey, Fleak and his wife, had previously [unclear] to a reception of some Gen Curtis’ Ohio friends, at his house, but he thought after marrying them, it would never do for him to be absent at the time of the “unfair” so he remained until about 9 o. clock, at the Generals explained matters satisfactory to the company, leaving his wife in charge of Gen H. and he left. When he arrived at the Hotel, he found it jammed from basement to garret enjoying themselves hugely. The bride & groom, seated at the upper end of the hall were looking as happy as two twin kittens. The (bride) had actually changed her dress. Harry Fulton was Generalissimo on the occasion, and filled the position heroically and in a pleasant manner. The eating, drinking, (water of course), and dancing were kept up long after the bride and groom had retired to their virgin sheets.
[p. 89 (423)] Hughes & co, continued their business successfully, and finally bought a steam mill and were the heaviest grain dealers in Keokuk. They made flour of the principal part of the wheat they purchased and shipped to St Louis what they did sell at home.
In 1857, every water mill was stopped all over the county and flour was very scarce, the roads being so bad that it was next to an impossibility to haul it from the steam mills on the river to the country.
Some time in June of that year, a large ox team drawing a wagon, loaded with barrels of flour, stopped at Fleak’s house, west of Fairfield and the driver asked “is this Cobley farm?” Fleak told that it was. Well he said, “Where do you want this flour unloaded? Fleak told him that he did not want it unloaded anywhere, that he was not keeping a warehouse or storeroom. The teamster there said that he was paid for hauling 10 lbs of flour from Keokuk to Cobley farm, and he’d be damned if he would haul it another mile through the mud for it, and commenced rolling it off the wagon. Fleak of course had to have it put under cover, as it was raining slightly then, believing that some one had bought it to sell again, and he was angry as a wet hen to think that anyone would take such liberty. That evening as usual, he sent to Fairfield for his mail and among his letters, he found one from Ross B. Hughes, asking him if he had secured 10 barrels of flour that he had sent it by some damned old Skeesick, & paid him for [p. 90 (424)] hauling it to Cobley Farm, and this was intended as payment, for marrying him to one of the best women in God’s world. As they were old friends, Fleak had never once thought of charging him anything for performing the ceremony. He had fun enough that night to doubly pay him for all he did.
The flour was of the choicest kind, and was worth six dollars per barrel in Keokuk. Fleak thought sixty dollars a high price for performing a ten minutes ceremony, but he knew that it was useless to try to pay him any thing back on the flour.
I knew but little about the major afterwards. The firm sold out their business in Keokuk, and then bought or built a steam boat, and run it on the Ohio and Mississippi rivers for some years, and both Hughes and Duryea died in St. Louis, I think.
Their widows both came back to Keokuk and after some years, they were married again. Mrs. Hughes and Mrs. Duryea were sisters.
[Profiles Continued: William Coleman, Dr. Justin Millard, James Mackley, Mr Fulton (a Mormon), Smith Hamil]
Wm Coleman alias “Sweet William” came to Keokuk in 1842.51 He leased the Keokuk House of Fleak and continued it as a hotel for a short time, when he moved into the Rapids Hotel, a more commodious building, when he remained until after the burning of the ever memorable building known as Rat Row. Mrs. Coleman was a sister to the Kilbourns, then of Montrose and a more pleasant and estimable lady was seldom, if ever found. Sweet William kept a good [p. 91 (425)] hotel for that early day, and gave universal satisfaction to those who found him with their custom.
He was wonderfully tender hearted, and if anything went wrong about his house, he would shed gallons of tears over it, crying like an innocent child.
Bill Clark resided at Fort Madison, but was frequently an honored guest at the Rapids Hotel.
Scarcely a day passed, when Bill was there, that something did not go wrong about the house that caused sweet William to shed tears. Some times, a bed would be found spread on the floor of the parlor, or the sofa turned bottom side up; sometimes the parlor arm chair and mirror, would be found in the water closet, and hundreds of other annoying affairs too tedious to mention. Bill was always very diligent in his success for the perpetrator of those acts, and at one time offered a heavy reward for their apprehension. In fact, he appeared to take as much interest in the hotel, as he would had he been the proprietor. At one time, soon after the arrival of a steamer, say near 8 o,clock P.M. a lady came to the hotel, met Mr Coleman, and asked for a room, which he very politely told her she could have, and conducted her to it. Clark was on hand and saw what room she was shown to. About two hours afterwards, Clark called Coleman aside and told him that he heard a man’s voice in the lady’s room and that the light was extinguished. Sweet William was [p. 92 (426)] terribly excited, and took a lantern and ran to the room, where he discovered a young lawyer, whose name I have forgotten, holding the lady on his lap with his arms around her neck. The laywer ran for dear life. Bill Clark, happened to be in the parlor tried to catch him and chased him at full speed for half the length of Rat Row, where he lost sight of him. Coleman was very angry and ordered the woman to leave his house, but it was soon apparent that the woman was of male persuasion, and one of his boarders.
The whole matter was a trick got up on the lawyer, who was very fond of the society of a certain class of ladies. He had rec’d a note signed “Jenny” inviting him to her room. The room of the persons who represented the woman was book keeper to Dr. Galland, but I have forgotten his name.
That Bill Clark was prime mover in the case no one doubted. The lawyer never got into the secret of the matter, and did not remain long after the affair was made public.
I suppose that Mr. Coleman and his wife are dead long since, as I have heard nothing of them for many years. He was a good man, and respected by all who knew him, but he came to Keokuk at too early a day to enjoy life as well as he would in the East, where he came from when he came West.
Keokuk at the present day, would be better suited to him, than it was in that day.
[p. 93 (429)] Dr Justin Millard was the first Physician who permanently located in Keokuk.52 He came early in 1841, was a graduate of the old Jefferson school of Philadelphia. At that age of Iowa, few better physicians could be found in it, and a more fun loving person in his quiet and droll way was seldom met. There was scarcely a piece of harmless mischief after that could not be traced to Dr. Millard, as its originator in his sly way of bringing about a good joke on some of his friends.
His family followed him in about a year after his arrival at Keokuk, where they and he remained until about 1848, where he had a severe attack of Pacific fever, (then a raging epidemic all over the United States) which carried him and family off to Oregon, where he died some years after. The Dr was in the habit of squinting over his left hand, with one eye shut, where there was a tumbler in that hand, well filled with “red eye,” but he never let it tumble him into a ditch.
James Mackley was another early citizen was a carpenter by profession and many of the old houses of Keokuk have yet the marks of his hammer and brain upon them.53 At one time he was a dear lover of “the ardent” but at the same time, one honorable gentleman and finally determined to abandon its use forever, which resolution he carried out to the letter as long as he lived. He too had a severe attack of Pacific fever and started with his family [p. 94 (430)] to that distant land accompanied by Bill Clark and one or two others. They got through that portion of the country that was considered dangerous from Indians, and nearly to the end of their journey when night overtook them as they neared a little grove of brush and small timber, with a small stream running by at and they encamped for the night at what appeared to them, one of the most desirable places for that purpose, that they had found since being on the plains. They turned their cattle on the grass to graze as usual, and all spent a most pleasant night overjoyed by the knowledge that they were so near their destination. In the morning, when they came out of their tents, they discovered that one pair of their oxen was missing. Clark picked up his rifle and started around on one side of the grove whilst Mackley went around on the other side. When Clark had nearly reached the end of the grove, he saw an Indian in the act of shooting in the direction that Mackley must be he raised his rifle hastily and fired killed the red skin on the spot, but not soon enough to save Mackley. The Indian had fatally shot him at the same instant. Those who were in the camp, and heard the report of the guns said there was not ½ second different on the time of the report. Mackley died the next day, before reaching the settlement.54
[p. 95 (431)] Prominent among the early settlers were Cock Eyed Brooks, and Dr. Birdsal.55 There are many circumstances connected with their history, both interesting and amusing, which should be given to the readers of this, but they have escaped my memory. Brooks, I think, came from Pittsburg, Pa, and opened a saloon on the levy in 1841 or 2 & married a respectable and educated Norwegian girl. They lived most happily together, until she died of Cholera in 1849, one day after which, he died of the same disease. They left one child, which his sister of Pittsburg, came for and took it to that city. Both Brooks and his wife were much respected by all of the early settlers of Keokuk.
Dr. Birdsal was a native of Cincinnati, Ohio, and came to Keokuk, I think in 1843, and commenced the practice of his profession. Like Brooks, he was a gentleman of that date in every sense of the word, was successful in his practice, and married a much respected young lady, Miss Slitwitt, niece of V. Vanorsdal. Their lives were passed most pleasantly in fact, no family in the town lived more happily than they. The Dr gave good attention to his profession, as much as could be expected of a young Physician in that early day, and was quite successful in his practice. When that terrible epidemic, Asiatic Cholera, made its appearance among us, he devoted his whole time to its victims, both night [p. 96 (432)] and day, and it was believed at the time that he saved the lives of many persons, by his close attention and untiring energy. His amiable wife aided him when and where ever it was in her power to do so but their good work was brought to a sudden close by that fell disease, husband, wife, and little child all passed away the same day.
Mr. Fulton, father to Harry Fulton was also an early settler, but what year he and his family came to Keokuk has escaped my memory. He was one among the few members of the Mormon Church, whose fanatical religious belief did not injure his standing in society in the least. He was known by all of his acquaintances to be as moral, honest, upright man in the true sense of those words, and seldom if ever visited. However, after those terrible thefts, robberies, and murders were perpetrated there and the actors protected by Jo. Smith, and his secret sect of Devil’s incarnate. Mr. Fulton died in Keokuk respected by all who knew him. Col Patter started to publish the first newspaper ever published in Keokuk, but after issuing two numbers, he abandoned it for the reason that he found that his Democratic friends did not sustain him sufficiently. After seeking assistance from his Democratic friends, for a year or two, without success, he left for the north part of the state where his ability and honesty were readily [p. 97 (433)] appreciated as at the next state election if I remember aright, he was elected Secretary of State. Col Patter was a good man and filled the position to which he was elected, both credibly to himself, and honorably to his friends.
Smith Hamil was one of the very early citizens, who took a claim on the Half Breed tract near Keokuk, and made himself a most pleasant home and was most comfortably situated financially and have obtained a good title to his farm, at that day at five dollars per acre, but he had no faith in that title, and fought the real owners in law suits and otherwise until he was nearly ruined financially, when he finally compromised with them, and gave the company possession of his house, and moved into Keokuk, where he has remained to the present time. His every movement in the business line in which he is yet engaged, has proved a success. I will not attempt giving his late biography as he is yet alive and more capable of giving it himself than I am, and will close my remarks in regard to him by saying that according to my views, Keokuk has no more honorable man or estimable lady in its limits than Smith Hamil and his excellent and amiable wife.
There are many other very early sellers of Keokuk, such as Capt. J. C. Ainsworth, William Dierdorf, Joseph & Bill Clark, Absolaur Death, [p. 98 (434)] Silas Haight, Moses Jobs, Citizen Brown, Mr. Rasslee, L. E. Houghton (old greasy) but my memory is so treacherous I dare not attempt their biographies.56
[Fleak Becomes Justice of the Peace: First Arrest, Arrest of Bill Price]
Soon after Fleak moved into the Keokuk House, he put a counter and shelving on one side of the barroom and moved his grocery stock into it and for the accommodation of his Keel boat hands he added dry goods to his stock, as it was very inconvenient for his men to have to go either to Warsaw or Montrose for the necessaries of life, such as snuff, tobacco, whiskey, and other necessaries for clothing themselves & their families, liquors in particular was in constant demand by both sexes.
Keokuk at that time, was surrounded by a hand of desperados known as the “Price gang,” Which was a perfect terror to the place. A man by the name of Mott, who lived about two miles in the country, had been appointed Justice of the Peace, for the township but no matter what those desperados did he would not issue a warrant for any of them. He dare not as they had threatened to kill him if he did. He was a good quiet honest man, but was easily intimidated. In the Fall of 1840, Gov Lucas wrote Fleak, asking him to accept the appointment of Justice of the Peace for that township giving as his reason for the request that Keokuk was surrounded by a band of thieves robbers and perhaps murderers, and that the then acting [p. 99 (435)] J. P. dare not do his duty through fear of them. He named Gen A. C. Dodge, as one among many other who had suggested the name of Fleak as a suitable person for the position, and urged him to accept the appointment promising him the aid of the Territorial Militia if necessary to suppress the band. After considering the matter for a day, and at the earnest request of what few good men there were in the town, he came to the conclusion to accept it in condition that the Gov would appoint a man by the name of Mitchell, (formerly a soldier, and I think one of Capt Jesse B Browne’s Orderlies) as Constable.
He replied to Fleak at once, by saying that he could appoint whoever he thought proper, as a Constable, that an appointment of that kind, coming from a Governor, was something unheard of. Fleak answered him that he had his ultimatum and that evening’s mail, brought Fleak a Justice’s commission, accompanied by a Justice Commission, changed to a constable for Mitchell.
They were both duly restated the next day and some of the thieves who were about town, laughed at the idea of that damned little dandy’s appointment and said he dare not cause the arrest of any of them. In less than three days, the matter was tested. There was a quiet, old Frenchman by the name of Paul Bizette, who regularly received a quarterly annuity of $124. He boarded with a French family in the suburbs of Keokuk. The money had been [p. 100 (436)] sent to Fleak and paid over by him to Bizette, who at once started for his house. The money had been paid him on the levy, near the middle of the day, in the presence of a man by the name of Bird, who was one of the Price gang, and he followed the Frenchman up the river about 100 yds when he overtook him and demanded the money of him with the threat that he would kill him if he did not give it to him, at the same time drawing a large Bowie knife. Of course, the Frenchman surrendered the money as he had no means of defense, but he immediately returned to Fleak, stated his case. Fleak knew nothing about the form of an affidavit or warrant, as his books had not yet arrived, but he wrote out something then called an affidavit, and had Bizette swear to it and sign it, and then drew up a paper that answered as a warrant, which he handed to Mitchell, and told him to take Bird either dead or alive, and bring him before the J.P. Mitchell always walked with a very heavy hickory cane, and he started at once in search of his man. He had not gone but a short distance before he met Bird, and told him he had a warrant for his arrest for the robbery of Bizette. Bird said to the constable that the damned old fool had no use for the money, and that he had there drawing a large Bowie knife, he told Mitchell if he attempted to arrest him, he would cut his damned guts out. Mitchell told him that the [p. 101 (437)] sooner he commenced his cutting the better, and at the same time, struck him a terrible blow on the head with his cane, which laid him, to all appearance, lifeless on the ground. He examined Bird’s pocket, and found all of Bizette’s money, and there summoned Vanorsdal, I think, to help drag him down to the Justice’s office which was nearly 100 yards. They dragged him by the legs, and when they got him into the office, Mitchell said, “Squire there is your prisoner,” and went to the desk to make his returns on the warrant, not looking to see whether his prisoner was dead or alive. His head was badly cut, and was bleeding profusely, but his skull was not broken. An old lady who happened to be present dressed his wound and animation returned. The Constable took charge of him and guarded him until morning, when his case was properly investigated, and he was sent to the Penitentiary at Fort Madison, for safe keeping (there being no jail in the county at that time) until the next term of court, when he was tried and convicted, and was sentenced to five years imprisonment at hard labor, by Judge Mason.
The Price band did not have much to say about the “damned little dandy squire,” after that, & Mitchell had no further use for his cane, in making arrests. He was the right man for the place. The affidavit, warrant, and docket of Esq. F[leak’]s [p. 102 (438)] first case, would doubtless be a literary curiosity if to be found. It should have been preserved. There was little form about all them of the documents. In the course of a month or two at most, there were five of the gang, lying manacled in the cells of the penitentiary, awaiting the sitting of Judge Mason’s Court, there of which were sentenced and sent to that institution.57
The King of the band, as Bill Price called himself, managed to keep out of the clutches of the officers, for some time, but was caught at last.
As tow of Fleak’s men, I think Joh and Harvey Loomis, were returning from Nashville, to which place they had towed a barge as they were returning at about 10 o’clock at night, midway between Nashville and Bill Price’s home, they discovered a man lying in a pool of blood, apparently lifeless. They picked him up and laid him across the buck alone of the horses, intending to take him to Price’s the first house on their route. One held him on whilst the other led the horse. They had gone but a short distance when they discovered by a motion of the man’s legs, that he was not dead, and being on the bank of the river, they took him off the horse, washed and bathed him for a few minutes, when he showed returning animation, yet still insensible, but with strength enough to sit on the horse, with a little assistance. He had gone but a short distance before he partially revived and asked where he was? The boys explained to him how and where [p. 103 (439)] they found him. He did not speak again for some moments. He then stated that he had started to Keokuk to take the morning boat for St. Louis, and that he was accompanied by a large man, and whilst they were walking along together, the man had occasion to stoop down and stop for some purpose, and this was the last he knew concerning the matter. He had no knowledge of his being struck. In fumbling in his pocket, he discovered that his pocketbook was missing. He said it contained $500, and that among the bills was a $5 bill on the state bank of Indiana, at the left end of which was a round black spot, made by having a stick of lunar caustic wrapped in it. They shortly arrived at Price’s and found him and a stranger sitting in the cabin. They took the wounded man off the horse and to the door of the cabin, when he at once pointed out Price as being that man that was walking with him at the time he became insensible. The younger of the two, who had picked up the supposed to be murdered man (I think it was Harvey Loomis) asked Price to let him search his pockets. Price jumped to his feet and swore he would knock hell out him if he mentioned that again. The boys supposed that the man that was with Price, was one of his gang, and were afraid to attack and search him, through fear of the stranger. His man arose at once, and said to Price, “These boys ask nothing unreasonable of you, and you must empty your pockets. Price sprang at the stranger with a terrible threat and struck at him, but the lick was dodged [p. 104 (440)] the same instant, the stranger put his foot behind Price’s feet and struck him a terrible blow in the face which knocked him down and held down with the two boys examined his pockets. The first thing found was the pocketbook containing the $500, and among the bills, was the $5 as had been described by the owner. Price had an old one horse vehicle of some kind, and after they had bound him securely with ropes, and hitched one of the horses to it, the stranger had him put into it, and drove him to Keokuk; the others riding along side, as guards.
They arrived with their prisoner about 4 o’clock P.M. and turned him over to Court Mitchell. Early the next morning, a preliminary examination was had before Justice Fleak, who heard the case, and sent him off in the stage to Fort Madison, to the Penitentiary in charge of the Constable, where he remained manacled and handcuffed for nearly three months, in charge of Hawkins Taylor, I think. In the mean time, Price’s wife bribed the man (I have forgotten his name) whom he had attempted to murder, and who was the prosecuting witness to leave the country by giving him $300 in cash and a good horse, saddle and bridled, and when the case was called, there was no prosecuting witness to be found, and Price was discharged. He was never any trouble to anyone afterwards, as his gang was broken up and gone, either to the Penitentiary, or to some other location more congenial to them; and thus ended the career of Keokuk’s thieves, robbers, and doubtless, murderers.
[Sociality in Keokuk: Fleak’s New Years Party, Fleak’s Arrest]
[p. 105 (441)] After Fleak opened the Keokuk House, it was crowded to its utmost capacity, during the boating season, but after the close of navigation all was quiet, except on the occasions of frequent little private cotillian parties, among its few citizens, with an occasional company of young people, from Warsaw, Ft. Madison or St. Francisville, who always brought with them a fiddler, as a musician was called, in that day.
The young ladies in Keokuk, at that time, (winter of 1840 & 41) consisted of a daughter of Major King, two sisters of Dan Hines, and Miss Emily Ball, niece of Mrs. Fleak; and the young gentlemen were V VanOrsdal, A Chittenden, Wm S. McGavic, young Mr. King and Mr McCall; and it was a weekly occurrence for those young ladies to go to Fleak’s store, about 9 o’clock P.M. and invite him to a supper and cotillion party, at his own house, and they generally carried for him a clean shirt, and a truly gay and happy time they would have of it, for four or five hours.
The most prominent party that was ever held in that time honored house, was on either Christmas 1840, New Years, 1841, I am not certain which. Some was before the time selected for the party, a delegation came from Ft. Madison, to make the necessary arrangements.
That body, if my memory serves me right, consisted of that never to be forgotten hero Baxter W Gillock. Col Ed Johnson and Gen Parrott, late of the U.S. Army. They did not wish it to be a private party, but wanted the price put up so high that none but their [p. 106 (442)] company would be able to participate in it.
Five dollars per couple was the price agreed upon they furnishing their own music. The young man of Warsaw heard of the matter and came to the conclusion that they could spare five dollars each as easily as could Fort Madison, and the young men of Keokuk came to the same conclusion, and tickets were bought by the two place, outnumbering Fort Madison a week before the grand ball was to come off, so the Landlord knew just what he had to prepare for; plenty of room and plenty of whiskey were the two principle ingredients of the day, and in order to have plenty of the former, he pulled down every partition in the room above the basement. Those partitions were composed of unpainted oak boards, standing on end, and were easily removed. Near the center of the room, a hole had been cut in the floor nearly two feet square to admit a stove pipe from the basement; this was covered by a pine board being fitted there and all was lovely. Early in the evening about 20 coupler of the elite of Ft Madison arrived, conducted by Chief Engineer Gillock and his aids, Capt Parrott and Col Ed Johnston, all in the best of spirits, and ready for supper and dancing with a little red eye, obtained from the basement thrown in, or rather in to the males supper was soon announced, and they had but just finished it, when a larger crowd arrived from Warsaw, which was soon after followed by four or five couples of Keokuk. The Ballroom had to be used as the [p. 107 (443)] dining room, as there was no other room in the house that could be used for that purpose. This delayed the dancing until near 9 o’clock. The youths of Ft. Madison, kept by themselves, and appeared a little indignant, as they did not expect to hear any competition, but on the contrary, to have the whole thing to themselves. But as soon as Buck Overstreet and his assistants fiddles commenced scattering their interesting music broad cash, all unkind feeling on the part of the Madeirans disappeared and all that there was room for without regard to locality, joined in the then glorious old dance of the Devil’s Dram, which was headed if my memory serves me properly, by the “modest though very timid Col Parrott,” and from that time forward, nothing could have been more pleasant to the company, until it was disturbed for a short time by a small crowd of hard cases from Clark Co, Mo. who had been spending an hour or two at a whiskey shop in “Rat Row”. They came in a body and demanded admittance into the ballroom and claimed that their money was as good as anyone else’s, and soon that they were going in. They were a dangerous crowd, and but for the bravery of Commander Gillock and his heroic aids, above named, there is no telling what would have been the result; but peace was restored and dancing resumed again, and kept up until late in the morning and all went home satisfied, believing it was good for them to have thus assembled.
[p. 108 (444)] One thing I have omitted to mention which would be doing Judge Johnston injustice, not to present.
After being down in the basement several times with others of the elite, and they were all elites on his return to the ball room, he invited a young lady to join him in the next set, which she at once consented, and as they passed near the covered stove pipe hole, and he being a little excited stomped on it with all his strength and the last that his lady partner saw of him was the top of his head, as it passed through the hole into the room below. All of the choice liquors intended for the night were kept in the basement to which he had so hastily descended and whether he took that as the shortest and quickest route to get there, has never been fully decided but when Fleak got down there, he found him at the table, but what he was doing, the deponent saith not.
Much might have been said concerning the conduct of Chief Engineer Gillock, and his aid Gen Parrott but one has gone to his long home, whilst the other is a quiet, peaceable citizen and like the one who passed through the floor, respected, yes adored, by all who know him. The Spring of 1841 commenced early for Keokuk. As soon as navigation opened, the town was flooded by immigrants from all parts of the States, many of whom remained at that place and “Rat Row” was crowded to its capacity by immigrants of every imaginable description.
[p. 109 (445)] The lighting opened up unusually strong, which gave employment to the laboring emigrants at remunerative wages. Men who worked on the lights received from $1,50 to $5,00 per day, and all expenses; whilst at common labor, they sec’d but 50 per day, and their board.
A number of the emigrants came with teams, and found almost constant employment for them, at $8,00 per day, and all expenses in hauling loaded lights from Keokuk to Nashville or Montrose, although the highest price paid for work on shore for a man and team was from $1,50 to $2,00. Mr. S. Laursdall has paid out thousands of dollars for teams at that rate.
In low water, at that time, all goods for the upper country, paid a little higher duly for crossing the rapids, than they do at this time. Numerous small houses, were built in 1841 by the emigrants for their own use. Very few if any capitates even thought of stopping at Keokuk, to go into business. Early in the Spring of 1842, Fleak’s clothes lines, which had been stretched across the two stories of the porch, and clothes hung on them to dry, were cut during the night, and about $100 worth of clothing stolen. He had met with frequent small lasses in the same style, and determined to put an end to the business, if possible. He put up an advertisement, offering $100 rewards for the apprehension and conviction of the thief or thieves, provided they were convicted in the Court of His Honor, Judge Lynch. This created quite an excitement, and an intelligent [p. 110 (446)] Irishman, whose name has stepped from my memory, who had been an overseer on a plantation in Mississippi, organized a court at once, and he was placed on the bench, and he went to work with about 20 others, as though they meant business.
Suspicion rested on a Negro who was loafing in town, without any apparent business. The Judge ordered his arrest, and brought before him for examination. The Negro plead “not guilty,” but the Judge was not satisfied with his plea, and ordered him tied to a post and to be given twenty stripes with a cowhide, on his naked back, to be well laid on. He had received about 12 stripes, which had brought the blood pretty freely, when he made the confession that he had seen them stolen by two men, whose names I have forgotten, and that they had made him help carry them to one of their homes, and place them under the floor of the cabin. Judge Lynch ordered the Negro to go with a committee and point them out the place where he had held the clothes. He did so and in a few minutes, the entire lot of stolen clothing were handed over to Fleak. One of the thieves named by the Negro, had been very active in aiding to receive the perpetrators of the theft until the Negro was arrested, after which he and his associate were not to be found, but it was learned that they had gone across the river, and although closely pursued, they were not overtaken. Their families left for St. Louis, shortly afterwards.
[p. 111 (447)] Fleak knew that he had done an unlawful act, by putting up the poster, but it was all quieted down, and he thought nothing more about it. The District Court met some two months after, and he had business there connected with a steamboat case which would not be reached for four days. After dinner on the 3rd day, the Sheriff told him that he wished to speak to him, and they stepped into another room, when he took from his pocket a paper, which proved to be a Warrant for Fleak’s arrest, for being the prime mover in organizing Judge Lynch’s Court.
The case was called the next day, and the Sheriff snickeringly conducted F to the prisoner’s box. Judge Mason, from his bench, bowed slightly and observed that he was surprised to see me occupying that seat. The prosecuting Attorney and the Judge held a whisper consultation, for about two minutes, when the Judge asked him aloud, if he was ready to proceed with the case. He replied, that after due deliberation, he had made up his mind to enter a [unclear], and Fleak was discharged and was led tolerably noisily out of the courtroom by his friends and three cheers given him at the door, and said to be joined in by the sheriff. It was always believed that Moses Gray, a one horse lawyer, who had recently located at Keokuk, was the person who placed the original poster in the hands of the Grand Jury, from which they found the bills.
[Mormons in Keokuk: Aldrich, Thieves, Removal of the Mormons]
[p. 112 (448)] A few Mormons had located in Keokuk during the summer. They were very quiet, peaceable, and apparently law abiding citizens, and completely under the control of a Mormon by the name of Aldrich, who settled there some time before they came.58 He was much respected by the citizens of the town, and its surroundings and even Fleak believed him to be an honorable man, although he was a Mormon. The next year, many others came and located there, and a majority of the citizens began to think and think aloud, that they had been badly treated, by the Government and people of Missouri.59
Before the year 1843 expired, they were quite numerous in the town and country around it, and it was discovered that Mr. Aldrich was fast losing his influence over them. Emissaries were sent by them, every week to Nauvoo, and on their return, a secret meeting would be held by a few of their leaders, at night, and the next day they would exhibit an overbearing independence towards the citizens, which led them to believe that Missouri was not so much to be censured for her treatment of them and that Fleak knew of what he was speaking, when the subject of their late actions was brought up. Aldrich was never invited to their private meetings, and knew no more of their secret proceedings, than any outsider.
After thieves, robbers, and murderers were being protected by the authorities of Nauvoo, he took no further interest in the Church, although a firm believer in its early teachings.60
[p. 113 (451)] Matters grew worse daily, and much petty stealing was being done. Some arrests were made among the Mormons but no witness who was a Mormon, could ever be found to give testimony against one of the brotherhood. As a last resort, at the suggestion of Fleak, a meeting of the citizens was called to consider what was best to be done under the circumstances. That meeting will never be forgotten by those present among which were several leading Mormons. That meeting was really called to devise some means to rid the town of Mormonism. A proposition was made to the Mormons present to buy what property they owned in Keokuk and pay them for it, they to leave at once, that they should select one appraiser and the citizens, another who should set a price on all property claimed by them. The Mormons present, treated the proposition with contempt, and declared that they, as American citizens had rights in Keokuk, that were bound to be respected, that they would fight to the bitter end to obtain those homes if necessary; in short that they would not leave the town. In numerical force they were equal to the citizens. Fleak was then called for and he arose and made a few remarks strongly endorsing what had been said by the citizens, and offered a resolution of which the following and the substance. “That the Mormons must leave Keokuk, peaceably if they would, but forcibly if we must.”61
[p. 114 (452)] This resolution was held by the clapping of hands and a unanimous vote of the Anti Mormons, showing plainly to Mormons in attendance that business was meant. At the adjournment of the meeting, the Mormons present, gave notice that they would hold a meeting the next night, and that their enemies were deemed to be present. When the time arrived for the meeting Dr. Millard, Charley Moore I think, and L.B. Fleak with some 8 or 10 other anties, went to hear what was to be said by them, in regard to the previous meeting. Mormons were in attendance from Montrose, Nashville, and the surrounding country, together with every one who resided in the town; many of whom had brought their wives with them; in fact the room was crowded to its utmost capacity and on the start was one of the most noisy and vindictive ever held in Keokuk.
During the progress of the meeting, Fleak was called upon to explain his resolution of the night before. He arose and said that he supposed all present understood the English language; that the resolution was in plain English, and meant exactly what it said, nothing more, nothing less. Then a terrible commotion followed in which two or three of the women participated in the most boisterous manner imaginable; in the midst of which a Mormon by the name of Johnson went to the speaker, or chairman and asked him to call the house to order as had a few words to say [p. 115 (453)] to the people who had called the meeting. With great exertion on the part of the chairman, order was obtained, and Mr. Johnson arose and said that he was a peaceable man, and did not desire to live in any community where he was not wanted, and that he for one, was ready to accept the proposition made by the Anties, and, under the circumstances, he though[t] the best thing for the brothers to do, was to appoint some person to aid in appraising the property, in their possession, receive their money for it, and remove at once, either to Nauvoo, or some other locality that might suit them better.62
These remarks created another boisterous excitement, one man jumped to his feet, and said he had an old rifle that never missed its aim when fired in the cause of liberty and right; another said he had a musket carried by his father at the battle of Moravian Iowa, and many others said that they had guns, swords, pistol, and ready for use in defence of their persons or property; but it was plainly to be seen, that the war portion of them were less numerous, than before Johnson had made his little, short, though sensible speech. All was tolerably quiet for a short time, when some one of the Mormons moved that the proposition of the Anties be accepted, and that Mr. or bro. be appointed as appraiser on their part, which carried by a respectable majority.
The next morning the citizens held a meeting [p. 116 (454)] and appointed an appraiser and in a few days all was done and the property all paid for and the Mormons left as soon as possible and Keokuk was her own mistress once more. I may be mistaken in the year which this transpired.63
There were three or four Mormon families living in Keokuk, and vicinity, who were good quiet citizens, and respected by their neighbors; these were informed that the resolution passed by the citizens meeting had no bearing on them, and they were requested to remain, Mr. Aldrich among the number.
After the removal of the Mormons from Keokuk, emigrants commenced arriving, and soon, the vacancy, made by their removal, was filled and still they came, and its prosperity can be dated from that time, which has continued to the present.
[The Danites: Missouri Spy, Plot to Kill Fleak, Sharp, Killbournes, and Col. William]
Gov. Boggs, who was also Gov of Missouri at the time the Mormons were driven from that state was seriously wounded by a shot fired at him from the outside of the building in which he was sitting. The attempted assassin escaped undiscovered but in his hast to get away from Jefferson City, he dropped a paper, addressed to him as one of the Danite band, ordering him to assassinate Gov. Boggs.64 Although the paper was not signed by any one, yet the Gov was satisfied that it was written by Joseph Smith, as when compared with the writing of a letter [p. 117 (455)] which he had received from Smith a year before, the writing appeared the same in appearance of penmanship; and he at once caused a reward of $1000 to be offered for Jo Smith’s arrest and delivery to any Sheriff or Constable in the State of Missouri, on an old charge against him when he escaped from the authorities in Richmond, Kay Co, Missouri in the Fall of 1838.65 F. received a letter from him about three months after the attempted assassination, enclosing a copy of the bill, offering the reward, and asking for assistance in capturing Smith, and that a reliable man, an emissary of his, for the capture of Smith would arrive at Keokuk in a short time, and desired to aid him, by advice in every way in his power. Two days after the reception of the Gov’s letter, the man arrived and handed Fleak a letter of introduction, from the Gov, in which he stated that the bearer was a gentleman, and repeated his request made in his previous letter. It was desired that the real name of the bearer should never be used and the name which he was known by, I have forgotten. After several consultations were had, it was decided that he should go to Nauvoo, pass himself off for an Englishman, from Liverpool which place he had visited, on business, and remained there for upwards of four months. He went to Nauvoo, and appeared to be much pleased with its citizens, and attended their church, at its every meeting.
[p. 118 (456)] All of which he carried out so well, that he attracted much attention from many of the Mormons.
He wrote me a note, after he had been there a week, in which he stated that nothing but a miracle would help him, to make his visit a success. He soon became infatuated with their Church, and earnestly desired to become a member. Soon after he was baptized and became an active member among them before he had been a month in their city. He managed to secure two or three short interviews with Jo. Smith, and others of the leaders and took a firm, and active stand in all matters connected with the Church and after hearing their version, of their troubles in Missouri, and contended that the Mormons should avenge their wrongs on those people; and that he was ready and willing to volunteer for that purpose, and go, either secretly or openly, and aid in addressing their terrible wrongs. All this gave him popularity with all classes of that people, and he had been there but little over two months, before he was earnestly urged by Jo Smith to become a member of the Danite band. He accepted the proposition, with many thanks after his duties were fully explained to him; it was just what he wanted, but his business, for the time being, was confined to the city.
Without being suspected as a traitor to the Mormons, he managed to get notice to several persons both in Illinois, and Iowa, in time to save their property. There were five persons, the two Kilbournes [p. 119 (457)] of Montrose, Fleak of Keokuk, and Col William66 and Sharp of Warsaw, that Smith wished removed alias murdered, and he issued orders to that effect, and placed them in the hands of that devil incarnate the leader of the Danite band. Fleak’s Mormon friend, being an active Danite, was show the orders, and through dexterity, succeeded in securing the one in which Fleak was named, and by 2 o’clock the next morning, the order was delivered by him to Fleak. After giving a peculiar rap on the door which was understood by them, the paper was shoved under the door. He had no time to spare, and left without seeing Fleak and got back to Montrose where he had apparently been spending the night, without ever being suspicioned. The leader of the Danites, did not discover that he had lost the order until near the evening of the next day; but as he had lost it in Nauvoo, he thought all was safe. He [Fleak] communicated the secret to Jo and Bill Clark, his wife, and no others, and he kept himself well armed. Bill Clark rendered his services at a moment’s notice. Fleak was Post Master at the time, and John Vandyke was his mail carrier, from his office, to the boat, that carried the mail to and from St. Louis. Sometimes Vandyke was away on Fleak’s business; at such times, Fleak carried the mail for John. This was generally understood and the leader of the Danites had friends enough about Nashville, to keep them posted as to when [p. 120 (458)] Vandyke was up the river on a lighter. The river was low, and mail boat did arrive at Keokuk until from 7 to 10 o’clock P.M. On a dark and rainy night, at the time now alluded to the boat failed to arrive until 9½ o’clock P.M. Fleak received his mail and was about to leave for his office, when old Mr. Wise (father of John Wise) said “Squire shant I light you up to the Widow G?[”] meaning Mrs. Gaines. F told him I would be greatly obliged if he would as the levy was terribly muddy. On looking at the lantern, Fleak discovered that the glass was all broken out but a little piece not mere than 1½ or 2 inches square the balance being covered with paper passed on it. Wise was walking a few feet behind him, and the lantern gave him no light, until they got to a passage between two buildings, I think Chittenden and McGavic’s old and new stores, when the lantern turned around, and showed two men, standing in the passage, armed with very heavy clubs raised and not more than three feet from Fleak. When they discovered that F had company they instantly ran back through the passage and were at once out of sight in the darkness.
Fleak at once drew his pistol and was in the act of firing when he thought it might be Jo and Bill Clark, trying to frighten him. They were boarding at Mrs Gaines, only a few steps further on, and as was usual when a boat was in, she had a light burning in her room. Fleak asked her if Jo and Bill Clark [p. 121 (459)] were there? She said they were, and in bed. Fleak told her to call Bill and tell him that Fleak wanted him as quick as possible, and it was not more than a minute before he was out, with nothing but his night clothes on, with his double barreled shot gun in his hand. He asked what was wanted, when the matter was explained to him, in a few words, and told him what direction he supposed, the intended murderers had taken. He started up the hill; it was raining a little, and he had to pass through a perfect thicket of hazel brush, without having added anything to his wardrobe. Fleak took his mail to the office, got his gun, and started up what is now Main Street, and when he got on the top of the hill, in the brush, near where the late Gen Curtis’ residence now stands he heard a click, like the cocking of a gun, a short distance from where he stood. He squat down among the brush, elevated his gun and in a low voice asked “is that you Bill?” He hastily answered, it is, and by George Capt, you never was so near your end before; one second more and you would have been killed had you not spoken.
Clark was not more than a rod off, but it was so dark that he could barely see the form of a body before him, and did not think that Fleak had time to get there, and supposed it to be one of the attempted assassins of which he was in search. Fleak and Clark then kept together, and searched every place where they thought concealment possible, but did not see, or hear anything of the scoundrels. The next [p. 122 (460)] day Clark discovered that two horses had been hitched on the brow of the hill, back of where they were seen by Wise & Fleak, and they, doubtless, made their escape on their horses. They were two of the “Avengers,” alias Danites, as Fleak heard in a day or two after form the Missouri spy. There were but five persons, in Keokuk, that knew anything of the matter to were Jo and Bill Clark, I think V. Vanorsdal, Fleak and his wife.
Old man Wise always thought that the villains were after some other person, and that they discovered F. was not the one they were looking for. He barely got a glimpse of them, and F. made no explanation to him.
There was no harm about the old man. Fleak’s friend in Nauvoo asked him to keep the matter quiet, that he would ferret the matter out, by becoming a confident among them, and keep him posted in all events pertaining to him, which did, but no other attempt was made on his person. The lives of the Kilbourne of Montrose, were doubtless saved by their two enormously large and savage bull dogs. I think that there was more than one attempt made to get at them in their houses, but the dogs were too savage for them, and they got no opportunity to kill them. Cols William and Sharp of Warsaw were never attacked by the devils incarnate.67
In the latter part of the Fall of 1843, the agent of the Gov. of Missouri, left Nauvoo, to go as a missionary to England, at his own request, he having found that to capture Jo Smith, and get him to Missouri, was an [p. 123 (461)] impossibility, as he was strongly guarded, both day and night, and that was the last the Mormons ever heard of their missionary to England.
[Business Issues: Fleak’s Partners Rob Him, a Burglar Steals Goods and Is Caught, Fleak Is Found Innocent on Trial]
The year of 1843, was one of Keokuk’s most prosperous years, as the water was remarkably low in the river, all the season, and all freight either going up or coming down had to be taken over the Rapids in lighters. This gave employment to all the men, that were about the town, at high rates, and it was this business that always kept an abundance of money in Keokuk from early spring until late in the fall.68
If I remember aright, Fleak and Vanorsdal ran ten lighters, most of which were of the very largest size; several of which required 8 horses and four men to drive them, and a pilot and two men to manage the boat. The smallest boats required four horses and a pilot and bowman. A man and span of horses received $8 per day, and a pilot $5, a bowman from $1.50 to $2, and it ran largely into hundreds of dollars, when paying them on Saturday night. Fleak and Vanorsdal had a monopoly of the business, and whilst they were engaged in it, it was worse than nonsense for any one else to attempt doing anything at it, as they not only had the good will of all the boatmen, but had their influence in all matters in any way connected with them. Fleak never went up with a boat, after the attempt was made on his [p. 124 (462)] life. It was considered unsafe for him to be so near Montrose or Nauvoo, after night, and the boats were frequently till after night; before they made their ship. He remained at Keokuk, attending to the contracting with the boats for their freight loading the lighters, and collecting the pay for transporting the goods to. Field & Williams built a levy out in the river about 50 feet, nearly in front of Rat Row, on which they erected store room. The room next to the levy, they used for selling goods, and the one next to the river was used as a wareroom. They owned a small boat, say of two or three tons capacity in which they occasionally conveyed passengers baggage and late in the fall after Fleak and Vanorsdal’s lighters were laid up, they would transfer a few packages of goods to some boat at the head of the rapids. Their boat was drawn by one old horse. Fleak always turned over to them packages for Ft. Madison and Burlington, where he knew there was a boat there that was going up to those towns. Late in the fall of 1843, the weather became suddenly cold, and what few boats arrived, turned their freight over to Fleak to store away until Spring and hastily left for Winter quarters, or to go South; among the number was the Boreas, and as it appeared afterwards, she brought up a valuable box of dry goods for Postelthwaite of Creegan of Burlington, and then went to New Orleans, to engage in Bayou trade.
[p. 125 (463)] The goods, I think, had been ordered from Crow and McCreary of St. Louis. After the river had closed, P. & C. wrote Fleak asking if he had rec’d a box for them; that the house had sent them their bill, amounting to something over $600 and stated that the box had been shipped on the Boreas.
Fleak had an indistinct recollection of receiving some goods from the Boreas, and overhauled the store room as well as he could, but could not find it, nor could he find the bill of lading that should have accompanied the box. He then went to Field & Williams and asked them if he had turned over such a box to them from the Boreas? They both replied emphatically that he had not. Fleak then wrote to the Clerk of the Boreas at New Orleans, to learn whether he had delivered such a box. His reply was that it was checked off and he presumed he had delivered it but that he had not recollection of the matter.
[p. 126 (464)] They concluded to wait until the boat returned in the Spring, and before that time, Fleak had moved to Brunswick, Mo, for reasons which will be more fully explained in the future. He had been there but few days, when he concluded to give a negro of Dr. Price, a fine fur hat, that was then out of date, and sent the negro to the house for it. When Mrs. Fleak got the hat, and was about to hand it to the Negro, she discovered a paper in it, and on examining it, she found it to be the identical bill of lading for the lost box, and this was satisfactory proof that F. had secured it.
It was satisfied that he had rec’d the box, as it was checked off on the bill of lading, and he at once wrote to P. & C. informing them that he must have rec’d the box, as he had found the BL checked off, and wrote them to draw on him through the Bank of Missouri and he would meet the draft. The letter was taken to the Post Office. A man by name of Bissel was clerking for Fleak at the time, and he picked up the BL and was examining it, when he discovered a little slip of the paper, at the bottom of it, not more than half an inch wide turned up. He unfolded it and found, “Recd the aboved named box” signed Field & Williams. F. took the letter out of the office and sent the BL to them, with instructions to push the matter to the extremity of the law.
As soon as they received it, Creegan went down to see them, and asked them if they were ready to pay for that box of goods which they had stolen? They protested that they knew nothing of it. He took the BL from his pocket and showed them their receipt. He then laid down a bill of the goods, with $75 added to it, to pay Fleak and themselves, for annoyance and interest. He gave them one hour to be ready to settle it, and told them that nothing but coin, or Bank of Missouri paper would settle it. At the appointed time he returned, and received the full amount, without any words except that if they had rec’d the box, they had it stolen from them. They did not prosecute the scoundrels.
[p. 127 (465)] During the Summer of 1843, Fleak removed both his family and merchandise to Johnson Street, between First Street and the levy. His residence and storeroom were about 50 feet apart. Orrin Freeman was living with him in charge of his teams used for towing boats up the river.
He lodged in the attic of the storeroom. About one o’clock in the morning, Fleak was awakened by the voice of Freeman halloing Murder, murder, at the topmost notch of his voice. Fleak jumped from his bed, got his pistol, and as he ran out of his house he saw a man come out of the store window, loaded with goods. He started down Johnson Street as fast as he could run still holding on to his goods.
The moon was full though the sky was a little clouded. Fleak took the best aim at him as he ran, that he could, and fired, & the Burglar fell. He did not go to see whether he had killed him or not but hurried to the store, to see whether Freeman been killed or not, and found him alive and unhurt. When he discovered the burglar in the store, he commenced the halloing that awakened F. and as the scamp was about to get out of the window, with his load of goods, he threw a large boat hook down at him which struck him on the left arm. The next important matter to look after was the money $22000 which U.S. Paymaster of the army, which he had handed Fleak, the evening before for safe keeping, he himself always being a guest at Fleak’s house. The packages of money had been put in an old desk on the counter [p. 128 (466)] and Fleak had thrown his “Mo. Republican[”] in the desk also, intending to take both it and the money to the house when he went. He was kept busy in the store until late, and when he closed, he forgot the money.
Fleak opened the desk and under the paper the money laid as innocently as though nothing had happened.
In less than five minutes after the report of the pistol was heard. Henry J. Campbell, Brown of Kentucky, US Mail agent for several of the Western States, and four or five others who had been indulging in a game of Poker in rat row, came rushing into the store, and asked who had been shooting at that time of night, and what at? Fleak told them that he was the shooter, and that the object shot at was lying about 40 feet down the hill and asked them to go with him to see his section not doubting but that he had killed him, but when they got to the spot where the burglar fell, neither burglar nor goods were to be found, nor was there anything to indicate that he had been there, except a large bunch of hair, which boundless had been cut off from the side of his head by the bullet which F. had sent in that direction.
The question among the crowd was, who was the burglar? Fleak was Post Master, and stated to his friends that a hard looking customer whom he had seen on the wharf boat, the day before, soon after the steamer landed, came to the office and handed him a letter to be mailed, addressed to Marion Campbell, asked to see the address, and said he was acquainted somewhat there.
[p. 129 (467)] Whist F. was hunting the letter, he discovered Campbell whispering to his associates, and as soon as the letter was found, and handed to Campbell for inspection, two of his associates caught the mail agent and two caught Fleak, and held them (they were not hard to hold) whilst Campbell examined the address of the letter and found that it was intended for one of the leading counterfeiters and horse thieves in the Territory. The writer stated in the letter that Keokuk was a fine place for their business, that they had several reliable friends in the town and vicinity that they could rely on [unclear] all circumstances thought not in the least expected by the citizens. That the P.M. had that day rec’d from St. Louis $1000 for a man there and had paid it him as soon as he received it, and we intended to get that money, and dead men would tell no tales, but that he had got a little to drunk to attempt that job and had concluded to rob the P. Master’s supply [unclear].
The money that he alluded to was recd by the boat from St. Louis, and paid over a M. Bealman who I think was running a steam saw mill on the levy at the time. This burglar was on the wharf boat when Boatman rec’d the money. Very early the next morning many of the citizens turned out in search of the burglars. Fleak and four others started in the direction of Nauvoo, crossing from Keokuk into Illinois. They searched every Mormon’s house (say four [unclear] for four miles out, but made no discovery. Some went up the river, on the West side, others went in the direction of St. Francisville.
[p. 130 (468)] A young man named Webb, accompanied by another, Jim Nelson, alias Crinner, took a canoe and went down the river, intending to go as far down as Alexandria, but when they got there, they learned that a canoe with one man in it had passed a little before day light, so they went on. When they reached Fox Slough, they discovered that the scum, which always covered it in warm weather, had been recently broken, and they followed the trail for about ½ a mile, when they found Fleak’s canoe tied to the shore about 100 yards from a woodchoppers hut, but they had not gone 20 feet from the canoe, before they discovered the stolen goods, piled up against a tree. They went on to the hut and inquired of the proprietor if any strangers had come there that night. The man hesitatingly replied that he thought not.
Wilson had seen a Kilgore in Keokuk, and knew his man and looking around, he saw him asleep in an upper berth.69 He wakened him and said to him “My friend I am some part of a Mormon, and I am going to lay hands on you” and then grabbed him by the head and hair and jerked him down to the floor. Wilson then told him that he had put them to much trouble and he was going to swap licks with him. He noticed that Kilgore looked wistfully towards his berth, when Wilson told him to get his shooting [p. 131 (469)] iron, that there was that much difference between them. He replied that he had none. Wilson then hoisted the pillow where had been sleeping and found a vaticable pistol, belonging Fleak, which was always kept in the store. They bound him securely and took him to the canoe he came down in and put the goods partly in each and started for Warsaw; Wilson taking charge of the prisoner. When they arrived at Warsaw, they found a steamer about to start for Keokuk.
They got their prisoner and goods aboard and tied the canoes to the bat, and in a few minutes they were under way. The boat had barely started when the Cap ordered his survival first, and kept firing until he reached Keokuk, and the prisoner was turned over to the City Constable, and kept on the Warf Coast until Fleak should return. When Fleak went up to Kilgore, he swore he would never buy another dollars worth of goods of him, and said to Fleak that he must admit that he had made a liberal purchase of him, but as soon as he started away with his second purchase, a fellow upstairs three a heavy piece of iron, through the hatchway and hit him on the shoulder and arm and tore a hole one foot long in his coat (holding it up) and six inches long in his arm and if that was the way he treated his patrons [p. 132 (470)] he wanted nothing more to do with him. Fleak asked why he did not open the old desk that was on one end of the counter? That it contained about $22,000. He said he did lift the cover but saw nothing but an old newspaper and he did not think anyone was damned fool enough to keep money in such an affair and no lock on it. He had “preliminary examination, and was sent the next day to the penitentiary at Ft. Madison, for safe keeping until the next term of the District court, when he was tried, found guilty and sentenced to the penitentiary for five years. He had been in the prison but a short time when he with some others were sent out with a guard to chop lumber for coopering material.
He watched his opportunity and struck the guard on his head nearly killing him, and then made his escape. He was finally hung by Cherokee Indians in Arkansas for stealing a horse twice from them. The first time he had got about 30 miles away, with the horse when they overhauled him got their horse and gave him a terrible beating. It was late in the afternoon when they caught him. They went about four miles and encamped for the night and went to sleep and when they waked up in the morning, they got on his trail and overhauled and hung him that same day.70
[p. 133 (471)] A man who had been seen with Kilgore the day of the robbery, was requested by the citizens to leave town, which he agreed to do, and started for that purpose, when Dr. Galland called him into his house, and told him to stay there. When the citizens heard that he was protected by the Dr, they went in a body to his house and requested him to turn the man out and let him leave town, as he had promised to do.
The Dr became greatly excited, and came to his door with a pistol in one hand and a knife in the other, declaring that he would kill the first man who attempted to enter his house. Bill Clark was in the crowd, and told the Dr that he would throw a dormice much farther than the pistol he held would throw a ball but made no threats. The citizens went away as quietly as they had come.
When the next court met the Dr took a worthless vagabond as a witness in regard to the riot above alluded to before the Grand Jury, and both he and the Dr swore that the band was led by Fleak, and that the visitors had made threats of lynching if he did turn the man out to them, and bills were found against the whole crowd, say from 20 to 30 of Keokuk’s best citizens.
They were all arrested and bound over for their appearance at the court then in session, and Fleak’s name was called [p. 134 (472)] first, he being the leader of the crowd, as was sworn to by Dr. Galland, and his witness. When F. took his seat in the prisoner’s box. Judge Mason asked who his attorney was, when he replied, he had none and intended to defend himself. It was his intention of proving an alibi, which he could only do by three or four witnesses, who were with him at least four miles from Keokuk at the hour the Dr swore the riot took place. When Fleak replied to Judge Mason that he had no attorney Cyrus Walker of Ill. arose and said that he would say a few words in defence of his old friend F. as did also Reeves of Keokuk, I think also H.J. Reed of Ft. Madison and a man by the name of Roberts, an apparent stranger to the prisoner.
They held a consultation with F. before the trial commenced and persuaded him to let them impeach the Dr’s testimony. Walker said he himself know enough of the Drs antecedents to impeach him at once, and that he would take the witness stand, when the defence came up.
The lawyer, Roberts was selected to examine the witnesses, and he tangled both the Dr and his man up badly. Everything the Dr swore to, the other witness followed in his footsteps, and swore to the same. When the prosecution had closed, Roberts [p. 135 (473)] called up several witnesses for the purpose of impeaching the testimony of the prosecution which they did pretty strongly and finally he called for Cyrus Walker and had him sworn. He then asked him if he was acquainted with Dr. Galland? He replied that he was, and had been for many years before he came to Iowa. He then asked him if from that acquaintance with him, would he believe him when under oath?
Walker replied, had he any interest or prejudice connected with the case he would not, and named two or three cases in which he had been the Dr’s Attorney where he had sworn to matters that were false. The case lasted but few minutes longer, during which time there was hardly a grease spot left of the Dr, by the lawyers and the jury found a verdict of not guilty before leaving their seats, and the prosecuting attorney entered a Nollie, in all the other cases.
On examination of old papers, I find I was mistaken in regard to the time of the trial of Fleak, in the Galland perjury case. Fleak was not arrested until on the eve of his departure for Missouri, some month or more after the Grand Jury had found bills against him and others, by Dr. Galland’s perjury. Gary Willis, who was acting as Depy Sheriff, served the warrant on him, on the eve of his departure to Missouri [p. 136 (474)] as aforesaid, and V. Vanorsdal became his bondman.
[Contentions with the Mormons: Fleak Moves to Missouri to Escape Danites, Moves Back to Keokuk After the Martyrdom, Helps Anti-Mormons Drive Mormons Out]
At the next term of court he was on hand, with the result as heretofore stated. Just before his departure from Nauvoo the English Missionary wrote Fleak a letter charging him to keep constantly on his guard, as the Avengers were after him all the while and to never think of leaving his house, after night with a reliable guard. He had given him the same advice before, and F. seldom left the house at night, without being accompanied by that best of friends, Bill Clark, and both of which was well armed with pistols and knife.
Fleak’s wife became so alarmed for his safety, that when he left in the evening to go down town, she would remain in the door listening to hear the report of a pistol until he returned, and when going to bed, she would use unusual and unnecessary pains to secure the doors and windows of the house.
Fleak saw plainly that he would either have to leave Keokuk, or send his wife to an insane asylum and of course he chose the former, and in the month of May, he packed up, bag and baggage, for Brunswick, Mo.71 He secured a passage on a steamer to St. Louis and there found his old friend, Capt Dodge, ready to start up the Missouri, and arrived at Brunswick in a few days. The P.M. told Fleak to send a negro for his mail one day, perhaps a month after his arrival, that there were, at least some 50 to 75 papers and letters, in the office for him.
[p. 137 (475)] When Fleak received his mail, it consisted of 42 papers, and 27 letters, from Warsaw Ill, Keokuk, Ft. Madison, and Burlington, Iowa, all of which contained the, to him, glorious news of the killing of Jo Smith, and his brother Hiram at Carthage Ill. No news that Fleak ever rec’d gave as much joy to him and his wife, as did this. Every member of his family joined in an old-fashioned class meeting, and if any family felt truly thankful for its Maker, for a favor, and blessing bestowed upon them it was this family. Fleak soon found that he, a stranger, had much too large a stake for a town that had so much competition and he divided the goods, left Bissell in charge of the goods left at Brunswick, and took the other part of them to Utica in Livingston Co. There were but two buildings on the town plot at that time, a blacksmith and whiskey shop, with a magnificent country well settled all around it. He bought the whisky shop, which was built of clapboards and fence rails, and opened out his goods in it and had a first-class trade, in a very short time.
He then went to work, and built a fair two story house, forty feet in front, one half to be used as a dwelling and the balance as a store room.
[p. 138 (476)] In about four months he brought the balance of his goods to Utica. As soon as the news of the death of Jo Smith reached him, he had a sever attack of Keokuk on the brain, and the only remedy was to go back there as soon as his business could be proficiently closed up in Missouri.
His trade was good at once, for he was the first and only up to that time who had ever offered to pay cash for the two staples of the country, hemp and tobacco. He bought pretty largely of both the first year, and shipped to St. Louis, where he received remunerative prices for both, as well as for about 2000 bushels of wheat. The 2nd year ye bought more largely of all and shipped an sunk the whole of it, and did not receive on cent of the insurance on it through the rascality of the company that he supposed he was insured in.
As soon as he could sell his store and strengthen all of his business, he returned to Keokuk, and bought out Clark and Ainsworth who were selling goods on Main Street between First Street, and the levy, in that time honored old brick, that still stands there.
The Mormons did not behave any better, after the death of the two Smiths, than they had before and the officials of the State came to the conclusion that they were no longer needed in that country.
[p. 139 (477)] The people of Illinois, who had so strongly sympathized with the Mormons, when they were driven from Missouri, came to the conclusion that the citizens of that State had done nothing but their duty, when they drove them out and that the time had come when it was absolutely necessary for the State of Illinois to do the same thing, in order to save the lives and property of many of her citizens.72
I now quote from Hawkins Taylor’s communication, published in the “Brighton Sun”; (Fleak’s Paper) in 1879. He was an active operator, as an Anti Mormon, and gives a true history of the affairs, as they transpired. He says: “the Anties now determined to drive the Mormons from Nauvoo, at all hazards; and under the directive of Archie Williams,73 they got out writs for a large number of leading Mormons, charging them with all the crimes of which they were guilty (and more to if that was possible) and placed these writs in the hands of John Carlin, a constable, to be served.74
Carlin went to Nauvoo to make the arrests, but the parties would not be arrested, an in time, got out writs against Carlin, and other anti-Mormons; and the Mormon constable summoned a Mormon posse to help him arrest the Anti Mormons.
This was just what the anti Mormons wanted; [p. 140 (478)] It was Constable against Constable; posse against posse. This commenced about the first of Sept, 1846 a few days after Fleak’s return from Missouri.75
The new citizens of Nauvoo became alarmed, and held a public meeting, and sent a delegation to Springfield, to get the Governor to again call out the troops to protect their city; but the Gov had no one to send his officers were gone to Mexico, and his time as Gov’r was about to expire, and he was on a big drunk, so he did nothing, and the posse on each side, increased daily, until Carlin had more than one thousand men, and the Mormons had even a larger force. The Gov. at last sent Gen Brayman (at that time the great Democratic manipulator of the State and who had managed the negotiations to secure the Mormon votes for Hoge & Douglas for Congress in 1842) to Hancock Co. to negotiate a peace. No man could have been sent that would have given greater offence to the anties than Brayman; but he was satisfied in patching up a treaty of peace with the leaders signed by Gen Singleton and Col Chittenden, on the part of the Anties, and by Major Parker and leading Mormons on their side; but this treaty was promptly and unanimously rejected by the anti-Mormon forces. Gen Singleton retired from [p. 141 (479)] the command and the anties appointed Thomas L. Brockman, (a great rough uncouth Campbellite preacher, of no culture, but a good man, a good soldier, and one of great lung power) as commander of their forces. Brockman wore a slouched hat and rode a powerful dapple gray stallion, he called “Tom”, which would follow him about the camp, like a dog. Brockman was one of the mob, and no commander ever had more perfect command over his men, than he had. There was but little discipline among them, but perfect good order, and great determination.76
The Mormons were equally active in preparing for the defence of their city.77 They sent to St. Louis and bough 100 of the best quality of muskets, ten kegs of powder, and fifteen bags of English musket balls, and shipped them for Keokuk on the steamer Osprey, Capt Gov. Anderson Commander, where they were landed. A man by the name of Wm Carr, of St. Louis, wrote Cap. Fleak, giving him the above information in regard to the guns and sent the letter up by the mail steamer, which arrived about eight hours before the “Osprey”.
Fleak determined at once to capture the outfit, and called Dan Hines and Bill Clark to his assistance. The Osprey landed a little before daylight, and the guns were loaded in a wagon, belonging to a Jack Mormon by the name of St. John, who had been sent down by the Mormons to receive them.
[p. 142 (480)] When the wagon got up in front of Fleak’s store, it was stopped by Fleak who asked St. John what he was loaded with? He replied with goods for the upper country. Fleak then told him that he had received a letter, giving him information of the shipping of arms an ammunition from St. Louis, and that they (Hines, Clark and himself,) had determined to capture them, and that no wagon should pass without being searched. St. John swore he would shoot the first man who attempted to search his wagon. Fleak was at the head of the horses, and Clark and Hines were by the side of the wagon, and were preparing to get in it when St. John drew his pistol, and just as the click of his cocking it was heard, a rock came from somewhere striking him high up in the forehead knocking backwards out of his wagon, which quieted him until Clark and Hines took out the four boxes of muskets (100) and the ammunition and immediately sent the whole outfit across the river to Gen Brookman’s forces, across the river in Illinois. But where that rock came from always remained a [unclear] to St. John. He said Clark and Hines was right in front of him, and he knew they did not throw it, and that he knew Fleak would not, and where it came from was a mystery.78
The news of the capture of the guns &c, reached Nauvoo early in the day, and about 10 o’clock P.M. a company, consisting of six desperados, armed to the teeth came down from Nauvoo, to recapture the arms and ammunition. They called for dinner at the Keokuk [p. 143 (481)] House and ate it, when one of the crowd went to the stable, as it afterwards appeared to have their horsed out ready for all to mount at a moment’s notice.
With drawn Bowie knives, they surrounded Fleak who was alone, on the upper patio of the house, demanded of him the return of the guns &c, and threatening his life, if their request was not complied with.
Fleak had nothing to defend himself, but a heavy hickory can, which Gen Brown had left there a few moments before. This he seized to defend himself with. Charley Moon, Dan Hines, Bill Clark, and myself were nearly a square off, when we heard Fleak say that he was not armed, but he’d be damned if they should ever have them. We came to his rescue just in time to save him, as they were not more than six feet from him, and slowly advancing, with their drawn knives and he with his drawn can. There was a lively time for a while. Fleak got one heavy lick on the shoulder of their leader which brought him to his knees, and other licks come struck. There was one of their crowd who had been sent out, to have their horses ready for mounting, before the affray commenced.
The Mormons left in a hurry, some with sore shoulders and sore heads, but none of them was seriously hurt, nor did one of our crowd receive a scratch from their Bowies. The whole town turned out in hot [p. 144 (482)] pursuit, but the Mormons escaped to Nauvoo.
It is a wonder that no one was killed, and a double wonder that Esq Fleak escaped unhurt, for they knew that he had led the party, that seized the guns.
Before we arrived we hear him using some very loud cross words, and giving no evidence of any disposition to surrender, or give up the arms, had they been still in his possession. He told that the guns, and ammunition were already over the river, on the way to or in possession of their enemies, where they would be put to good use”; and thus ended the 2nd attempt of those devils incarnate to take the life of Fleak; and it proved to be the last, although he remained in Keokuk until they evacuated Nauvoo, nearly four years afterwards.79
[Justice of the Peace: Visit from a French Prince, Fleak’s Lightering Business Destroyed, Select Cases as Justice of the Peace]
In the winter of 1847 & 8, Fleak and Vanarsdal lost nearly all their lighters by their being caught in the ice, and in the spring proposed setting with his St. Louis creditors as best he could and gave up his home and goods and what money he had, but he was not able to come very near meeting his liabilities. In 1848, he was elected Justice of the Peace which proved to be a remunerative office at that time, for which he felt greatly obliged to his old Democratic friends, although a good man, Col Pattee, who was a Democrat, and a gentleman was his opponent in the race. Fleak was the first grocer, the first Hotel Keeper, the first Post Master and I think the first Justice of the Peace, in Keokuk, under [p. 145 (485)] the Territory of Iowa. There was a man by the name of Gaines, who was the first J.P. in Keokuk, but I think that his appointment was received from Gov. Doge, when Iowa was a part of Wisconsin.
The first school teacher, who taught in Keokuk, was Judge Green, now I think of Lewis Co. Mo, brother to the late Senator Green who resided in the same Co. The judge was then a very young man, and was grossly insulted by two sisters who were his students and he left without receiving any compensation for the time he had [unclear] much regretted by all, or nearly, all who knew him.
I omitted to mention one matter that may be interesting to some of my readers; I allude to the visit of Prince De Joinville to Keokuk, in the Fall of 1841. He was the third son of Louis Phillippe, the last French King. He arrived in Keokuk one day in advance of his staffe and brought a letter of introduction from Gen. Achison, then of Prairie La Chein to Fleak, who received him in as good style as he was capable of and entertained him pleasantly as it was in his power to do entirely to the satisfaction of that gentlemanly Prince. His staff came down on a boat in the evening and he joined them and I think they stayed overnight at Warsaw, and left the next morning for St. Louis.80 He had [p. 146 (486)] heard before leaving France, that there was a missionary among the Indians in Wisconsin by name of Williams, whom, many thought to be the Bourbon, who was abducted when a child and supposed to be taken to Canada. Many persons who were acquainted with his early history believed him to be the lost Bourbon, and doubtless there are many persons yet living who will remember of seeing in many papers published in States North and South, East and West, the question asked, “Is there a Bourbon among us?”
This missionary, Williams, who is mentioned above was brought on a French vessel to Quebec, when he was about three years old and was taken charge of by one of the leading French families, was well cared for, and well educated in the French and English languages, and through the influence of the Catholic Priests of that place, he became a Missionary among the Indians, and in early days [drifted?] into Wisconsin, there hardly recognized as under civil government of any country. He had been brought to Quebec about the time of the disappearance of the Bourbon child, and he was led to believe that he was the abducted one, but remembered nothing of his parents or his former home.
[p. 147 (487)] The Prince went from Philadelphia to Wisconsin, expressly to ascertain whether he was a member of the Bourbon family but after spending three days with him he told Fleak that he was satisfied that Williams was not a Bourbon and he doubted his being of French descent. The Prince was a plain and unassuming man, both in dress and personal appearance, and was the last one in the company that would have been thought to be prince, De Joinville.
When the ice broke up in the winter of 1847 & 8, Fleak’s and Vanorsdal’s lighters were all carried away and broken to pieces by it. This loss added to Fleak’s previous great loss in Missouri, left him worse than penniless. In fact, his real estate and goods, all of which he turned over, unasked to his creditors lacked about $2000 of paying his debts. His wife had a few hundred dollars worth of property, which had always been in the hand of a trustee, as she was his second wife, and the property was thus kept so that her children would be the beneficiaries. His old friends both Whigs and Democrats, seeing his condition, joined together, and elected him Justice of the Peace in Jackson Township, although an excellent man, Col Pattee, who was a Democrat and the publisher of the first Democratic paper published in Keokuk [p. 148 (488)] was his opponent. Fleak, to this day, remembers with gratitude, the course pursued by many of the leading Democrats of that township.
At the time he was elected, J.P. suits were being commenced nearly every day for the possession of property in the Half Breed Tract, which made his office a paying institution from the beginning.
Some very amusing as well as important suits were commenced before him, prominent among the latter was that of Mrs. Smith of Illinois against Rev’d Hummer for the recovery of a colt of hers, which the Rev’d claimed had caused to be driven from her farm, in the night, to his home. In the trial, Mrs. Smith introduced respectable witness who swore that the colt a yearling had been foaled hers, and had always been in her possession; whilst on the other side, Miss Mary Margrave a devoted friend of the Revds, swore positively to its being the property of the Divine; and that she sat on a log down at the river known as “Rlots[?] log, and saw a young man drive the colt from Hummer’s house, down to the river and across the ice and up the hill to Mrs. Smith’s house, and to the opposite side of the house, and through a gate into the barn lot. Miss Mason, Curtis & Rankin, were attorneys for Mrs. Smith, and Col Curtis asked the Court to permit the constable to take the Jury to the [p. 149 (489)] log above named, and examine the view from that point, and see if they could discover anything differing from what Miss Margrave had stated in her testimony. The late Gov. Iowa was ally for Hummer, and made not objections, and the court granted the request of the Col.81
The Jury when standing up on the log could barely see the top of the chimney of Mrs. Smith’s house. The case lasted two days, and was both ably prosecuted and defended; the proceedings in the case, its result can be seen on the docket now in the possession of Judge C. H. Davis of Keokuk.
Another suit was had against the Revd for the wintering of another colt which he claimed had strayed from his place and got into a neighbor’s [unclear] field where he knew it was, and where it remained all winter as he saw it nearly every day in passing, but made no offer to take it away until spring. He refused to pay the man for keeping it on the grounds that he had failed to advertise it. He the farmers employed Col Curtis to prosecute Hummer; for taking the colt away without paying for its keeping and he learned from some outsider that Miss Margrave knew how it got into the cornfield and she was subpoenaed as a witness in the case.
[p. 150 (490)] When she took her place on the witness stand and was sworn, Col Curtis asked her if she knew how the colt came to be in the cornfield. She replied that she did that the “Old boy took it there.” Curtis then asked her if she meant that the child took it there? She replied, most emphatically that she did. No further questions were asked her, and she was permitted to retire. The result of the suit I have forgotten.
One other case I will mention in regard to Rev Hummer’s career: whilst living in Keokuk. He pretended to think that many of the citizens had the real Devil in them and prominent among that number was his estimable wife. One day as Cap Deney and Dan Hines were preparing one Pastor’s [unclear] they heard the suppressed voice of a female saying, “Oh don’t” and calling for help. They ran to the door but found it locked, the voice of the person growing weaker, and more [unclear] every cry.
They picked up a log, and ran with it against the door and knocked it open, then mounted the stairs, where they found Mrs. Hummer lying on a bed and Hummer sitting beside her, with his right hand lightly clasped around her throat and his left hand closely held over [p. 151 (491)] her mouth. They seized him by the legs and slung him halfway across the room, and after resuscitating Mrs. Hummer, they asked him what he meant by trying to choke his wife to death? He said he was chocking the Devil out of her. Hines & Deney[?] arrested him and were about to take him before Esq. Fleak on an assault on his wife with an intent to murder her, when she interposed and begged of them not to arrest him, as she believed he was insane on his devil subject and at her earnest request, they released him but watched him very closely for several days. Many of the citizens believed that another female had much to do with the matter.
Hummer was a terrible [unclear] man. At one time he was called upon to preach the funeral of a young man, whose name has escaped my memory who was an odd fellow and instead of preaching the funeral sermon, he delivered on of the most abusive addresses against secret societies ever listened to in Keokuk. Even the most rabid anties were thoroughly disgusted at it. Some years after he drifted in Kansas, and the last I ever heard of him was that he was tarred and feathered for improper advances toward a lady, who was a member of his church.82
[Justice of the Peace Continued: Death of Friend, Loss of Lightering Business, Bizarre Marriages Fleak Performed]
[p. 152 (492)] The first Democratic paper, permanently established in Keokuk, was the Keokuk Dispatch, published by Russell & Doyle, the first number of which was issued I think on the 20th day of May 1848. It was a weekly and was well conducted. Russell was the chief editor was a deservedly popular man, both as an editor and citizen. Although an [unclear] partisan in politics, yet he was always gentlemanly in regard to those who differed with him in the political matters which agitated the country at that day, and as a man he was much esteemed by many of the leading members of that time honored and ever to be remembered with veneration and respect, the Glorious old Whig party.
During the month of June 1849, Grand Master Humphrey held a protracted making at Eagle Lodge to 12 A.F. & A.W’s & John B. Russel having taken a [unclear] from the Lodge at Muscatine of which he had been a member, by dispensation of the grand Master, he was permitted on the 28th of June to present his petition to [unclear] Judge for membership and was duly elected a member thereof. The meeting was closed on the night of the 30th and Fleak and Russell were appointed as a committee [p. 153 (493)] to see the Grand Master safely on board the Steamer, that was to convey him to his home at Muscatine. After performing their duty, and seeing the boat leave, they started for their respective homes. When they arrived at the foot of Main Street, Russell asked Fleak to go with him by his office, as he wished to have a little talk with him on a subject connected with the proceedings of the evening. His office was on the S. E. corner of First and Johnson Street.
When they arrived at Russell’s office, Fleak bade him good night and was about to leave for his home when Russell stopped him and said, “let us shake hands, for some times the best of friends do not meet again on earth, after parting; so they laughingly shook hands and parted, both in the best of health and spirits. At this time the Cholera was at about its worst in Keokuk.
Fleak had not been at home more than three or four hours when he was awakened by the voice of Peter Kindegard the M.M. of Eagle Lodge, who roomed with Russell, who informed him that Russell had the Cholera and wanted him, Fleak to come to him at once. They got to his room in a few minutes, and found him just coming out of a severe spasm.
[p. 154 (494)] As soon as he discovered that Fleak was in the room, he said to him, “Bro Fleak, I have the cholera, and will soon pass away, and I wish you to stay with me, and close my eyes when I am dead,” which Fleak promised to do, and in about ½ an hour from that time, in most terrible agony, he passed away, without uttering another word; and this ended the life of one of our most esteemed citizens in about five hours from the best of health. He was consigned to his final resting place, in charge of the Masonic Fraternity, having been a member of Eagle Lodge but two days.83
During the winter of 1846 & 7, Bridgeman Reed purchased the brick storeroom on the north side of Main Street, between the levy and first street, which was occupied by Fleak and it became necessary for him to procure another location as they desired to open a dry goods store in it at once. So he rented the corner room of what was afterwards known as the “Piano House” and moved his stock of goods into it and shortly after moved his family into the upper story of the same.
Many of the Mormons left Keokuk this winter, as per agreement, and Fleak bought one of their homes on Main Street, between [p. 155 (495)] 7th and 8th Streets, and soon after procured a title to the lot, from Antoine La Clair, of Davenport, and early the following Spring, he gave James Mackley a contract for the building of a storeroom and residence under the same roof. I must not omit to mention that brick in which Fleak commenced business on his return from Missouri was the building in which Eagle Lodge No. 12, W.F. & A Mason was organized and in which he was made a Mason in 1846.84
The old building is still occupied and my memory serves me aright it was the second brick building erected in Keokuk.
Fleak’s house was completed in Aug’t or Sept, and soon after, he moved his store and family into it. He had a fair trade and was well pleased with his new home and surroundings. His lighting business in connection with V. Vanorsdal, was excellent that Fall and everthing that he touched, appeared to be remunerative. His boss of the lighters, who took as deep an interest in his employers business as though it was his own, had gone up to Nashville with all the boats loaded with goads for a Steamer that was awaiting them, and when he got unloaded and was ready to return he was offered a large price [p. 156 (496)] for bringing down to Keokuk a considerable of a quantity of lead, although the ice was running some at the time. After he got all of the boats loaded, he started them down the river.
Thurman was the name of the man in charge of the boats, & he had gone but few miles when all of them down there were caught in a gorge of ice, had to be abandoned. Then it broke up above a month later the boats were torn to pieces by it and sold as they were floated in the ice for $500 thus the 10 boats that had ever about $6000 were destroyed I think that Vanorsdal owned a one fourth interest in them, and Im not sure but that it was he who was purchased the wrecks—This, was due to his Melbourn loss, left Fleak with large debts standing against him and little to pay with. He then determined to quit benefits and wrote his creditors to that effect, asking them to come and take what he had left in money, goods and real estate. Most of them refused to come and urged him to go right along, that his bad luck was probably at an end, and all would be well again. Mr. Jevis of the house of Jevis, Scott, and Jevis, and one other house, [p. 157 (497)] the name of which I have forgotten came about two months after he had written them and he sold his homestead which had room, to Jevis for $2000, he giving unasked, a lease to Fleak, for the occupancy of the promises, for the years without any consideration. The other gentleman’s claim was $511 and at his own offer. He took a small house that Fleak owned on Main Street, for the amount.
Soon after, he was elected Justice of the Peace, and he at once sold his remnant of goods, rented his store room and gave his whole attention to his office, which proved to be remuneration during the whole of the two years which he held the position it being at the time that constant litigation was in progress over the possessory right of a large share of the “Half Breed Tract,” especially that part of in the vicinity of Keokuk.
After Fleak was installed as J. P. he in connection with the usual business of the office, too performed the marriage among for nearly all persons, married in Keokuk and vicinity, during his term of office, two or three cases of which were too [p. 158 (498)] amusing to pass unnoticed and I regret exceedingly that their names have escaped from my memory. The first occurred about 4 o’clock in the morning soon after he had been installed. He and his wife were sleeping in the front room of the house which was used as a bed room and sitting room. He had left a light burning in the room, and he and his wife were wrapped in the arms of nature’s sweet realm, when they were aroused by loud rapping at the front door. Fleak, dressed in his night clothes, consisting of shirt and drawers, sprang out of bed and opened the door, where he discovered the intruders to be a young lady in front, with a male youth beside her, and in they walked uninvited. The female asked, “Is you der Squire?” He told her he was. “Well den, she said, I wants you to marry Thon and me, I’ve been walking wid him and holding him all night to keep him from running away and hunting a Squire to make him mine husband.” She then handed Fleak her marriage license, which she said she had bought of a man in the Court house and told him that she wanted him to marry them at once. He told her that he would, as soon as he got dressed.
[p. 159 (499)] She said, “never mind de dress, but make us married right off soon,” and he married them; and as soon as they were pronounced man and wife, she turned to John and said, “now Thon you as mine husband and by sheemany you may go where you please.” Mrs. Fleak shook the bed with her suppressed laughter during the ceremony and after they left it took a little head covering to prevent her going into a fit of yelling spasms over the matter.
Soon after the above affair took place, a young bachelor residing near Keokuk, on a small farm, south of where Dr. Millard once resided, and who was comfortably situated for that early day, came to Esq. Fleak to engage him to marry the [fore]said bachelor to a young lady who was in the employ of Mrs. Ayers, the wife of Mr. Ayers, the first Druggist and only in Keokuk, at that time of my memory is correct and after getting the Squires promise to be on hand, he observed that he had no money to pay the marriage fee. The squire knew that was not true and supposed he was joking and replied to him that if he would let him sleep with his intended, the further night after their marriage, that would be satisfactory pay, which the bachelor agreed [p. 160 (500)] to at once, and they parted to meet the next evening at the Mr. Ayers where the wedding was to take place. The squire knew the fellow had plenty of money and thought no more about it.
At the time appointed, the squire was on hand and united the loving couple in the holy bonds of matrimony in the presence of a gentle company, who had been invited by Mr. and Mrs. Ayers to witness the ceremony. Soon after which supper was announced and the squire the Bride and Groom, and the balance of the company, enjoyed it hugely.
As the evening approached, the squire concluded it was time for him to settle and went to the Bride and told her good night and started for the door, and on looking around he saw the groom shaking hands with the Bride and heard him bid her good bye he followed the squire out of the house and started towards her home. The squire asked him where he was going. He replied to his home and said I have agreed to let you sleep with my wife, the first night in payment for marrying us and by gosh I am going to do it. Fleak told him that he was a [p. 161 (502)] fool and to go back to his wife and not make such analogy of humility that it was all for him and that he would not sleep with his wife even if she was willing. He told him that he had no money to pay the marriage fee. When F. made the proposition to him, it was made as a joke. Well said he a bargain is a bargain and I have made the necessary arrangements with my wife on the subject that she is very willing to save ten dollars, for us, in that way, that she thought it was very honorable to spend the first night of her wedding life in the same bed with the squire who had performed her marriage ceremony and that if he expected any pay for marrying them, he must take according to contract, as he would never get a cent of money from him to us and up this time the fee remains unsettled. On looking around at the windows, he discovered Mr. and Mrs. Ayers and the bride laughing heartily and he became satisfied that they understood the joke that had been played off on him and perhaps had much to do with it, as he afterwards learned that the groom had told all to Mr. Ayers, and he had spoken of it to his wife and she to the bride.
[p. 162 (504)] One thing is certain, the squire never made another such marriage contract; and the more he tried to suppress it, the wider it got circulated through the town, and in three days time, there was not a man, woman or child in Keokuk that had not heard of it. There are one or two other of the Squire’s marriage affairs that are quite amusing, one of which was attended by Val Vanorsdal and the late T. J. Chenowith, but I must be excused from giving them a notice, through modesty, and lack of space.
[Events in Keokuk: Rev. Joseph Brooks Saves Barrels from a fire, Zachary Taylor Is Elected and Many Citizens Celebrate]
In the winter of 1848 or 9, the pork house of Patterson & Timberman, situated near Johnson Street, west of the then NV.E. church, was burned, together with a large amount of their pork lard and co.
The widely known & highly esteemed Rev Joseph Brooks was Pastor of the M.E. Church at that time, and it being Sabbath night, he had just finished his investing for the evening when the alarm of fire was heard. Nearly all who were at the Church, started for the scene and the Rev Brooks was coming the first to reach the fire.85 It was found at once to be impossible to check the flames and all were called on to help remove [p. 163 (505)] the barrels of Pork & Lard that were combustible. By those who were aiding it was thought that Brooks saved nearly two barrels to any other person’s one.
He would take a barrel with a hand on each end & run with it like carrying an empty barrel to the slope of the hill, start it rolling down & then go back after another and a large amount of the barrels were saved. He was wearing the only decent suit of clothes he possessed, & when he got through with the fire, it was covered with grease & dirt from top to bottom.
The morning after the fire he had some business down on the levee. On his return, Mr. Garber called to him and asked him to come into his store. He had hardly got seated before Garber said to him that this personal appearance would be a disgrace to any church of which he was a member. Brooks not having changed his clothes since being at the fire. Garber continued his share of abuse for about ten minutes and wound up by saying that he was a pretty looking preacher truly.
Brooks, picking his teeth and smiling, arose and asked Garber if he was through? Garber replied that he was, “Well good bye Mr. Garber” he said and was leaving when Garber asked [p. 164 (506)] to hold on; that a man wanted him to send a suit of clothes to him and that the simpleton had not sent him his measure, but he thought that the man was about his (Bo) [unclear] and he wanted him to try on a coat, which he did and soon found that fitted him nicely. Garber then told him to go, that he had no further use for him, and he left. The writer of this was present, during the above, and in about an hour afterwards, Brooks recovered at home one of the finest suits of clothing complete from head to feet that could be selected out of Garber’s large stock of clothing, as a present from Garber with any allusion as to why he presented it to him. Brooks was truly grateful to him for the present, as he needed it badly, & [unclear] able to purchase it. If my memory serves me correctly, Patterson & Timberman presented him a good buggy the same day, in consideration of his valuable services at the fire. Brooks continued a member of the M.E. conference, and did his duty faithfully, wherever he was sent, until the war of the Rebellion commenced, who volunteered and was made Chaplain of the Regiment, and served faithfully, wherever [p. 165 (507)] needed, or ordered, either as Chaplain, officer, or private, in many bloody fights. At the close of the ward he settled down I think in Little Rock, Arkansas, where he became a prominent Union political leader, was nominated by that party as their candidate for Governor, and was doubtless elected, but was swindled out of the position, by the Rebel element of the state. He died at that place a few years after much and deserved esteemed by all who knew him.
When the news reached Keokuk that Gen Zachary Taylor was certainly elected President of the United States, the Whigs of that place were in ecstasies over their victory and determined to illuminate the city in the grandest order imaginable and by 8 o’clock in the evening, the windows of every Whigs residence was in apparent blaze. Col Patterson showed the respect he felt for his good old Whig Father, by illuminating the room occupied by him, in grandest style, although the Col was then and is yet a Democrat of deepest dye.
Fleak invited everybody without regard to their political proclivities, to take supper with him, at his residence [p. 166 (508)] on Main Street, at 10 o’clock P.M.
His former store room was prepared for the occasion, and two tables were set extending from the front to the rear of the room loaded with every delicacy that air, land or water could produce or the inventive mind of Mrs Fleak could think of. At about 9 o’clock the guests had assembled at Fleak’s residence and the house was overflowing when McGavic reported that the town was splendidly illuminated except the north side of Main Street between First Street and the Levee; that in their region all was dark. After consulting among themselves, McGavic, Dierdorff, and Fleak organized a committee (they being its members) and went down to Garber’s to illuminate his store room.
When they arrived at his place, he received them most cordially, and at once invited them into a back room, where he presented them some of the best old Cognac brandy that had ever passed their lips. They then informed him what their business was, and asked his permission to light up his front window.
He at once became very much excited, and told them that the election of no d—-d [p. 167 (509)] Whig as President of the United States should ever be the cause of illuminating his premises.
Whilst he was then talking to Dierdorff, who was the chairman of said committee, Fleak and McGavic skipped back to where his brandy was, and Garber soon followed them, and was about to take a drink of the ‘Oh be joyful’ when he discovered that Dierdorff had got three lighted candles stuck up in his window. He became somewhat riled, and ran to them and extinguished them; whilst doing so, Dierdorff ran to the brandy, and took a solid snort of it, and the other members of the committee joined him. By the time peace was restored the brandy had about all disappeared.
McGavic became quite unwell, so much so that he had to be assisted and helped to his home. Fleak and Dierdorff started at once for the supper. When they arrived there, Fleak had a slight attack of something bordering on blind sluggers and his wife prevailed on him to retire; Dierdorff passed through the fiery ordeal unscathed. Mrs. Fleak placed the supervision of the supper in the hands of Guy Wells, who was one of the [p. 168 (510)] guests, who though a leading Democrat, officiated with honor to himself, and satisfaction to every one present.
All of the Committee were on hand the next day, fully restored to their usual good health, and ready for business. Of course, Garber’s brandy had nothing to do with their unhealthy condition the evening before. In a few days, Garber became pleasant to the members of the Committee, as before, but he showed plainly that he missed his brandy very much. He was born a gentleman and still inherit that virtue; though frequently rough in addressing his male friends, but, polite as a French dancing master when addressing the ladies; was liberal almost to a fault, when charity was really needed, but a confirmed jolly old bachelor, from his youth, to the present day. In the Fall of 1849 Fleak gave Asberry Shepherd a contract for building a residence on the farm he had purchased of Hugh Sample, lying two miles of S. West of Fairfield.86 Shepherd’s contract was completed by the first of March 1850 and soon after he employed James Cox, also of Keokuk to plaster it, [p. 169 (511)] which he had completed by the middle of May, and soon after he and his family took their final leave of their old home Keokuk to make their home in a farm.
I must not omit to mention that on the morning of the day they left that city, they had the pleasure of knowing that the Temple of the Mormons had blown down, in Nauvoo.87
He had a small stock of goods that he had purchased, at very low prices in Keokuk, and when he got settled down on his farm, he concluded to build a small storeroom and sell them out to his neighbors, but he soon found that he was too near to Fairfield to do much and he removed them to Libertyville88 and took Perry Majors in as a partner, but there was a leak [unclear] as they had a fair trade & Majors lived in the same building in which the store was but on taking an inventory of the goods, it was found that considerable money had been lost and they dissolved partnership. Fleak sent his portion of the goods to Indiana and sold them. After one year had passed most pleasantly, he concluded to go to work on the farm and as corn planting was the order of the day, he went out and worked [p. 170 (512)] faithfully, dropping corn for his two hired men to cover, until dinner time. After partaking of most hearty dinner, the two hired men informed Fleak that they had no further use for him, that they could plant more corn without his assistance than with it, and that he might consider himself discharged and that ended his experience in farming.
No one spent his time, where at home more pleasantly than he did, and scarcely a week passed that he was not visited by some of his old esteemed friends of Keokuk.
[Masonic Work and Civil War: Fleak Elected Different Positions for the Grand Lodge of Iowa, Fleak’s Sons Involved in the Civil War]
He soon found, however, that his farm would not support him, and in the Spring of 1852 Cornelius Moore, Editor of the Masonic Review of Cincinnati, employed him as traveling agent for that excellent Masonic work at a salary of $500 per year, and all expenses, allowing him to remain at home one fifth of the time. He left at once for his field of labor and made a success both for himself and his employer, by his great success in the circulation of the Review. He hardly ever came home for his week’s vacation, without finding some of his friends from [p. 171 (513)] Keokuk awaiting him. On the 2nd of June 1853, he was elected W. Master of that time honored old Lodge, Clinton to 15 A F & AM and at the meeting of the Grand Lodge of Iowa, at Fairfield on the 7th he was elected and instated Grand Treasurer of that body.
Soon after being installed he offered a resolution prohibiting the election of any person as Grand Treasurer, two years in succession, which was earned almost unanimous praise and is in force to this day. The object of the resolution was to bring about a final settlement every year, by doing which there was no defalcations to be feard; there having been some trouble with one who had served three years in succession before Fleak’s election. In the Summer and Fall of 1854 having offered a copartnership with Oglerin and M John of Muscatine, he accepted it and during the fall he exchanged his farm for a good Hotel in Brighton and moved to it at once.89 In January 1855, he organized a Masonic Lodge in Brighton and was the Worshipful Master of it for five years in succession. In 1856 he sold his Hotel, and again travelled for the Review.
[p. 172 (514)] In Dec 1856, whilst Grand Master John F Sandford and Fleak were holding [unclear] Grand Lodge of instructions at Iowa City, the Grand Master appointed him his special Deputy, giving him all the power of the Grand Master, and then called another Grand Lodge of Instructions to be held at Des Moines the first day of January 1857, with orders to Fleak to preside over it. When Fleak arrived at Des Moines he met Past Grand High Priest Ira U. W. Derick of Illinois and invited him to preside with him which he did and everything passed off most satisfactory to the large number of brethren present from different parts of the state as well as to the presiding officers. The Grand Lodge met at Iowa City in June 1857 and recorded Sandford as Grand Master and he appointed Fleak his regular F. G. Master.
In Fall 1859 he was appointed the special D.G. Master by the then Grand Master, JR Hartsock, with instructions “to visit all Lodges through out the State, lecture and instruct them and correct any errors which may have obtained among them,” which was very pleasant to him, and satisfactory [p. 173 (515)] to the Grand Lodge.
On April 18th 1860 he was appointed Dep. Grand Treasurer to fill a vacancy occasioned by the death of Bro. N. B. Trebblecun and who was Grand Treasurer and died April 3rd of that year, which place. Fleak filled entirely satisfaction in the Grand Lodge.
His visits among the Lodges as Depy Grand Master, aided him very much in securing [unclear] for the Review, and also added to his standing salary as the Grand Lodge paid him, a liberal compensation for a day that he attended to its business.
About the first of July 1860 he resigned his position as travelling agent for the Masonic Review, and returned to his home in Brighton, to remain permanently as he thought. In March of the same year, he was appointed Post Master of Brighton and entered in duties at once, giving his whole attention to it and the Fleak House, a Hotel that had been conducted by his family since 1858, when he was absent which was a large share of his time. When the rebellion commenced in 1861, he took an active part in raising volunteers, and showed his earnestness [p. 174 (516)] by not opposing his son Henry’s entering the service to aid in suppressing the Rebels. He Henry was the first volunteer in Brighton and was a member of Co. H. 2nd Iowa Infantry, commanded by Col. Samuel R. Curtis, one of the noblest of the noble. He remained in that regiment until Col Curtis was promoted to Brigadeer General, when he was detailed as Clerk at Head Quarters and bid farewell forever to his regiment when it left St. Louis.
Gen Curtis was promoted to Major General and Henry Clay Fleak remained as his secretary through his campaign and Springfield was where they had their skirmish with the Rebels. From there, to Pen Ridge, when Gen. Curtis and his heroic army achieved the first great victory obtained during the war, over the enemy, nearly doubling his army in numbers. From thence they passed on to Helena, clearing the rebels out wherever they met them.
During the trip Henry had a sever attack of Chronic Diarrhea, and was sent home on an unlimited furlough where he remained from June until Oct, when he left to join Gen Curtis [p. 18590 (517)] who had been ordered to take command of the Department of Missouri, with Head Quarters at St. Louis.
Henry had apparently entirely recovered but he had no more than reached St. Louis when the disease returned more violently than before. He took his position in Gen Curtis’ Head Quarters, but remained but a short time, and was discharged the 1st day of Jany 1863. He was sent home in charge of one of the sisters of Charity, who took the kindest care of him on his way home. He died in the following May; and thus ended the life of as noble a son and true a patriot, as was to be found in our country.
When the 17th Regiment of Iowa Infantry was being raised Capt Weaver came to Brighton and succeeded in obtaining a number of volunteers for company D of that regiment, Fleak’s next son Valencort L was very anxious to volunteer, but his parents were not willing to spare him, and he apparently gave up the idea of going with the army, but asked permission to accompany his old chums to Fairfield. His parents consented and he went. When Company D was ready to leave Fairfield, he called [p. 176 (518)] on Capt Weaver, and asked permission to join his company. Capt Weaver declined to accept him. Vall told that if he would not let him join his company he would go to St. Louis and join some other one; that he was determined to go. Finally Weaver agreed to let him go with them to Keokuk, and that he would write to Val’s father from Keokuk and if the father consented, he would be glad to receive him in his company.
The day they arrived at Keokuk the Capt wrote to Fleak, explaining the case. He said from his short acquaintance with the son, he was much pleased with him that he believed if he had a chance, he would make a noble soldier, but that he would not receive him without the consent of his father.
Val wrote his father and mother, betting their pardon, in the strongest language possible for leaving as he had and pleading strongly for their permission to volunteer and go into Co. D. After mature deliberation, they both consented for him to volunteer in defence of his country and wrote him to that effect, giving him the best of paternal advice in regard to his future course.
[p. 177 (519)] Two days thereafter, he became a member of company D. 27 Regt Iowa Infantry Col J.W. Rankin of Keokuk commanding.
The will remembered history of that Reg’t for its bravery, in the terrible battles of Jackson Campion Hill, Vicksburg and more than a doz others, is too well known to be mentioned here.
Permit it to be said, that Val, though in the front of nearly all of them, he came out unscathed.
He with nearly his entire regiment or many of them at least, when their three years term was soon to expire became veterans, were placed at Fulton, Georgia to protect the rail road. They expected every day to be relieved, and go to their homes, to remain a month on their veteran furloughs.
They had been there but few days, when the Rebel Gen Hood, with his whole force attacked them although they fought heroically for some time, they saw it was useless to contend with more than fifty times their number and they surrendered and the most of the prisoners were taken from one prison to another, until they reached that hell on earth Andersonville.
[p. 178 (520)] The English language cannot furnish words sufficiently horrible to describe the prisoners terrible condition in every respect, whilst incarcerated there in charge of the brutes that had charge of the prison.
After the surrender, the Rebels robbed the prisoners of their watches money and c.
Val had a $100 bill that he had secured a few days before. This he put in his mouth, and in searching him they did not find it. His [unclear] were robbed to the last cent. Val soon found a guard that appeared to be an honorable man and sympathized with them in their terrible condition and frequently did favors that dare not to be made public. Val trusted him with his $100 bill to purchase some provisions, for himself and his chums and every cent of it was returned to him except what was used in purchasing the supplies and in the course of three months it was all exported the guards never having wronged him out of a cent. I regret exceedingly that I have lost the name of so good a man. Val and his chums remained there for six ½ months enduring what it [p. 179 (521)] is impossible to describe. Soon after [unclear]’s surrender, they were taken to the const. and shipped inst, and once more they were free. Val contracted lung disease by bad usage in Andersonville, from which he never recovered. He dropped dead at his residence M. Council [unclear] in July 1882 and was buried by the Grand Army of the Rep of which he was a member.
Zackery Taylor Fleak was another son of L.B. Fleak, and he was very anxious to go into the army, although only 16 years old. When he found that his parents would not consent to his going, he ran away to Keokuk, but no Iowa Regt would receive him.
He then went over to Illinois where the 137 infantry was being organized and they accepted him as a volunteer.
As soon as the regiment was filled up, it was ordered to join the Brigade commanded Gen A J Smith, who had gone to the relief of Banks in the Western part of Louisiana. When they arrived they found Banks defeated, and on the retreat with his supplies and everything else captured. He at once ordered Smith to retreat. He relied you are my superior office, and have a right to order, but I will never retreat until I have won [p. 180 (522)] back what they have captured of you, and intend this day to attack them. Before three hours the cannons were booming and the muskets were making a terrible rattling and by night Smith commanded the rest the rebels retreating from every quarter. Soon after Gen Smith was ordered to Missouri to protect St. Louis from Price’s approach from Arkansas. Gen Thorne Ewing had met him with a moderate force and checked his approach to St. Louis. When Gen Smith arrived with his Brigade at St. Louis he formed that Brigade struck across the country among to reach Jefferson City, but he met with a force driven at the mouth of the river below Jefferson City that changed his route across to Booneville. Price’s aim was to get up to Independence and fight Curtis’ Kansas militia and capture them at once knowing that he had nearly double the men that Curtis had. The fight took place early in the afternoon and was a bloody affair on both sides, and ended before Gen AJ Smith arrived which was a great disappointment to him as he had moved so far and so rapidly to get into the engagement. He had been there but half a day when he received orders to report at Nashville Ten as quickly as possible as the Rebel Gen Hood was advancing on that place, with a large force Smith left the next day with all the force that could be obtained [p. 181 (523)] and reached Nashville, with his whole command, in time to save the city and give the Rebel army under the command of Gen Hood such a castigation as it had never received before. Zack remained in the army under the command of that noteworthy General, until the rebellion was wiped out, and he honorably discharged, where he enlisted in the U.S. Army, where he remained three years. When he was discharged, he came home to Brighton where he has remained until the present time.
Fleak’s oldest son (WMLB Fleak) by his first wife, is an old resident of Knox Co Missouri.
He married Miss Mari Pence, near Fairfield, Iowa, in 1853, and the following year, removed to his present home, where he has resided to the present time, enjoying the pleasure for some years of being one of the largest as well as one of the most comfortably fixed farmers of that state; all brought about by the industry and economy of himself and his estimable wife. He too a very active part, on the Union side, during the [p. 182 (524)] rebellion, and made some narrow escapes, during some of his visits to his family. He was Quartermaster in his regiment, and gave entire satisfaction to the regiment, and now lives a quiet and peaceful life among those that are left of his old opponents during the rebellion.
Fleak’s two younger sons, George and Laban C. are yet at home. The latter is a printer, and published a paper, the “Reporter” for two years, in Brighton. He sold it to a Mr. Haworth, who removed it to Richland where it still is published as the “Richland Clarion.”
Fleak’s oldest daughter, Martha A. was married in 1858, to Basil Tracy, who soon after returning from the army, in 1855, went into the grocery business and still continues in it, and has done well and continues to do so. Fleak’s youngest daughter Julia A. was married in 1882, to Milton Levisher, who was then and is yet in the Dry Goods business in Brighton and doing well.
He is in partnership with Albert Tracy, oldest son of Basil and Martha A Tracy. Fleak’s wife is in moderately [p. 183 (525)] good health for one of her age; his health is not so good, as age is beginning to leave its mark upon him.
They still live in the Fleak House as a hotel, and are doing as well, and living as comfortably as could be expected, in a town of but 1500 inhabitants. The probabilities are that they will remain there as long as they both live, which may not be very long, as he lacks but about two months of reaching his seventy seventh year, and she has passed her sixty sixth year.
[Handwriting changes] In the foregoing history of the family of LB and Julia A Fleak, written by LB Fleak, he omitted to name this 6th son, Frank B Fleak, and the following is furnished by him as addendum.
Frank Bramble Fleak, was born on a farm in Jefferson County, Iowa, two miles South West of Fairfield, August 29th 1852. He was educated in Brighton, Washington Co. to which place his parents removed in 1854. When he was seventeen years old, he went into the office of the “Gazette”, published in Washington, Iowa, and owned by John Wiseman, where he learned the trade of printer. After serving two years in that office, [p. 184 (526)] his father bought for him a press and fixtures, and he commenced the publication of “The Times” in New Loudon, Henry Country, in 1872, where he remained six months, when he was offered better inducements by the Citizen of Morning Sun, Des Moines Co. which caused him to remove his office to that place. His paper there was called “The Morning Sun News” and proved a success to him both socially and financially, and no young man in the country had a fairer prospect; but at the end of six months he had an attack of typhoid fever, which, in two weeks, ended his life.
He died Nov. 3rd 1873. Few deaths, if any, ever occurred in that town, which were more universally regretted by its citizens.
Brighton, Iowa, 1884
L. B. Fleak died at his home in Brighton, Iowa, March 4, 1890
Notes
1. For brief sketches of Laban B. Fleak’s life, see The History of Washington County, Iowa, Containing a History of the County, Its Cities, Towns, &c. (Des Moines, 1880), 624–25; and Portrait and Biographical Album of Washington County, Iowa, Containing Full Page Portraits and Biographical Sketches of Prominent and Representative Citizens of the County, [. . .] (Chicago, 1887), 302–3.
2. Peter Fleak was born in Redstone, Pennsylvania, in 1784, worked in New Orleans, and participated in the battle of New Orleans. He married Lavina Bramble in Hamilton County, Ohio. See Portrait and Biographical Album of Washington County, Iowa, 302.
3. Columbus, Bartholomew County, is also in Indiana, about fifty miles west of Dearborn County, where Fleak’s uncle lived.
4. “Medical batteries” became particularly popular during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, so the mention of its use in the 1830s is unique. The term “galvanic” refers to the type of current that was used. Electrodes would most likely have been placed just above the stomach and the current would likely not have been applied for more than ten to twenty minutes at a time. See Anna Wexler, “The Medical Battery in the United States (1870–1920): Electrotherapy at Home and in the Clinic,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 72, no. 2 (2017): 166–92.
5. Julia Pennock was a native of Genesee County, New York, born in 1819. See Portrait and Biographical Album of Washington County, Iowa, 302.
6. In an account which Fleak wrote to be included in a history of Lee County, he said of this trip, “My first visit to Lee County was in October 1838; my wife accompanied me. We landed in Keokuk and found the water too low to cross the rapids, but the captain of the boat sent Mrs. Gehon, of Dubuque (wife of the U. S. Marshal for Iowa Territory—Ed.), and my wife, up to Nashville in a yawl, whilst the rest of us, including Judge Jo. Williams, then on his way to Iowa to take his seat on the Territorial Bench, footed it up. When we reached Nashville, Maj. Taylor kindly offered to take all the above named, and Porter, of Michigan, to Burlington, which was the destination of all except Mrs. Gehon and Porter. We had a jolly time on the road. The Judge was constantly displaying his ventriloquism until we arrived at the ‘Bullard House,’ in Fort Madison, where we were hospitably entertained, and had an old-fashioned good time of it. We remained a day in Fort Madison, when the Major took us on to Burlington. On our return, we stopped again at Fort Madison, one night. When we arrived in Keokuk, we were detained a half day waiting for a boat, which gave me time enough to see what I thought was the future of Keokuk, and I made up my mind to make it my future home as soon as I could close up my business in Richmond, Mo.” The History of Lee County, Iowa, Containing a History of the County, Its Cities, Towns, &c. (Chicago, 1879), 617. In this account, Fleak says that it was October when they made this trip, whereas the biographical sketch claims it was November or December. The account in History of Lee County, Iowa, is likely more accurate in claiming October seeing as Fleak came home from the trip and found the county in the midst of fighting which began at the end of October 1838.
7. The author must have confused Adam-ondi-Ahman with another location. Adam-ondi-Ahman is about fifty miles north of Richmond in Daviess County. Most likely, this is referring to De Witt, which was in Carroll County, Missouri, and Fleak would have passed this settlement while traveling on the Missouri River from St. Louis to Richmond, although the distance from De Witt to Richmond is more than twenty-five miles. For an account of the violence and forced expulsion of the Latter-day Saints from Carroll County, see Richard Lloyd Anderson, “Clarifications of Bogg[s]’s ‘Order’ and Joseph Smith’s Constitutionalism,” in Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint History: Missouri, ed. Arnold K. Garr and Clark V. Johnson (Department of Church History and Doctrine, Brigham Young University, 1994), 39–48; Keith W. Perkins, “De Witt—Prelude to Expulsion,” in Garr and Johnson, Regional Studies in Latter-day Saint History: Missouri, 261–80.
8. The day of this event was Thursday, October 25, 1838. On the evening of October 24, Church members Joseph Holbrook and David Juda rode into Far West, Missouri, along with other messengers, to inform Church leaders of the violent incidents of the day, including that Church members Nathan Pinkham Jr., William Seely, and Addison Green, had been taken prisoners by what they assumed was a mob of Latter-day Saint antagonists. It was a militia being led by Captain Samuel Bogart who were harassing Latter-day Saints living near the border of Ray and Caldwell counties. Around midnight, the decision was made to call out the Caldwell County militia and rescue the prisoners, fearing that the prisoners would be executed if they waited too long. Early on the morning of October 25, the Caldwell militia, led by David Patten, fought with the Ray militia led by Bogart, resulting in one immediate Latter-day Saint death and nine injured (two of those would later decease), and one death and six injured among the Ray County militia. Quickly, exaggerated reports spread that the Latter-day Saints were planning on attacking other settlements outside of Caldwell and Daviess counties. See Alexander L. Baugh, “A Call to Arms: The 1838 Mormon Defense of Northern Missouri” (PhD diss., Brigham Young University, 1996; BYU Studies, 2000), 99–109.
9. If the author is accurate in this occurring on Sunday morning, then it was October 28, 1838.
11. The account of how many men in the Ray County militia who were killed in the battle is accurate. The “Bullet Proof” leader being referred to here is likely David Patten, who led the Caldwell County militia in the Battle at Crooked River and who was shot soon after he made the decision to charge on Captain Bogart’s men. He died about four in the afternoon following the battle. See Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 102–8.
12. Chariton County, Missouri, is directly east of Carroll County.
13. The militia gathering in Ray County was assembling under the command of David R. Atchison. The author here failed to mention that Atchison was dismissed on October 30 while camped seven miles south of Far West and replaced with Major General John B. Clark, who took control of the operation while Atchison returned home. Samuel D. Lucas, a major general in command of the forces from Jackson and Lafayette, had assisted Atchison and remained after he left. Lucas took control of the entire regional militia until Clark arrived, an action which Governor Boggs later reprimanded. Lucas almost immediately pushed to march on Far West. The Latter-day Saints made their force seem more formidable by positioning their men several feet apart in line of defense around the city. See Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 135–37. Fleak’s recollections offer several unique details of this battle.
14. Several meetings were held between leaders in Caldwell County militia, such as Reed Peck and George Hinkle, and Brigadier General Alexander Doniphan and Major General Lucas. The aim of these meetings was to negotiate peace. Lucas demanded the imprisonment and punishment of Latter-day Saint leaders along with the Saints to surrender their arms and leave Missouri. For an account of the negotiations and surrender, see Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 137–52.
15. This account conveniently excludes information of the military occupation of Far West, in which arms were seized and homes searched, often in such a way that destroyed much Latter-day Saint property. Then men were forced to sign a document and swear that they were voluntarily deeding their property to the state to pay for the expenses of war. See Baugh, “Call to Arms,” 151.
16. This information is inaccurate. Joseph Smith and other Church leaders were taken to Independence, Missouri, where they were mostly treated with respect. After four days there, they were moved to Richmond, in Ray County, Missouri, where they would face a court of inquiry. The inquiry lasted from November 12 to 28. On December 1, the prisoners were charged with treason and sent to Liberty, in Clay County. They remained imprisoned there until April 1839, when they escaped. They arrived in Quincy, Illinois, on April 22, 1839, where many of the Saints had gathered. See Richard Lyman Bushman with Jed Woodworth, Joseph Smith: Rough Stone Rolling (Alfred A. Knopf, 2005), 368–82.
17. Not all Fleak’s interactions with the Latter-day Saints in Missouri was negative. Elijah Reed, a Latter-day Saint, later explained that Fleak interceded when a mob drove him from his home in Ray County and threatened him: “[the men] Resolved to Drive me & two others out of the Country forthwith but Mr. L. B. Fleak a Neighbor of mine Kindly Interceded For me & my Fam[ily] . . . [and] Prevailed upon to let . . . us Stay untill we were able to remove.” Clark V. Johnson, ed., Mormon Redress Petitions: Documents of the 1833–1838 Missouri Conflict (Religious Studies Center, Brigham Young University, 1992), 326.
18. St. Francisville, Missouri, is right along the Des Moines River, which separates Missouri from Iowa, about ten miles west of Keokuk, Iowa.
19. It is interesting to note that thieving was already a problem in this area before the Latter-day Saints arrived, but after their arrival, much of the thieving was blamed on the Saints. This recognition of thieving prior to the Saints arrival is present in many accounts of Latter-day Saint contemporaries. Claims of theft and robbery on all sides were often made in river towns in this developing and largely unregulated era. See generally Bill Shepard, “Stealing at Mormon Nauvoo,” John Whitmer Historical Association Journal 23 (2003): 92–93; John E. Hallwas and Roger D. Launius, Cultures in Conflict: A Documentary History of the Mormon War in Illinois (Logan: Utah State University Press: 1995), 67–77; Brady Winslow, “David W. Kilbourne: The Creation of an Iowa Anti-Mormon,” Annals of Iowa 78, no. 3 (2019): 249, 253
20. The current town of Winchester, Missouri, is about ten miles south of St. Francisville, Missouri.
21. Valencourt Vanorsdal moved to this area in 1827 with his family at the age of ten. History of Lee County, Iowa, 715.
22. John Loomis, born January 17, 1817, married Sarah Chalfront in 1846. He died in February of 1875. History of Lee County, Iowa, 721.
23. Dr. Samuel C. Muir has been identified by some as the founder, or cofounder with Isaac Galland, of Keokuk since he built the first house in the area in 1820. History of Lee County, Iowa, 615. For a sketch of his life, see Isaac R. Campbell, “Recollections of the Early Settlement of Lee Co.,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 5, no. 3 (1867): 889–90.
24. This is most likely Mrs. Lucy Gaines, the wife of John Gaines. He came to the area in 1831, served as the first unofficial postmaster, and died on April 21, 1839. See Nelson Commins Roberts and Samuel W. Moorhead, eds., Story of Lee County, Iowa, 2 vols. (S. J. Clarke, 1914), 1:137, 139, 147.
25. The 1840 United States Census for Lee County, Iowa, shows James and John Wright, each with their own families, Archibald Gilliland, with a good-sized family, John Gilleland, who had no wife with him at the time of the census, and Alexander Kerr, with a good-sized family. These could possibly be the families referred to here. “United States, Census, 1840,” Iowa Territory, Lee County, Township 65, image 5, FamilySearch, The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, accessed August 15, 2025, https://familysearch.org/ark:/61903/3:1:33SQ-GYYL-93R2?cc=1786457&wc=31SV-PBM%3A1588666013%2C1588666055%2C1588666279, citing NARA microfilm publication M704 (Washington D.C.: National Archives and Records Administration, n.d.); “United States, Census, 1840,” Iowa Territory, Lee County, Township 65, image 1.
26. The Des Moines Rapids stretched over the Mississippi River from Keokuk, Iowa (Warsaw, Illinois, on the east side), to Montrose, Iowa (Nauvoo, Illinois, on the east side) and made the river difficult to navigate. Because of this, boats carrying cargo had to stop at one of these towns, unload their cargo, and have it transported by land, a process called lightering or lightening. While this was inconvenient for river travel, it afforded these towns unique business opportunity, as residents in these towns operated lightering businesses. See Ben Hur Wilson, “The Des Moines Rapids Canal,” Palimpsest 5, no. 4 (1924): 117–18.
27. William Price moved to the area in 1831, the same year as John Gaines, Thomas W. Taylor, and others. He “was well known as a turbulent character, always getting into fights and whipping some one, for he was a bully, and sometimes he got whipped himself.” J. M. Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, and New Comers, the Mormon Bandits and Danite Band (Keokuk, Iowa, 1876), 29–30. See also Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:137.
28. Sometime close to or before 1828, the American Fur Company “erected a row of five houses at the junction of Blondeau and Levee streets” and employed a manager, clerks, hunters, and trappers there. The buildings were known as “Rat Row.” In 1832, at the breakout of the Black Hawk War, the American Fur Company sold the buildings to Isaac R. Campbell. See Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:136; Campbell, “Recollections of the Early Settlement of Lee Co.,” 890.
29. Nashville, Iowa, today known as Galland, Iowa, is less than five miles south of Montrose, Iowa, along the Mississippi River.
30. For more on the life of Isaac Galland and his claim to the land in the area, see Lyndon W. Cook, “Isaac Galland—Mormon Benefactor,” BYU Studies 19, no. 3 (1979): 261–84; and Susan Easton Black, “Isaac Galland: Both Sides of the River,” Nauvoo Journal 8, no. 2 (1996): 3–9.
31. One captain later recalled that the Rosalie, “commanded by Captain M. Littleton, . . . was the first steamer which made two regular trips to Keokuk from below in 1838.” See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 131.
32. This is mostly likely John Gaines. He came to the area in 1831, served as the first unofficial postmaster, and died on April 21, 1839. See Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:137, 139, 147.
33. Abraham B. Chittenden moved to Keokuk from Warsaw, Illinois, in 1840. Chittenden’s father and brothers remained in Warsaw and become involved in the Anti-Mormon party involved in Hancock County, Illinois. His father, Abraham I. Chittenden, was the chairman for the first official Anti-Mormon meeting, which was held in Warsaw on June 19, 1841, and his brothers, William W. Chittenden and Edward F. Chittenden, were at Carthage Jail when Joseph and Hyrum Smith were killed. See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 59; “Anti-Mormon Meeting,” Warsaw (Ill.) Signal, June 23, 1841; Th. Gregg, History of Hancock County, Illinois, Together with an Outline History of the State, and a Digest of State Laws (Chicago, 1880), 659.
34. William S. McGavic was a business partner of Chittenden for quite some time. See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 59.
35. Lyman Eugene Johnson (1811–1859) was baptized into the Church in Hiram, Ohio, in 1831. He quickly became an elder and then a high priest, served missions to the eastern states and New England, and to Upper Canada, he participated in the Camp of Israel expedition, and was a member of the Quorum of the Twelve from 1835 to 1838. He was disfellowshipped on September 3, 1837 but then restored to full fellowship on September 10, 1837. He was then excommunicated on April 13, 1838 in Far West, Missouri, when Alanson Ripley put forth several charges against Johnson, and Johnson, finding these charges disrespectful, wrote that he would “withdraw my self from your society and fellowship.” “Minute Book 2,” 128, Joseph Smith Papers, Church Historian’s Press, accessed September 26, 2019, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/minute-book-2/131. Thus, this account is slightly incorrect about when he split from the Church. He then moved to Iowa Territory and practiced law at Davenport, Iowa, and Keokuk, Iowa. “Johnson, Lyman Eugene,” Joseph Smith Papers, Church Historian’s Press, accessed September 26, 2019, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/person/lyman-eugene-johnson.
36. Johnson married Sarah Lang (Long) on September 4, 1834. Milton V. Backman Jr. with Keith Perkins and Susan Easton, comp., A Profile of Latter-day Saints of Kirtland, Ohio, and Members of Zion’s Camp, 1830–1839: Vital Statistics and Sources, 2nd ed. (Department of Church History and Doctrine and Religious Studies Center, BYU, 1983), 40.
37. Prairie Du Chien, Wisconsin, is about two hundred miles North of Keokuk, Iowa, right along the Mississippi River.
38. John Hillis appears on the United States Census in 1840 in Lee County, Iowa Territory. “United States, Census, 1840,” Iowa Territory, Lee County, Township 65, image 5.
39. None of the governors of Indiana had the same last name, but David Hillis (1785–1845) was the lieutenant governor of Indiana from 1837 to 1840 under Governor David Wallace. “Previous Lt. Governors,” IN.gov, accessed November 2, 2025, https://www.in.gov/lg/about-the-office/previous-lt-governors/.
40. Hillis must have already begun using the facility as a hotel when the census was taken in 1840 because it records that there were thirteen adults living with Hillis.
41. One history of Lee County, Iowa, records, “The First Methodist Church of Keokuk was established in 1840 by Rev. Samuel Clark, though the organization was not perfected until the following year. Services were held irregularly for a time in the old schoolhouse at the corner of Third and Johnson streets, but on August 27, 1847, a brick house of worship, 42 by 60 feet, was dedicated, with Rev. B. H. Russell as pastor.” Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:325.
42. Jesse B. Browne became very involved in politics in Iowa following his involvement in the Black Hawk War and subsequent settlement in Iowa Territory. Among other political appointments, Browne became a justice of the peace and a criminal lawyer. On October 16, 1845, at an Anti-Mormon meeting in Fort Madison, Iowa, Browne was selected, along with Col. William Patterson, as an Anti-Mormon candidate for the upcoming election to represent Lee County in the legislature. See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 46–48. For more on Browne, see Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:66, 77, 359, 363; History of Lee County, Iowa, 223, 383, 438, 478, 545, 601; Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 15, 59, 61, 91, 128-129.
43. For more on Colonel Stephen W. Kearny and his connection to Fort Des Moines, see Harry Herndon Polk, “Old Fort Des Moines,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 36, no. 6 (1962): 425–36.
44. The Missouri-Iowa border conflict caused tensions between the state of Missouri and the Territory of Iowa for several decades in the early 1800s. In 1839, the conflict nearly erupted into violence in 1839. Lilburn Boggs, governor of Missouri, and Robert Lucas, governor of Iowa Territory, threatened each other in local newspapers and, after Boggs called out the state militia, troops from Missouri and Iowa gathered near the border. Fortunately, the war never actualized in fighting, and a peace was reached. For more on the border conflict, see Derek R. Everett, “To Shed Our Blood for Our Beloved Territory: The Iowa-Missouri Borderland,” Annals of Iowa, 3rd ser., 67, no. 4 (2008): 269–97.
45. Edward Johnstone (1815–?) was a lawyer and political leader in Iowa. He served as a commissioner to gather testimonies regarding the Half-Breed Tract and interacted with the Latter-day Saints several times. Before going to Carthage, Joseph Smith wrote to Johnstone for legal advice. In the fall of 1845, Johnstone led an indignation meeting in Montrose regarding recent illegal activities supposedly committed by neighboring Latter-day Saints. This meeting was subsequently followed by a larger meeting in Fort Madison on October 16, 1845, at which Johnstone was a leader who helped to select an Anti-Mormon ticket for the upcoming election. See “Letter to Edward Johnstone, 23 June 1844,” Joseph Smith Papers, accessed September 14, 2025, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/paper-summary/letter-to-edward-johnstone-23-june-1844/1; Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 46–48; for a brief sketch of his life, see Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 2:242–46; and “Johnstone (Johnston), Edward,” Joseph Smith Papers, accessed April 22, 2026, https://www.josephsmithpapers.org/person/edward-johnstone-johnston.
46. Henry J. Campbell served as a representative for Lee County of Iowa Territory in 1841. He was, in one history, referred to as “the founder of Democracy in Lee County.” History of Lee County, Iowa, 499, 545. He appears on the 1840 United States Census for Lee County, Iowa Territory. “United States, Census, 1840,” Iowa Territory, Lee County, Township 65, image 1.
47. According to some histories of Lee County, Moses Gray built the Keokuk House in 1839. Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:138; History of Lee County, Iowa, 617.
49. For more on Isaac Galland and his sales to the Latter-day Saints, see Cook, “Isaac Galland,” 261–84; and Black, “Isaac Galland,” 3–9.
50. For more on the competing claims on the Half-Breed Tract between Isaac Galland and the New York Land Company, see D. W. Kilbourne and E. Kilbourne, “Latter-Day-Ism: Number Two,” Warsaw (Ill.) Signal, October 27, 1841, pp. 204–8 herein; Mark Goodmansen, Conspiracy at Carthage: The Plot to Murder Joseph Smith (Cedar Fort, 2016), 147–211.
51. “Sweet William” William Coleman is listed among the “old settlers” of Keokuk in Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 12. William Coleman was appointed a judge in Montrose, Iowa. See History of Lee County, Iowa, 436.
52. Dr. Justin Millard became mayor of Keokuk, Iowa, on April 17, 1848. See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 152.
53. James Mackley was elected an alderman for Keokuk in 1848. Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:140.
54. For another account of this event, see Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 151.
55. In Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, Brooks is referred to as “Cock-eyed Brooks” or “Brooksie.” For stories of Brooks, see Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 59–61.
56. Historian Timothy R. Mahoney, in his book Provincial Lives, provides an analysis of the male subcultures of Keokuk, Iowa, during this time. By examining all the biographical sketches in the Caleb F. Davis Collection, Mahoney analyzes the use of nicknames among the men in Keokuk, the effect of the proximity to the river, and aspects of a booster economy which made this male subculture unique. Timothy R. Mahoney, Provincial Lives: Middle-Class Experience in the Antebellum Middle West (Cambridge University Press, 1999), 83–101.
57. Hawkins Taylor wrote about Fleak’s appointment, explaining that “L. B. Fleak who had just been appointed justice of the peace and Valercomt Vanorsdall and Col Miller with me entered into a compact to rid the place [Keokuk] of her desperadoes. Fleak was to commit when convicted of crime before him and to refuse to accept any one a bail except Vanorsdall or Willis, and were to refuse to go bail, and I was to see that they did not break jail, but a few months before the prisoners had burnt the jail at Fort Madison and escaped, under this compact it was but a few months until I had seven of the worst of them in the cellar of the penitentiary with a log chain shackled to their ankle, three of them were sent to the penitentiary the others after being chained in that cellar for six months and barely escaping the penitentiary were desperadoes no more. From that day on the law and order party has been master of the situation in Keokuk.” Hawkins Taylor, Autobiographical Sketch (1880s), in Caleb F. Davis scrapbooks, 3:47, Caleb F. Davis Collection, State Historical Society of Iowa, Des Moines, pp. 137–38 herein.
58. It is unclear who this Mr. Aldrich is. The Iowa Stake minutes (see pp. 411–58 herein) records no Latter-day Saint named Aldrich living in Iowa Territory at this time.
59. Latter-day Saints certainly began to seek redress for their losses soon after migrating to Nauvoo, Illinois, and the surrounding areas. For a collection of documents pertaining to the losses of the Latter-day Saints in Missouri and their attempts to seek redress, see Johnson, Mormon Redress Petitions. For more on the persecution that the Latter-day Saints faced in Missouri which led to their removal from the state, see Thomas M. Spencer, ed., The Missouri Mormon Experience (University of Missouri Press, 2010).
60. There have been many accounts of thieving done in the greater Nauvoo, Illinois, area during the time that the Latter-day Saints were there. Undoubtedly, some of this thieving was committed by Latter-day Saints. Very little evidence indicates that any of this activity was condoned, encouraged, or protected by the Church. For an account of thieving in Nauvoo and surrounding areas, see Hallwas and Launius, Cultures in Conflict, 67–80.
61. This account seems to be the only account of this Keokuk meeting. Later, in October 1845, a couple of indignation meetings were held in Montrose and Fort Madison for the purpose of forming an anti-Mormon political party, electing candidates for an anti-Mormon ticket, and creating resolutions to drive the remaining Latter-day Saints from Lee County. However, Fleak would not have been present for this 1845 meeting as he was living in Missouri at that time. Additionally, the detailed accounts of the meeting do not record his presence. However, one of the accounts of this meeting records that Edward Johnstone, who was “the principle speaker,” told those present at the Fort Madison indignation meeting that “the Mormons should be expelled from the county—‘peaceably if possible, forcibly if necessary.’” Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:359. There are many possible explanations for the similarity between the statements, each supposed to be given by separate individuals at separate meetings, and it is ultimately impossible to know the truth of these possibilities. However, it is strange that while the 1845 indignation meetings are recorded by multiple sources and in detail, there appears to be no other account of the 1843 meeting in Keokuk except for this one. For a detailed account of the 1845 anti-Mormon meetings in Lee County, Iowa, see Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 46–54.
62. It is unclear who Mr. and Mrs. Johnson are. The Iowa Stake minutes (see pp. 411–58 herein) have no record of any Latter-day Saints by the name of Johnson living in Lee County. The 1840 census record a Clark Johnson living in Township 65, which could possibly be the Johnson referred to here. “United States, Census, 1840,” Iowa Territory, Lee County, Township 65, image 1.
63. This meeting could perhaps be the 1845 Anti-Mormon meeting, but there are two major discrepancies which make that unlikely. The first is that the 1845 meetings were held in Montrose and Fort Madison, not Keokuk. The other is that Fleak was not present for the 1845 meetings. Thus, it seems unlikely that this Keokuk meeting is the same as the 1845 meetings. It is more likely that this meeting was held in November 1841. On November 24, 1841, the Warsaw Signal reported that the citizens “below this place” had met together and formally given their notice to the Mormon families residing in the neighborhood that they needed “to leave in a certain number of days, under the penalty of being removed, vi et armis, in case of refusal.” The article continued that “citizens of Iowa, living above Montrose, were about adopting the same course pursued by our citizens here, in regards to the Mormons. A committee was to wait on the families, and give them notice to quit, and if they do not obey, the neighborhood is pledged to drive them.” The phrase “above Montrose” seems to indicate a location north of Montrose, which would not include Keokuk, but it is possible that the author received incomplete or incorrect information about the meeting. Thus, it is possible, given Fleak’s biographer’s uncertainty about the date of the Keokuk meeting, that this entry in the Signal is referring to the Keokuk meeting. See “Excitement in Iowa,” Warsaw Signal, November 24, 1841, 2.
64. The attempted assassination of Lilburn Boggs occurred on May 6, 1842. At first, rumors spread that the assassination had been successful, leading to Latter-day Saints in Nauvoo happily spreading the news of his demise. But Boggs recovered after two weeks of being on the verge of death. Letters written close to the event and court proceedings do not discuss a note found. There was a pistol found outside his home supposedly dropped by the perpetrator. If a note had been found, it seems that it would have been used or referenced in the following legal proceedings, but Boggs did write that he had “Evidence and information in his possession” which convinced him that Smith was behind the assassination. He never presented such evidence. See Morris A. Thurston, “The Boggs Shooting and Attempted Extradition: Joseph Smith’s Most Famous Case,” BYU Studies 48, no. 1 (2009): 13.
65. Governor Thomas Reynolds, then governor of Missouri, did attempt to extradite Smith as a “fugitive from Justice.” However, it took several weeks and a letter from David W. Kilbourne for anyone to suspect that Smith and other Mormons could be behind the assassination attempt (the first suspect was a man by the name of Tompkins), and several months before extradition attempts were made. Additionally, there does not appear to be any extant evidence that Boggs offered a reward, particularly one that substantial. Governor Thomas Carlin of Illinois did offer a reward of $200 in September 1842. See Thurston, “Boggs Shooting and Attempted Extradition,” 9–26.
66. Levi Williams was one of the men charged with the murder of the Smiths. See Dallin H. Oaks and Marvin S. Hill, Carthage Conspiracy: The Trial of the Accused Assassins of Joseph Smith (University of Illinois Press, 1975), 38.
67. This appears to be the only account of Fleak’s undercover Danite friend, whose name he conveniently forgot, and the only account of the attempt on his life by the Danites.
68. This process, called lighting, lightering, or lightening, gave economic opportunities to these town right around the Des Moines Rapids. Because of the rapids in this part of the Mississippi, boats carrying heavy cargo had to unload their goods unto a wagon of some sort to be transported past the rapids on land. The goods could then be reloaded after the boat was past the rapids. This had to be done about nine or ten months out of the year, when the rapids were impassible. See Craig James Ostler and Brooke LeFevre, “Missing Competitor: The Influence of the Demise of Nauvoo’s Mormon Community on Warsaw, Illinois,” John Whitmer Historical Journal 38, no. 2 (2018): 25–26; and Donald L. Enders, “The Des Moines Rapids: A History of Its Adverse Effects on Mississippi River Traffic and Its Use as a Source of Water Power to 1860” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1973).
70. Jesse Kilgore escaped with another convict, Elijah Heraelson, on July 18, 1844, from the Iowa Penitentiary. Heraelson was caught and died shortly after while felling trees near Fort Madison. See “Capture and Death of Heraelson, Alias Vincent, One of the Convicts Who Lately Escaped from the Penitentiary at For Madison,” Iowa Territorial Gazette and Advertiser, July 27, 1844, 2, https://www.loc.gov/resource/sn84037932/1844-07-27/ed-1/?sp=2; “Two convicts named . . . ,” Bloomington (Iowa) Herald, July 19, 1844, 2, https://www.loc.gov/resource/sn85050801/1844-07-19/ed-1/?sp=2.
71. Brunswick, Missouri, is about 85 miles east of Independence, Missouri, and about 150 miles southwest of Keokuk, Iowa.
72. For more on the development of anti-Mormonism in Hancock County, Illinois, see Oaks and Hill, Carthage Conspiracy, 11–14; J. Spencer Fluhman, A Peculiar People: Anti-Mormonism and the Making of Religion in Nineteenth-Century America (University of North Carolina Press, 2012), 95–104; and Benjamin E. Park, Kingdom of Nauvoo: The Rise and Fall of a Religious Empire on the American Frontier (Liveright, 2020), 78–81, 178–179.
73. Archibald Williams was the Whig chairman at a meeting held in Quincy on September 19, 1845, which urged the Saints to leave. See Glen M. Leonard, Nauvoo: A Place of Peace, a People of Promise (Deseret Book; Brigham Young University Press, 2002), 534–35.
74. During the first half of the year of 1846, the Hancock Guard, established by Governor Thomas Ford under the direction of Major William B. Warren, had kept the peace, preventing any violence between the Mormons and anti-Mormons. On June 1, the group was discharged. Warren told citizens that they did not need to drive the Latter-day Saints out and that they would all leave as soon as they could. However, without the protection of the guard, violence did soon break out. The Latter-day Saints left in Nauvoo and the surrounding towns were too poor to afford the supplies necessary to leave. Vigilante groups began to harass Latter-day Saint families that were scattered around Hancock County, engaging in violence such as whipping men and threatening them if they did not leave. Thomas Sharp, editor of the Warsaw Signal, was using his periodical to declare war in Hancock County. Latter-day Saints gathered to Nauvoo, and Stephen Markham formed a small Nauvoo militia. A man named John McAuley organized a posse and captured a group of eight Latter-day Saints working harvesting wheat on a farm outside of Nauvoo and had them each lashed twenty times, then stole or destroyed their weapons. This started a slough of arrests that the Saints made of McAuley and other anti-Mormons. The Pontoosuc Regulators, another local militia, responded by capturing several Latter-day Saints and holding them hostage until McAuley and others were released. Eventually, both sides released their prisoners, but then a nearby county sheriff came to arrest William Pickett, one of the men who had delivered the warrant to McAuley. Pickett posted bail, then swore to never submit to arrest again. John Carlin, who was a special constable of Hancock County, was then brought in and given writs against William Pickett and two others. Pickett refused to leave Nauvoo. See Leonard, Nauvoo, 595–605.
75. This actually occurred in August 1846. See Leonard, Nauvoo, 604.
76. Governor Ford first sent Major James R. Parker with ten militiamen to try to stop the vigilantes. Officers such as Warren had left for the Mexican War. Carlin and others, however, rejected Parker’s authority. As forces gathered, Parker communicated with Singleton and Chittenden of the Carthage militia to try to come to a peace agreement. When Carlin refused to support any peace agreement, Singleton and Chittenden resigned and were replaced by Colonel Thomas Brockman. Major Benjamin Clifford of Quincy then replaced Parker in Nauvoo. Both sides were preparing for war, and Ford then sent Mason Brayman to investigate. Brayman visited both camps, estimated how many Latter-day Saints were left in Nauvoo, and wrote to Ford of the destitute condition of the Saints in Nauvoo. He and a few others searched for a peaceful resolution to the conflict. See Leonard, Nauvoo, 605–8.
77. William Hickman, who was one of the last defenders of Nauvoo, explained that they created a make-shift cannon from a steamboat’s shaft. See William Adams Hickman, Brigham’s Destroying Angel: Being the Life, Confession, and Startling Disclosures of the Notorious Bill Hickman, the Danite Chief of Utah (New York, 1872), 42; and Darrell E. Jones, “The Cannon’s Roar: Pioneer Artillery and the Saints,” in Artifacts Speak: Revisiting Old Stories about Treasured Latter-day Saint Heirlooms, ed. Glen M. Leonard (BYU Studies, 2021), 401–2.
78. Glen Leonard’s Nauvoo explains, “A supply of muskets ordered by a Nauvoo merchant had been seized at Keokuk and diverted to the anti-Mormon camp.” Leonard, Nauvoo, 606.
79. This appears to be the end of the article written by Hawkins Taylor and published in the Brighton Sun, which Fleak is quoting from here. It is unclear what Taylor is referencing here by saying that it was four years later that the Saints evacuated. After the Battle of Nauvoo ended, Latter-day Saints, along with “Jack Mormons,” those who sympathized with the Mormons, were driven out of Nauvoo by Brockman and his forces. These forces also looted and vandalized the city. The Latter-day Saint refugees now desperately crossing the Mississippi could not afford to do so and ended up forming poor camps along the river. See Leonard, Nauvoo, 613–16.
80. One history of Lee County explains, “In 1839 Moses Gray built the old ‘Keokuk House,’ a frame structure, three stories in height, built of split lumber and roofed with clapboards. . . . Mr. Fleak rented the house and opened it as a hotel. . . . A large addition to the hotel was built two years later. Prince de Joinville and his retinue were guests at this hotel soon after the addition was completed.” Roberts and Moorhead, Story of Lee County, Iowa, 1:138.
81. Mary Margrave was a spiritualist. One history recounted, “Rev. Hummer lost a colt and thought it had been stolen. He went to Mary for a revelation where to find it, and Mary told him, after consulting the spirits, just where it was, and described the place, the farm of a widow Smith over across the river, and a party was sent to the farm and captured what was supposed to be the colt. The widow protested it was her colt, that she had raised it; but Dr. Margrave and his crowd put it on a sled, there being snow on the ground and the river frozen over, and hauled it off triumphantly to Keokuk. But the end was not yet; the Smith family did not submit tamely to this trespass or mistake, or by what ever name you would call it. They came to Keokuk and replevied the colt before a Justice of the Peace. A tremendous excitement was created by this movement in Illinois and Keokuk, the whole town was in an uproar. Witnesses were subpeoned on both sides, and a cloud of witnesses appeared at the trial.” See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 76.
82. Hummer and Mary Margrave were arrested for adultery. See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 77.
83. In April 1849, John B. Russell “sold his interest to Doyle, but remained for a time as associate editor. He died of cholera while thus employed.” From about 1849 to 1852, “cholera prevailed to an alarming extent.” See History of Lee County, Iowa, 536, 845.
84. When referring to an agreement made, he is most likely referring to the Lee County anti-Mormon meeting held on October 16, 1845. See Reid, Sketches and Anecdotes of the Old Settlers, 46–54.
85. Rev. Joseph Brooks was in Keokuk from 1849 to 1850. See History of Lee County, Iowa, 638.
86. Fairfield, Iowa, is about sixty miles northwest of Keokuk.
87. In October 1848, there was a fire that completely gutted the temple and left only the walls standing. Then, on May 27, 1850, a tornado struck and blew down the walls of the temple. See Don F. Colvin “A Historical Study of the Mormon Temple at Nauvoo, Illinois” (master’s thesis, Brigham Young University, 1962), 182–84; and Joseph Earl Arrington, “Destruction of the Mormon Temple at Nauvoo,” Journal of the Illinois State Historical Society 40, no. 4 (December 1947): 414–25.
88. Libertyville, Iowa, is about ten miles southwest of Fairfield.
89. For more information on Fleak’s time in Brighton, Iowa, see Kathy Fisher, In the Beginning There Was Land: A History of Washington County, Iowa (Washington County Historical Society, 1978), 54, 56, 227, 232, 245, 299.
90. The page is numbered incorrectly as 185. It should be 175.